The Centre for Internet and Society
https://cis-india.org
These are the search results for the query, showing results 21 to 35.
Iron out contradictions in the Digital India programme
https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/hindustan-times-july-15-2015-sumandro-chattapadhyay-iron-out-contradictions-in-the-digital-india-programme
<b>The Digital India initiative takes an ambitious 'Phir Bhi Dil Hai Hindustani' approach to develop communication infrastructure, government information systems, and general capacity to digitise public life in India. I of course use 'public life' in the sense of the wide sphere of interactions between people and public institutions.</b>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The article was published in the <a class="external-link" href="http://www.hindustantimes.com/analysis/iron-out-contradictions-in-the-digital-india-programme/article1-1369276.aspx">Hindustan Times</a> on July 15, 2015.</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify; ">The 'Phir Bhi Dil Hai Hindustani' approach involves putting together Japanese shoes, British trousers, and a Russian cap to make an entertainer with a pure Indian heart. In this case, the analogy must not be understood as different components of the initiative coming from different countries, but as coming from different efforts to use digital technologies for governance in India.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">It is deploying the Public Information Infrastructure vision, inclusive of the National Optical Fibre Network (now renamed as BharatNet) and the national cloud computing platform titled Meghraj, so passionately conceptualised and pursued by Sam Pitroda. It has chosen the Aadhaar ID and the authentication-as-a-service infrastructure built by Nandan Nilekani, Ram Sewak Sharma, and the team, as the identity platform for all governmental processes across Digital India projects. It has closely embraced the mandate proposed by Jaswant Singh led National Task Force on Information Technology and Software Development for completely electronic interface for paper-free citizen-government interactions.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The digital literacy and online education aspects of the initiative build upon the National Mission on Education through ICT driven by Kapil Sibal. Two of the three vision areas of the Digital India initiative, namely 'Digital infrastructure as a utility to every citizen' and 'governance and service on demand,' are directly drawn from the two core emphasis clusters of the National e-Governance Plan designed by R. Chandrashekhar and team, namely the creation of the national and state-level network and data infrastructures, and the National Mission Mode projects to enable electronic delivery of services across ministries.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">And this is not a bad thing at all. In fact, the need for this programmatic and strategic convergence has been felt for quite some time now, and it is wonderful to see the Prime Minister directly addressing this need. Although, while drawing benefits from the existing programmes, the DI initiative must also deal with the challenges inherited in the process.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Recently circulated documents describes that the institutional framework for Digital India will be headed by a Monitoring Committee overseeing two main drivers of the initiative: the Digital India Advisory Group led by the minister of communication and information technology, and the Apex Committee chaired by the cabinet secretary. While the former will function primarily through guiding the implementation works by the Department of Electronics and Information Technology (DeitY), the latter will lead the activities of both the DeitY and the various sectoral ministries.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Here lies one possible institutional bottleneck that the Digital India architecture inherits from the National e-Governance Plan. Putting the DeitY in the driving seat of the digital transformation agenda in parallel with all other central government departments indicate an understanding that the transformation is fundamentally a technical issue. However, most often what is needed is administrative reform at a larger scale, and re-engineering of processes at a smaller scale.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Government agencies that have addressed such challenges in the past, such as the department of administrative reforms and public grievances, is not mentioned explicitly within the institutional framework, and instead DeitY has been trusted with a range of tasks that may be beyond its scope and core skills.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The danger of this is that the Digital India initiative will end up initiating more infrastructural and software projects, without transforming the underlying governmental processes. For example, the recently launched eBasta website creates a centralised online shop for publishers of educational materials to make books available for teachers to browse and select for their classes, and for the students to directly download, against payment or otherwise. The website has been developed by the Centre for Development of Advanced Computing and DeitY. At the same time, the ministry of human resource development, which is responsible for matters related to public education, has already collaborated with the Central Institute of Educational Technology and the Homi Bhabha Centre for Science Education in TIFR to build a comprehensive platform for multi-media resources for education – the National Repository of Open Educational Resources. The initial plans of the DI initiative are yet to explicitly recognise that the key challenge is not in building new applications and websites, but aligning existing efforts.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">This mismatch, between what the Digital India initiative proposes to achieve and how it plans to achieve it, is further demonstrated in the 'e-Governance Policy Initiatives under Digital India' document. The compilation lists the key policies to govern designing and implementation of the Digital India programmes, but surprisingly fails to mention any policies, acts, and pending bills approved or initiated by any previous government. This is remarkably counter-productive as the existing policy frameworks, such as the Framework for Mobile Governance, the National Data Sharing and Accessibility Policy, and the Interoperability Framework for e-Governance, are suitably placed to complement the new policies around use of free of open source softwares for e-governance systems, so as to ensure their transparency, interoperability, and inclusive outreach. Several pending bills like The National Identification Authority of India Bill, 2010, The Electronic Delivery of Services Bill, 2011, and The Privacy (Protection) Bill, 2013, are absolutely fundamental for comprehensive and secure implementation of the various programmes under the Digital India initiative.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The next year will complete a decade of development of national e-governance systems in India, since the launch of National e-Governance Plan in 2006. Given this history of information systems sometimes partially implemented and sometimes working in isolation, a 'Phir Bhi Dil Hai Hindustani' approach to digitise India is a very pragmatic one. What we surely do not need is increased contradiction among e-governance systems. Simultaneously, we neither need digital systems that centralise governmental power within one ministry on technical grounds, or expose citizens to abuse of their digital identity and assets due to lack of sufficient legal frameworks.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; "><i><b>(Sumandro Chattapadhyay is research director, The Centre for Internet and Society. The views expressed are personal.)</b></i></p>
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For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/hindustan-times-july-15-2015-sumandro-chattapadhyay-iron-out-contradictions-in-the-digital-india-programme'>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/hindustan-times-july-15-2015-sumandro-chattapadhyay-iron-out-contradictions-in-the-digital-india-programme</a>
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No publishersumandroDigital IndiaInternet GovernanceE-GovernanceICT2015-07-28T01:04:28ZBlog EntryIndia’s digital check
https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/dna-sunil-abraham-july-8-2015-india-digital-check
<b>All nine pillars of Digital India directly correlate with policy research conducted at the Centre for Internet and Society, where I have worked for the last seven years. This allows our research outputs to speak directly to the priorities of the government when it comes to digital transformation. </b>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The article was originally <a class="external-link" href="http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-india-s-digital-check-2102575">published by DNA</a> on July 8, 2015.</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify; ">Broadband Highways and Universal Access to Mobile Connectivity: The first two pillars have been combined in this paragraph because they both require spectrum policy and governance fixes. Shyam Ponappa, a distinguished fellow at our Centre calls for the leveraging of shared spectrum and also shared backhaul infrastructure. Plurality in spectrum management, for eg, unlicensed spectrum should be promoted for accelerating backhaul or last mile connectivity, and also for community or local government broadband efforts. Other ideas that have been considered by Ponappa include getting state owned telcos to exit completely from the last mile and only focus on running an open access backhaul through Bharat Broadband Limited. Network neutrality regulations are also required to mitigate free speech, diversity and competition harms as ISPs and TSPs innovate with business models such as zero-rating.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Public Internet Access Programme: Continuing investments into Common Service Centres (CSCs) for almost a decade may be questionable and therefore a citizen’s audit should be undertaken to determine how the programme may be redesigned. The reinventing of post offices is very welcome, however public libraries are also in need urgent reinventing. CSCs, post offices and public libraries should all leverage long range WiFi for Internet and intranet, empowering BYOD [Bring Your Own Device] users. Applications will take time to develop and therefore immediate emphasis should be on locally caching Indic language content. State <a href="http://www.dnaindia.com/topic/public-library-acts">Public Library Acts</a> need to be amended to allow for borrowing of digital content. Flat-fee licensing regimes must be explored to increase access to knowledge and culture. Commons-based peer production efforts like Wikipedia and Wikisource need to be encouraged.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">e-Governance: Reforming Government through Technology: DeitY, under the leadership of free software advocate Secretary RS Sharma, has accelerated adoption and implementation of policies supporting non-proprietary approaches to intellectual property in e-governance. Policies exist and are being implemented for free and open source software, open standards and electronic accessibility for the disabled. The proprietary software lobby headed by Microsoft and industry associations like <a href="http://www.dnaindia.com/topic/nasscom">NASSCOM</a> have tried to undermine these policies but have failed so far.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The government should continue to resist such pressures. Universal adoption of electronic signatures within government so that there is a proper audit trail for all communications and transactions should be made an immediate priority. Adherence to globally accepted data protection principles such as minimisation via “form simplification and field reduction” for Digital India should be applauded. But on the other hand the mandatory requirement of Aadhaar for DigiLocker and eSign amounts to contempt of the Supreme Court order in this regard.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">e-Kranti — Electronic Delivery of Services: The 41 mission mode projects listed are within the top-down planning paradigm with a high risk of failure — the funds reserved for these projects should instead be converted into incentives for those public, private and public private partnerships that accelerate adoption of e-governance. The dependency on the National Informatics Centre (NIC) for implementation of <a href="http://www.dnaindia.com/topic/e-governance">e-governance</a> needs to be reduced, SMEs need to be able to participate in the development of e-governance applications. The funds allocated for this area to DeitY have also produced a draft bill for Electronic Services Delivery. This bill was supposed to give RTI-like teeth to e-governance service by requiring each government department and ministry to publish service level agreements [SLAs] for each of their services and prescribing punitive action for responsible institutions and individuals when there was no compliance with the SLAs.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Information for All: The open data community and the Right to Information movement in India are not happy with the rate of implementation of National Data Sharing and Accessibility Policy (NDSAP). Many of the datasets on the Open Data Portal are of low value to citizens and cannot be leveraged commercially by enterprise. Publication of high-value datasets needs to be expedited by amending the proactive disclosure section of the Right to Information Act 2005.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Electronics Manufacturing: Mobile patent wars have begun in India with seven big ticket cases filed at the Delhi High Court. Our Centre has written an open letter to the previous minister for HRD and the current PM requesting them to establish a device level patent pool with a compulsory license of 5%. Thereby replicating India’s success at becoming the pharmacy of the developing world and becoming the lead provider of generic medicines through enabling patent policy established in the 1970s. In a forthcoming paper with Prof Jorge Contreras, my colleague Rohini Lakshané will map around fifty thousand patents associated with mobile technologies. We estimate around a billion USD being collected in royalties for the rights-holders whilst eliminating legal uncertainties for manufacturers of mobile technologies.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">IT for Jobs: Centralised, top-down, government run human resource development programmes are not useful. Instead the government needs to focus on curriculum reform and restructuring of the education system. Mandatory introduction of free and open source software will give Indian students the opportunity to learn by reading world-class software. They will then grow up to become computer scientists rather than computer operators. All projects at academic institutions should be contributions to existing free software projects — these projects could be global or national, for eg, a local government’s e-governance application. The budget allocated for this pillar should instead be used to incentivise research by giving micro-grants and prizes to those students who make key software contributions or publish in peer-reviewed academic journals or participate in competitions. This would be a more systemic approach to dealing with the skills and knowledge deficit amongst Indian software professionals.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Early Harvest Programmes: Many of the ideas here are very important. For example, secure email for government officials — if this was developed and deployed in a decentralised manner it would prevent future surveillance of the Indian government by the NSA. But a few of the other low-hanging fruit identified here don’t really contribute to governance. For example, biometric attendance for bureaucrats is just glorified bean-counting — it does not really contribute to more accountability, transparency or better governance.</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify; "><i>The author works for the Centre for Internet and Society which receives funds from Wikimedia Foundation that has zero-rating alliances with telecom operators in many countries across the world</i></p>
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For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/dna-sunil-abraham-july-8-2015-india-digital-check'>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/dna-sunil-abraham-july-8-2015-india-digital-check</a>
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No publishersunilDigital IndiaInternet GovernanceE-Governance2015-09-15T14:55:47ZBlog EntryHow does the government track all its legal cases?
https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/livemint-september-13-2016-shreeja-sen-how-does-govt-track-all-its-legal-cases
<b>The Legal Information Management and Briefing System , an integral part of the digital India initiative, aims to be a database of all the ongoing cases with the government. </b>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The article by Shreeja Sen <a href="http://www.livemint.com/Politics/e8NH6lBlIFbBss0cP54hrJ/How-does-the-government-track-all-its-legal-cases.html">published by Livemint</a> on September 13, 2016 has quoted Sunil Abraham.</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify; ">More than one lakh cases currently exist on a law ministry platform curated in the last 13 months.The Legal Information Management and Briefing System (LIMBS), aimed to be a database of all the ongoing cases with the government as a party, is part of the government’s push towards digital India.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Law secretary Suresh Chandra said this is a big step under the Digital India project, intended to monitor and ultimately reduce spending on government litigation.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">“The aim is to conduct cases properly. If our system works, along with the national litigation policy, we will be able to prevent 50% cases before they are even filed,” Chandra said.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">According to the government, the project will help reduce delays in filing responses in cases , contempt notices because of such delays and consequent monetary penalties.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The website has also undergone the required security audit under the NIC (national informatics centre), to ensure the data is safe and protected. However, a database like this on the internet comes with its challenges.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">“To ensure client confidentiality, communication should be bilateral between lawyer and client and should be encrypted and even watermarked. If this project allows access to documents by multiple stakeholders without encrypting it for the recipient, then if there is any leak, the documents cannot be traced back to the person who was responsible,” said Sunil Abraham, executive director at Centre for Internet and Society, a non-profit research organisation.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The LIMBS project began internally at the ministry of railway sometime in 2013, but was soon expanded as a single platform across ministries. In July 2015, it was hosted on the NIC server. The law ministry, by a gazette notification on 8 February, formally launched LIMBS to monitor cases filed against the Union government.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">As of now, there is no special budget allocated for this project, which is being handled in house with a team of eight people – four developers on the technology side and four implementers for the case details. The development of the website is being handled by Ajay Gupta, deputy chief vigilance officer, northern railway. From the law ministry, Spriha Johari is the project director responsible for the website.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">As of 12 September, the five ministries with the most uploads on the website were railways (69,469 cases), communications and information technology (7,830), finance (4452), environment (3,189) and defence (2,565).</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Every day, nearly 400-500 cases are added to the portal. In all 58 ministries and their 202 departments have been brought under the LIMBS project.</p>
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For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/livemint-september-13-2016-shreeja-sen-how-does-govt-track-all-its-legal-cases'>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/livemint-september-13-2016-shreeja-sen-how-does-govt-track-all-its-legal-cases</a>
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No publisherpraskrishnaDigital IndiaInternet Governance2016-09-14T10:17:07ZNews ItemFAQ on the Aadhaar Project and the Bill
https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/aadhaar-project-and-bill-faq
<b>This FAQ attempts to address the key questions regarding the Aadhaar/UIDAI project and the Aadhaar (Targeted Delivery of Financial and Other Subsidies, Benefits and Services) Bill, 2016 (henceforth, Bill). This is neither a comprehensive list of questions, nor does it contain fully developed answers. We will continue to add questions to this list, and edit/expand the answers, based on our ongoing research. We will be grateful to receive your comments, criticisms, evidences, edits, suggestions for new answers, and any other responses. These can either be shared as comments in the document hosted on Google Drive, or via tweets sent to the information policy team at @CIS_InfoPolicy. </b>
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<h4>To comment on and/or download the file, click <a href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1ib5bQUgZZ7PABurMHlzmfwZK6932DFQI6hUlad-vwfI/edit?usp=sharing" target="_blank">here</a>.</h4>
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<iframe src="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1ib5bQUgZZ7PABurMHlzmfwZK6932DFQI6hUlad-vwfI/pub?embedded=true" height="500" width="100%"></iframe>
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For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/aadhaar-project-and-bill-faq'>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/aadhaar-project-and-bill-faq</a>
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No publisherElonnai Hickok, Vanya Rakesh, and Vipul KharbandaUIDPrivacyInternet GovernanceFeaturedDigital IndiaAadhaarBiometricsHomepage2016-04-13T14:06:43ZBlog EntryFake Narendra Modi apps aplenty, but it’s up to users to protect themselves
https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/indian-express-december-2-2016-fake-narendra-modi-apps-aplenty-but-it-is-up-to-users-to-protect-themselves
<b>The app, hosted on Google Play store, automatically gets excessive permission including full network access and ability to take pictures and videos once downloaded.</b>
<p>The article was <a class="external-link" href="http://indianexpress.com/article/india/this-fake-narendra-modi-app-can-secretly-take-pictures-shoot-videos-using-your-phone-4407400/">published by Indian Express</a> on December 2, 2016. Pranesh Prakash was quoted. Also see Nandini Yadav's blog post in <a class="external-link" href="http://www.bgr.in/news/beware-of-the-fake-narendra-modi-app-on-google-play-store/">BGR</a> on December 3, 2016.</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify; "><img alt="modi3" class="size-full wp-image-4407413" src="http://images.indianexpress.com/2016/12/modi3.jpeg" /></p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The app, hosted on Google Play store, automatically gets excessive permission including full network access and ability to take pictures and videos once downloaded.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">A “<a href="http://indianexpress.com/about/narendra-modi">Narendra Modi</a>” app, purportedly offered by the Government of India, caught the attention of Internet expert Pranesh Prakash on Thursday as the app developer was found to be using a Bangladesh-based web host and e-mail address. Suggesting that this could be the work of a con-artist, Prakash underlined that granting access to fake apps could lead to security breach. The app, hosted on <a href="http://indianexpress.com/about/google/">Google</a> Play store, automatically gets excessive permission including full network access and ability to take pictures and videos once downloaded. The original NaMo, however, only gets access to read, modify and delete the user’s media files. The “fake” app was downloaded more than 1 lakh times and has an average rating of 4.4 from over 2,000 reviews. A simple search on the play store throws up dozens of Narendra Modi apps, some even calling themselves fake apps. The original app was published by Narendramodi.in and Government Of India. But there are scores of other apps trying to imitate the original.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; "><img src="https://cis-india.org/home-images/NMApp.png" alt="Narendra Modi App" class="image-inline" title="Narendra Modi App" /></p>
<p style="text-align: justify; "><img src="https://cis-india.org/home-images/NMApp.png" alt="Narendra Modi App" class="image-inline" title="Narendra Modi App" /></p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Pranesh, who is Policy Director at The Centre for Internet and Society, also questioned how users can differentiate between fake and genuine apps when even the official app was registered using a gmail address. While the Government of India Narendra Modi app has been published using info@narendramodi.press, the one by Narendramodi.in has been published using a simple Gmail app. He also highlighted how the play store was flooded with fake banking apps, with one such “SBI app” gaining full access to the user’s files. Incidentally, the fake Modi Ki Note app which has been in the limelight since the demonetisation on high value notes and issue of new ones itself has many duplicates.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">In the last two days, the Congress and its vice-president Rahul Gandhi fell victim to hacking as their verified Twitter accounts were compromised. Profane content was shared from both accounts, targeting the Gandhi and his family. This lead to the Congress questioning Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s digital India push as security remains a huge concern.</p>
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For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/indian-express-december-2-2016-fake-narendra-modi-apps-aplenty-but-it-is-up-to-users-to-protect-themselves'>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/indian-express-december-2-2016-fake-narendra-modi-apps-aplenty-but-it-is-up-to-users-to-protect-themselves</a>
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No publisherpraskrishnaDigital IndiaInternet GovernanceDigital GovernancePrivacy2016-12-10T04:24:24ZNews ItemEVMs: How transparent is the Indian election process?
https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/the-statesman-smriti-sharma-vasudeva-march-14-2017-evms-how-transparent-is-the-indian-election-process
<b>Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) have become a bone of contention after the results of the Assembly elections in five states were declared last Saturday and the BSP president Mayawati alleged tampering. The Congress party and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) have called for a probe into her allegation. Social media too is abuzz with messages and videos showing how the machines can be allegedly manipulated to sway the votes in favour of a particular candidate.</b>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The article by Smriti Sharma Vasudeva was <a href="http://www.thestatesman.com/india/evms-how-transparent-is-the-indian-election-process-1489512231.html">published in the Statesman</a> on March 14, 2017. Pranesh Prakash was quoted.</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify; ">Overnight, several videos on Whatsapp have surfaced wherein people can be seen explaining the "mechanism" on how to alter the votes polled for a candidate in another candidate's favour. Several similar posts and articles are doing the rounds on Facebook.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">BBC added fuel to the fire when it shared a 2010 article on how 'US "Scientists" hack India Electronic Machines' . The article details how scientists at a US university say they have developed a technique to hack into Indian electronic voting machines. While the article was posted on the BBC website a day after the election results were declared, it drew considerable flak from users on Facebook who criticised the website for its 'irresponsible' act of sharing an article with a "click bait" headline just to grab eyeballs.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Amid all this frenzy, the Election Commission of India has issued statements clarifying how the entire process is transparent and fool proof and tampering with the EVMs is a far-fetched thing given the checks and balances in place. For instance, the EVMs undergo the process of randomisation wherein which machine will go to which constituency and to which booth is not known to anyone till the last moment. Similarly, before the polling starts, mock polling takes place in the presence of representatives of all the political parties and then each of these machines are tested and a satisfactory report is generated and only after that polling begins.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">However, all these checks and balances still do not ensure a fool proof system if experts are to be believed.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Pranesh Prakash, Policy Director for The Centre for Internet and Society, a non-profit organisation that undertakes interdisciplinary research on internet and digital technologies from policy and academic perspectives, said: "The Electronic Voting Machines used in India are the simplest, with no large operating system requirements and are not networked. Thus, from a software design perspective, these are really good and the chances of these being tampered with are bleaker. However it doesn't mean these are fool proof. Most of the developed countries do not trust these machines and these are definitely not secure enough for democratic elections.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">"While there are many advantages of using EVMs in the electoral process over the traditional ballot papers, still there are many ways in which one can tamper with these machines without any technical ingenuity. The best way is to make use of the EVMs and ensure that the Voter Verified Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) are effectively utilised to make it an overall effective system".</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Recently, the Supreme Court had mandated that VVPAT machines should be used in all the polls and thus the Election Commission had installed VVPAT machines in several constituencies. However, not sure of the efficacy of this system, the Election Commission had itself raised apprehensions regarding performance of the paper-trail machine, which gives a receipt to the voter, verifying the vote went in favour of the candidate against whose name the button was pressed on the electronic voting machine.a</p>
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For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/the-statesman-smriti-sharma-vasudeva-march-14-2017-evms-how-transparent-is-the-indian-election-process'>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/the-statesman-smriti-sharma-vasudeva-march-14-2017-evms-how-transparent-is-the-indian-election-process</a>
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No publisherpraskrishnaDigital IndiaInternet GovernancePrivacy2017-03-17T01:57:19ZNews ItemDigital native: The View from My Bubble
https://cis-india.org/raw/indian-express-december-4-2016-nishant-shah-digital-native-the-view-from-my-bubble
<b>In the digital world, the privileged have the power to deny a devastating crisis for the poor.</b>
<p>The article was <a class="external-link" href="http://indianexpress.com/article/technology/digital-native-the-view-from-my-bubble/">published by Indian Express</a> on December 4, 2016.</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify; ">For weeks now, my timeline on almost all social media feeds has been dominated by stories of demonetisation. Over the last few years, I have been spending time in countries where I, more or less, live a cashless life. Every transaction is enabled by a digital connection — my contactless debit card pays most of the bills for groceries, my phone works as an automatic wallet at my favourite stores, and the larger purchases are done online, through direct bank transfers. Most days, I leave home with such little cash that I would not even be able to buy a decent meal with it.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">While the continent is different, this experience is not much different from my days spent in India. I don’t really remember the last time I made huge cash deposits or withdrawals, and the services that I am used to would almost all have facilitated digital transactions, ensuring a smooth continuation of my life except, perhaps, for renouncing the occasional binge on street food, and letting go of the habit of hailing an auto on a busy road.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Hence, like many people who live in the same privileged combination of class, urbanity, education and affordability, my initial reaction to this move was reflective and speculative. In an abstract manner, I was curious about what this means to the theory of value, what this would achieve in the long-term visions of the state, and wondering what the costs of currency re-introductions might be. The earlier debates with family and friends were all marked by this elitist inquiry into the nature of things, feasting our minds on economic and political conundrums, well aware that there is going to be no crisis on the horizon. The social media also reflected this filter bubble. We made pithy jokes and offered polarised opinions about whether or not this is going to achieve the whitening of black money, and what its long term effects on the economic future would be.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Now that we know, however, that this state of emergency is going to last well into the end of this year, and as reports trickle in of the deprivation, exploitation and precariousness that destabilise lives and push them towards the precipice, I take a deep introspective breath. I don’t want to go into the discussions of the impact and measures of this move on lives that I do not live, and people who are so unlike me that I cannot even imagine what it means to live on the edge of a demonetised currency note. My opinions on this cannot be more informed or valid than the millions of voices that have flooded the social web with commentary, discussions and outright abusive fighting around the issue.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Instead, I want to reflect on what it means to consume a lived crisis, an embodied reality, a precarious condition through the mediated bubble of the digital web. For years now, activists have lamented that the web is an alienating medium. It allows people to become armchair clicktivists, removed from the reality of messy life and able to profess care, concern and commitment as long as it does not inconvenience or disrupt their everyday life. However, this has often been seen as a knee-jerk reaction to change, with enough evidence to prove that these technologies of connectivity also produce new collective forms of action, engendering trust, empathy, and care for people who are often made invisible in the systemic violence of everyday life. The debate is unresolved. However, the ways in which the demonetisation crisis — because it has officially become a crisis — is being consumed online, remotely, makes me wonder how the digital web allows a space for performance without experience, and articulation without politics.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Almost unanimously, the continued chatter of how the common man must bear some inconvenience for the greater good of our collective futures comes from people who embody the same privileges I do. From the comfort of their well-stocked kitchens and their insurances that would cover any health crises, these voices continue to parrot the idea that all that this means for anybody is just a bit of a hassle, but nothing to worry about.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">In the growing face of evidence that the poor are being pushed to the limits of their downward precipitation, they continue to invoke the sacrifices that must be made towards making India great again. Every day, I hear them valiantly champion the Prime Minister for his authoritative decision, and defend the logistics that have failed to protect the economic survival of the silent sufferers in the favour of recovering untold wealth which might turn out to be mythical after all.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">And, each time I read these reports, I wonder how the digital allows them, protects them, and produces a performative space from which they can speak, without any experience, about the lives of others, reducing their struggles to lifestyle logistics and ambulatory adjustments.</p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/raw/indian-express-december-4-2016-nishant-shah-digital-native-the-view-from-my-bubble'>https://cis-india.org/raw/indian-express-december-4-2016-nishant-shah-digital-native-the-view-from-my-bubble</a>
</p>
No publishernishantResearchers at WorkDemonetisationDigital IndiaRAW Blog2016-12-05T15:15:07ZBlog EntryDigital Native: Getting through an election made for the social media gaze
https://cis-india.org/raw/indian-express-april-21-2019-nishant-shah-getting-through-an-election-made-for-social-media-gaze
<b>In the poll season, social media platforms thrive on wounded outrage disguised as politics.</b>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The article by Nishant Shah was <a class="external-link" href="https://indianexpress.com/article/express-sunday-eye/digital-native-the-gaze-5682831/">published in Indian Express</a> on April 21, 2019.</p>
<hr style="text-align: justify; " />
<p style="text-align: justify; ">There is palpable excitement as the most populous democracy in the world goes out to vote. Last election, which saw the saffron sweep, we realised the role of social media platforms in electoral politics. From the controversial selfie by the aspiring Prime Minister flaunting the lotus symbol, that was reported as violating the advertisement rules set by the Election Commission, to the mass mobilisation of ideology-based voters, orchestrated by automated bots and the hashtag brigades of #acchedin, there was no denying that digital strategies are going to form the backend of a robust political campaign.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; "><aside class="o-story-content__related--large o-story-content__related">I<span>n a country of hypervisible lynch mobs staged via WhatsApp, polarised hatred exacerbated by armies of trolls, and the fluency with which hate speech has been normalised on the tweetosphere, social media and digital apps are front and centre in this election. People are coming out of voting booths and, even before the exit pollsters catch them, they are making Snapchat videos and “I voted” selfies, clearly identifying the parties they support. The verified social media accounts of leading political parties are doubling down on their poll promises of a communal purge of “infiltrators”, divine curses for the heretic who doesn’t vote for the “party of gods”, and threats of profiling if a community voted for the correct party and subsequent dire consequences. The door-to-door campaigning of the past has obviously been replaced by the tweet-to-tweet mixture of threats, cajoling, and blood lust that seems to set the tone for our current political climate.</span></aside></p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">At the same time, the manifestos of the two leading coalitions, as well as the affidavits of the people running for office, are under deep public scrutiny. The <a href="https://indianexpress.com/about/bjp/">BJP</a>, in a Freudian blooper, announced itself as working for violence on women, incurring the sarcastic wrath of Twitter. One minister, who has been running through various cabinet positions, including education, was called to task to explain her wide repertoire of unverified degrees that change every voting season. Complaints against suspicious Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) have made themselves heard loudly on social-media discussion forums. And lately, the YouTube videos of people allegedly showing the easy removal of the indelible ink from the voting fingers, exploded into public view, jeopardising the integrity of the one-person-one-vote paradigm.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Social media, it would seem, is everywhere. And its ubiquity is ensuring that all stakeholders of the electoral process are performing for the social media gaze. Our leaders are talking in tweet-sized morsels, hoping to get their last messages in. The organisers of the massive process have taken to debunking false claims, providing verified information, and guiding people to their voting processes. The voters are not only wearing their party colours, but also canvassing for their favourite leaders, either through proclamations of patriotism or through emotional messages of voting against hate and discrimination. Voting groups are scrutinising and discussing the party manifestos and also the unexpected alliances coming into being in the quest of reaching the majority mark.</p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/raw/indian-express-april-21-2019-nishant-shah-getting-through-an-election-made-for-social-media-gaze'>https://cis-india.org/raw/indian-express-april-21-2019-nishant-shah-getting-through-an-election-made-for-social-media-gaze</a>
</p>
No publishernishantResearchers at WorkDigital ActivismDigital IndiaDigital Natives2019-04-28T04:12:45ZBlog EntryDigital native: Free speech? You must be joking!
https://cis-india.org/raw/indian-express-nishant-shah-may-14-2017-digital-native-free-speech-you-must-be-joking
<b>India’s digital landscape is dotted with vigilante voices that drown out people’s right to free speech.</b>
<p>The article was published in the <b><a class="external-link" href="http://indianexpress.com/article/technology/tech-news-technology/digital-native-free-speech-you-must-be-joking-4655464/">Indian Express</a></b> on May 14, 2017.</p>
<hr />
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Freedom of speech and expression has always been a tricky issue. While all of us are generally in favour of defending our rights to speak what is in our hearts, we are not equally thrilled about the speech of others that we might not enjoy. While we know that free speech and expression are not absolute — there are blurred lines of things that are offensive, might cause harm, and are directed with malice at different individuals or collectives — we also generally accept that this is a freedom that marks the maturity and sustainability of a stable democratic system.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Thus, even when confronted with speech and expression that might be undesirable: a political view that contradicts ours, an expression of blasphemy or profanity, a voice of dissent that questions the status quo, or an unsavoury information tidbit that mocks at somebody we admire, we generally take it in good stride, and learn to deal and engage with these actions. We do this, because we know that trying to curtail somebody else’s rights to free speech, would eventually restrict our own capacity for it, thus reducing the scope of an engaged and critical society. Especially in countries like India, where everybody has an opinion, where people offer critiques over chai and join heated debates over paan, there’s no denying that we are fond of our rights and capacity to speak<br /> our minds.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">However, within Digital India, these things seem to be changing fast. Every day we wake up to the cacophonous clamour of social media to realise that increasingly we are becoming an intolerant society filled with vigilantes bent on stopping people from saying things that we might just not like. In the ongoing saga of shrinking spaces of free speech, we now add the shameful incident at the Embassy of Sweden in India. On May 8, following mass populist trolling and complaints from the Twitteratti, the Embassy disinvited two women print and TV journalists — Swati Chaturvedi and Barkha Dutt — and cancelled their event, ironically, in the honour of World Press Freedom, on the topic of women’s participation in the online public space, to talk about trolls.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">I shall wait here for the bitter irony to sink in: two of the strongest women voices in Indian public media, were disinvited to speak from an event where they were to talk about their experience of being trolled, harassed, bullied and intimidated in the newly emerging digital media landscape. Instead of giving them a voice, sharing their experiences, and engaging with their stories, the hypermasculine army of right wing vigilantes who object to these women’s history of critique of the current government and its leaders, decided to show their Twitter might, and celebrated as they succeeded in putting one more nail in the coffin of free and fearless speech in the country.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Some Twitter users went ahead and tagged their favourite leaders — @Narendramodi and @manekagandhibjp. They demanded, using their freedom of voice, to stop others from speaking. Social media networks have often been celebrated as alternative spaces where new, and unexpected voices can express their opinions without the fear of physical retribution or penalisation. While this has been consistently proven wrong by government authorities who have regularly policed, penalised and punished voices of dissent or disfavour, that at least is something we can notice, challenge and contest through legal redressal. However, with this new mob justice where the volume of voices engineered to amplify their disapproval, coupled with threats of violence and economic downfall (the users this time threatened to make a list of Swedish products and boycott them) is a recurring and disturbingly new phenomenon.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Crowds have always had the power to demand and leverage change of their liking. However, on social media, this can take up more sinister forms, because a handful of people through Twitter bots and chat scripts can create the illusion of a hugely amplified voice that can then be used to threaten and restrict the scope of free speech. The mass bullying effect needs a strong counterpoint in the form of better internet governance policies and regulations that nurture safe spaces for the tinier voices to be heard.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">At the same time, however, the stifling attempts require another strategy — the need to speak up against such acts of intimidation and silencing, not only from the regular people on the web, but from the officials and leaders who have sworn to protect our constitutional rights. And this is, perhaps, where our leaders are failing us. Because, in an age of hypervisibility, where every step they take is a selfie moment, where every move they make makes it to the headlines, and they take pride in documenting their life in exceedingly boring detail, it creates a deafening silence when the leaders remain mute to the slow dissipation of the rights to free speech and expression by the angry mobs of networked digitality.</p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/raw/indian-express-nishant-shah-may-14-2017-digital-native-free-speech-you-must-be-joking'>https://cis-india.org/raw/indian-express-nishant-shah-may-14-2017-digital-native-free-speech-you-must-be-joking</a>
</p>
No publishernishantFreedom of Speech and ExpressionResearchers at WorkDigital India2017-06-08T01:16:01ZBlog EntryDigital India Needs These Policy Changes
https://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/business-standard-september-1-2016-shyam-ponappa-digital-india-needs-these-policy-changes
<b>Appropriate policies will increase connectivity much more than spectrum auctions.</b>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The article originally published in the <a class="external-link" href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/opinion/shyam-ponappa-digital-india-needs-these-policy-changes-116083101392_1.html">Business Standard </a>on August 31, 2016 was mirrored in <a class="external-link" href="http://organizing-india.blogspot.in/2016/09/digital-india-needs-these-policy-changes.html">Organizing India Blogspot</a> on September 1, 2016.</p>
<hr />
<p style="text-align: justify; "><span><span>There's a "List of 10 Things" for realising India's potential that Prime Minister Narendra Modi </span><span>received as the chief minister of Gujarat from Jim O'Neill, the originator of the "BRIC" concept. Many items on that list are greatly facilitated by information and communications technology (ICT): effective governance; primary, secondary, and tertiary education; improved infrastructure; and sustainable approaches that minimise negative environmental impact. While there's agreement on ICT's importance for India, there's difficulty getting it in place to best effect. This is because policy changes are needed to make Digital India </span><span>a reality. These are the kinds of decisions that will turn the rhetoric about connectivity </span><span>into reality.</span><br /><br /><span>Some changes are relatively easy, such as enabling 60 GHz Wi-Fi, while others require more effort, as explained below. These include better terms for satellite communications, enabling broadband </span><span>on the 500-600 MHz bands, and spectrum </span><span>and network sharing.</span><br /><br /><span>In our land of such range and contradictions, so much needs improvement that everything clamours for immediate attention. Attempts to address them all together are misplaced, however, because achieving results requires goal orientation, prioritisation and systematic action, to direct a convergent investment of time, effort and capital. Also, projects must be done with the realisation that the acid test is end-to-end delivery, even if it is initially to a small segment of the market. Only then can the rest of the iceberg be addressed: consistent, ongoing operation and maintenance, and scaling up. Think of the years of effort, capital and human resources invested without that first delivery in the National Optic Fibre Network. While defining objectives appropriately and setting priorities are difficult, both are imperative.</span><br /><br /><span>A recent report on The Networked Society City Index for 2016 by Ericsson reaffirms ICT's critical role in productivity and living standards.1 The report also shows that better-developed cities are on more sustainable paths to the goal of the desirable triple bottom line (TBL) of social, economic and environmental betterment. ICT facilitates not only sustainable development of cities and often their surroundings, but extends through the networked society far beyond their geographical environs. Even our metros need attention, with Mumbai and Delhi ranking at 36 and 38 out of 41.</span></span><br /> <span><span><br /></span></span> <span><b><span>The Wireless Imperative</span></b></span></p>
<div class="separator" style="text-align: justify; "><span><br /></span></div>
<p style="text-align: justify; "><span><span>Efforts at setting up Digital India </span><span>have to contend with the reality that most non-urban communications have to be wireless, as does a significant proportion of urban access. This is because the cost and practical difficulties in laying and maintaining fibre everywhere is far greater than building wireless networks. The accompanying chart, showing the spread of broadband </span><span>in India at the end of March 2016, illustrates this point.</span></span><br /> <span><br /></span> <span><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-yhzBSMelM-U/V9YMHFgKTAI/AAAAAAAACh0/iEZIIXhGUG8wXyDSTPWvITNxZWPmVMdjwCLcB/s1600/The%2BWireless%2BImperative-2016-03.png" style="text-align: center; "><img height="320" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-yhzBSMelM-U/V9YMHFgKTAI/AAAAAAAACh0/iEZIIXhGUG8wXyDSTPWvITNxZWPmVMdjwCLcB/s320/The%2BWireless%2BImperative-2016-03.png" width="275" /></a><br /><br /><br /><span>The clusters are around major cities, with broadband </span><span>penetration in Delhi/NCR highest at 58.2 per cent. Except along their major connecting links, the spaces between clusters are more difficult to connect and aggregate, as habitations are not densely clustered. Also, potential revenues are generally lower in less dense areas. Such areas urgently need lower-cost wireless coverage.</span></span><br /> <span> <br /><b><span>Policy Changes Required - from Easy to Difficult</span></b></span><br /> <span><span><br /></span></span> <span><span>Of the many constraints to building more accessible ICT in India, a major set lies within the control of government and stakeholders, provided they act together and are not adversarial about policies governing access technologies:</span></span><br /> <br /></p>
<ul style="text-align: justify; ">
<li><span>There are unused frequencies in the 60 GHz band for which inexpensive equipment is available abroad with a capacity of several gigabits. Press reports years ago mentioned the de-licensing of this band in India. Last November, the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) recommended de-licensing Wi-Fi use, and light licensing backhaul with minimal charges. Yet, this asset is wasted because there's no policy permitting its use. It costs nothing to de-license in line with global norms. Apart from additional Wi-Fi capacity, service providers could use it for backhaul from small cells. Revenues are likely to rise, and the government would collect increased taxes. Domestic manufacturers could possibly develop products for what should be a huge market.<br /> </span></li>
<li><span>Another proven technology is satellite communications. This is priced too high in India, as explained in "Satellite communications can drive the broadband revolution", Business Standard, 23 April 2016.2 Satcom tariffs are apparently nearly 300 times higher than in the US, while private sector applications for manufacturing satellites are languishing. Also, there is considerable potential for manufacturing associated equipment, such as VSATs, end-user terminals, and so on.<br /> </span></li>
<li><span>A third area is unused or underutilised government spectrum. The most-useful and least-controversial, except for turf considerations, is unused broadcast spectrum in the sub-700 MHz bands. Government departments, namely, the department of telecommunications (DoT), the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (I&B), the Department of Electronics and Information Technology (DeITY), and the Trai, could coordinate their approach, so that I&B and Doordarshan retain the spectrum, while allowing common access to shared spectrum and infrastructure for paid use by service providers. Doordarshan could increase its reach by providing programming and content over these links.</span><span><br />These frequencies would be most effective in extending rural broadband, because of the distances that could be covered inexpensively. There is an issue with equipment, as there are no large, established markets anywhere yet for TV White Space devices, and there is insufficient support for local manufacturing even with Indian intellectual property rights. In fact, we have a Catch-22 situation here: such devices are likely to have massive deployment in India, but we don't have policies that allow these frequencies for broadband. The irony is that developers who manufacture prototypes in India have no access to</span><span> spectrum </span><span><span>even for testing their products, and will have to rely on markets abroad for testing as well as sales.</span><span><b><span> </span></b></span></span></li>
</ul>
<p style="text-align: justify; "><span><span><b><span>Other Frequencies</span></b></span></span></p>
<ul style="text-align: justify; ">
</ul>
<p style="text-align: justify; "><span> </span><span> <span> </span></span><span><span>Rules restricting usage of other frequencies could also be amended through a coordinated process. The result could be policies that treat spectrum usage as part of a shared infrastructure solution for Digital India. Using a shared access for payment approach with secondary sharing, primary holders of spectrum can retain usage rights, while government revenues accrue from swathes of spectrum that now remain unused, and holders of spectrum earn from common access.</span></span></p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/business-standard-september-1-2016-shyam-ponappa-digital-india-needs-these-policy-changes'>https://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/business-standard-september-1-2016-shyam-ponappa-digital-india-needs-these-policy-changes</a>
</p>
No publisherShyam PonappaTelecomDigital IndiaSpectrum2016-10-02T10:09:17ZBlog EntryDigital India - Now to Work
https://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/business-standard-october-1-2015-shyam-ponappa-digital-india-now-to-work
<b>There's a buzz about Digital India again with an Indian PM finally reaching Silicon Valley. So are we close to broadband taking off, or is this just more hype?</b>
<p>The article was published in the <a class="external-link" href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/opinion/shyam-ponappa-digital-india-now-to-work-115100101355_1.html">Business Standard</a> on October 1, 2015 and mirrored in <a class="external-link" href="http://organizing-india.blogspot.in/2015/10/digital-india-now-to-work.html">Organizing India Blogspot</a> on October 2, 2015.</p>
<hr />
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The announcements are certainly promising. For instance, that Indian Railways will provide Wi-Fi services at 500 railway stations over the next few years. Google's support tendered by CEO Sundar Pichai offers new hope that this will happen. Other promising announcements include Microsoft CEO Satya Nadella's announcement of cloud-based services from India, and connectivity at the village level through TV White Space (unused broadcast spectrum), and Qualcomm CEO Paul Jacob's $150-million fund for start-ups in India.<br /><br />There have been announcements like these before. For instance, the Railways announced Wi-Fi projects for years, with modest achievements. For details, see "A history of Wi-Fi and Indian Railways from 2006 to Infinity (maybe)". [See <a class="external-link" href="http://www.medianama.com/2015/02/223-a-history-of-wi-fi-and-indian-railways-from-2006-to-infinity-maybe/">http://www.medianama.com/2015/02/223-a-history-of-wi-fi-and-indian-railways-from-2006-to-infinity-maybe/</a>, Riddhi Mukherjee, February 27, 2015].</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">What's troubling is that in terms of ground realities, except for TV White Space for broadband, there's little evidence of a systematic approach to problems besetting communications, and changes in policies to solve them. Everyone seems carried away, and this is as true of most of the media and the commentariat as it is of the politicians. But informed, systematic efforts at solutions are absolutely essential to achieve these aspirations.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">Take the ingenuous comparisons of Silicon Valley with Bengaluru, with the latter being described as "nearly there". Such election rhetoric from former US Senator and Secretary of State John Kerry is one thing, but our savvy media folk should know better. People who visit Silicon Valley from India, or those who are based there and occasionally visit India, can't be blind to the stark differences. One is a place where the basics related to living and functioning effectively actually work well; the other isn't. One has potholed streets with garbage, decrepit or nonexistent sanitation, and chronic power cuts; the other doesn't. It's as simple as that.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">This leads to another observation that's tossed off too easily, about less need for government. Blithe statements that government needs to be reduced, or to get out of the way and let the private sector function, are often made with apparently little understanding of what governments do before getting out of the way. Those essential services in Silicon Valley and elsewhere that function seamlessly and are taken for granted? That's what governments can do. In other words, that is government's responsibility: to provide, apart from security and law and order, the infrastructure services and organisation of communities, markets and financial systems that enable citizens to function effectively and live well. Yes, markets are indeed planned and structured in order to function well.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">The data on broadband at the end of 2014 in the Broadband Report 2015 by the ITU and Unesco suggest that India is not doing too well compared with its developing neighbours in Asia (see chart at <span class="p-content" style="float: none; "><a href="http://www.broadbandcommission.org/%20documents/reports/bb-annualreport2015.pdf" target="_blank">http://www.broadbandcommission.org/ documents/reports/bb-annualreport2015.pdf</a></span>). Our leadership and government need to confront this reality, and apply themselves to reforms to improve conditions. Broadband subscriptions as a percentage of our population trail most countries, and the percentage of individuals using the Internet is at the bottom of the pack, with Myanmar, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Nepal.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">To make Digital India a reality, here's what the government needs to do:</p>
<ul>
<li style="text-align: justify; ">Trials using TV White Space (TVWS, or unused broadcast spectrum) for broadband are finally under way, after years of struggle to get them going. If they work out, policies must be framed quickly for this spectrum to be bundled with fibre backbones such as BharatNet (the erstwhile National Optic Fibre network), and licensed service providers given access at reasonable cost.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify; ">Policies need to be formulated with government and operators working together, instead of as adversaries. This will increase the probability of success, as the private sector can be convinced of and contribute to practicable methods that they accept.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify; ">Policies for sharing spectrum can be extended to other under-used spectrum held by the government and Defence (secondary sharing, as in the USA), and to networks as well. This will facilitate broad, contiguous spectrum bands that are essential to support rising data usage that is affordable. Policies must also enable authorised operators to access all networks, fostering competition while increasing revenue potential and reducing costs. The data on broadband at the end of 2014 in the Broadband Report 2015 by the ITU and Unesco suggest that India is not doing too well compared with its developing neighbours in Asia. Our leadership and government need to confront this reality, and apply themselves to reforms to improve conditions.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify; ">The TVWS devices are manufactured by relatively small companies abroad with the exception of Huawei, which acquired Neul, one of the pioneers in the UK. Indian innovators can produce such devices locally, but only if they have a supportive ecosystem. That means sufficient continuing orders to create revenues for sustainable profits and cash flows. In a market like India, such orders need government support until new policies are in place and the demand is established. Once that happens, private enterprises can compete.<br /><br />For instance, a chip designer start-up in Bangalore with designs for TV and broadband cards using TV White Space has had to scramble to manufacture complete products to bring their prototypes to market. Without sustained buying, they'll languish like other device manufacturers overseas, with episodic sales to narrow markets. That's because developing economies are likely to be bigger markets for these devices than developed economies, but only after policies allow deployment; secondly, there's insufficient support in developed markets. The irony will be if Indian innovators can get only offshore prospects like Huawei as partners or investors.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify; ">Unremitting government effort in the systematic development of basic infrastructure services (at the primary level, besides communications, there's power, transportation, water and sanitation, basic health and education; at the secondary level: communities, markets and financial systems) will round out the potential for India as a producer economy as well as a large and growing market.</li>
</ul>
<p style="text-align: justify; ">This is the work that now needs to get done: accept the reality of our infrastructure deficiencies, change our spectrum and network sharing policies, plan step-by-step, and execute for results.</p>
<ul>
</ul>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/business-standard-october-1-2015-shyam-ponappa-digital-india-now-to-work'>https://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/business-standard-october-1-2015-shyam-ponappa-digital-india-now-to-work</a>
</p>
No publisherShyam PonappaBroadbandTelecomDigital IndiaSpectrum2015-11-10T03:18:15ZBlog EntryContestations of Data, ECJ Safe Harbor Ruling and Lessons for India
https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/contestations-of-data-ecj-safe-harbor-ruling-and-lessons-for-india
<b>The European Court of Justice has invalidated a European Commission decision, which had previously concluded that the 'Safe Harbour Privacy Principles' provide adequate protections for European citizens’ privacy rights for the transfer of personal data between European Union and United States. The inadequacies of the framework is not news for the European Commission and action by ECJ has been a long time coming. The ruling raises important questions about how the claims of citizenship are being negotiated in the context of the internet, and how increasingly the contestations of personal data are being employed in the discourse. </b>
<p align="justify">The European Court of Justice
(ECJ) has invalidated a European Commission (EC) decision<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote1anc" href="#sdfootnote1sym"><sup>1</sup></a>
which had previously concluded that the 'Safe Harbor Privacy
Principles'<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote2anc" href="#sdfootnote2sym"><sup>2</sup></a>
provide adequate protections for European citizens’ privacy rights<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote3anc" href="#sdfootnote3sym"><sup>3</sup></a>
for the transfer of personal data between European Union and United
States. This challenge stems from the claim that public law
enforcement authorities in America obtain personal data from
organisations in safe harbour for incompatible and disproportionate
purposes in violation of the Safe Harbour Privacy Principles. The
court's judgment follows the advice of the Advocate General of the
Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) who recently opined<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote4anc" href="#sdfootnote4sym"><sup>4</sup></a>
that US practices allow for large-scale collection and transfer of
personal data belonging to EU citizens without them benefiting from
or having access to judicial protection under US privacy laws. The
inadequacies of the framework is not news for the Commission and
action by ECJ has been a long time coming. The ruling raises
important questions about how increasingly the contestations of
personal data are being employed in asserting claims of citizenship
in context of the internet.</p>
<p align="justify">
As the highest court in Europe,
the ECJ's decisions are binding on all member states. With this
ruling the ECJ has effectively restrained US firms from
indiscriminate collection and sharing of European citizens’ data on
American soil. The implications of the decision are significant,
because it shifts the onus of evaluating protections of personal data
for EU citizens from the 4,400 companies<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote5anc" href="#sdfootnote5sym"><sup>5</sup></a>
subscribing to the system onto EU privacy watchdogs. Most
significantly, in addressing the rights of a citizen against an
established global brand, the judgement goes beyond political and
legal opinion to challenge the power imbalance that exists with
reference to US based firms.</p>
<p align="justify">
Today, the free movement of data
across borders is a critical factor in facilitating trade, financial
services, governance, manufacturing, health and development. However,
to consider the ruling as merely a clarification of transatlantic
mechanisms for data flows misstates the real issue. At the heart of
the judgment is the assessment whether US firms apply the tests of
‘necessity and proportionality’ in the collection and
surveillance of data for national security purposes. Application of
necessity and proportionality test to national security exceptions
under safe harbor has been a sticking point that has stalled the
renegotiation of the agreement that has been underway between the
Commission and the American data protection authorities.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote6anc" href="#sdfootnote6sym"><sup>6</sup></a></p>
<p align="justify">
For EU citizens the stake in the
case are even higher, as while their right to privacy is enshrined
under EU law, they have no administrative or judicial means of
redress, if their data is used for reasons they did not intend. In
the EU, citizens accessing and agreeing to use of US based firms are
presented with a false choice between accessing benefits and giving
up on their fundamental right to privacy. In other words, by seeking
that governments and private companies provide better data protection
for the EU citizens and in restricting collection of personal data on
a generalised basis without objective criteria, the ruling is
effectively an assertion of ‘data sovereignty’. The term ‘data
sovereignty’, while lacking a firm definition, refers to a spectrum
of approaches adopted by different states to control data generated
in or passing through national internet infrastructure.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote7anc" href="#sdfootnote7sym"><sup>7</sup></a>
Underlying the ruling is the growing policy divide between the US and
EU privacy and data protection standards, which may lead to what is
referred to as the balkanization<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote8anc" href="#sdfootnote8sym"><sup>8</sup></a>
of the internet in the future.</p>
<p align="justify">
<em>US-EU Data Protection Regime </em></p>
<p align="justify">
The safe harbor pact between the
EU and US was negotiated in the late 1990s as an attempt to bridge
the different approaches to online privacy. Privacy is addressed in
the EU as a fundamental human right while in the US it is defined
under terms of consumer protection, which<em><strong>
</strong></em>allow trade-offs
and exceptions when national security seems to be under threat. In
order to address the lower standards of data protection prevalent in
the US, the pact facilitates data transfers from EU to US by
establishing certain safeguards equivalent to the requirements of the
EU data protection directive. The safe harbor provisions include
firms undertaking not to pass personal information to third parties
if the EU data protection standards are not met and giving users
right to opt out of data collection.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote9anc" href="#sdfootnote9sym"><sup>9</sup></a></p>
<p align="justify">
The agreement was due to be
renewed by May 2015<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote10anc" href="#sdfootnote10sym"><sup>10</sup></a>
and while negotiations have been ongoing for two years, EU discontent
on safe harbour came to the fore following the Edward Snowden
revelations of collection and monitoring facilitated by large private
companies for the PRISM program and after the announcement of the
TransAtlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP).<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote11anc" href="#sdfootnote11sym"><sup>11</sup></a>
EU member states have mostly stayed silent as they run their own
surveillance programs often times, in cooperation with the NSA. EU
institutions cannot intervene in matters of national security
however, they do have authority on data protection matters. European
Union officials and Members of Parliament have expressed shock and
outrage at the surveillance programs unveiled by Snowden's 2013
revelations. Most recently, following the CJEU Advocate General’s
opinion, 50 Members of European Parliament (MEP) sent a strongly
worded letter the US Congress hitting back on claims of ‘digital
protectionism’ emanating from the US<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote12anc" href="#sdfootnote12sym"><sup>12</sup></a>.
In no uncertain terms the letter clarified that the EU has different
ideas on privacy, platforms, net neutrality, encryption, Bitcoin,
zero-days, or copyright and will seek to improve and change any
proposal from the EC in the interest of our citizens and of all
people.</p>
<p align="justify">
<em>Towards Harmonization </em></p>
<p align="justify">
In November 2013, as an attempt
to minimize the loss of trust following the Snowden revelations, the
European Commission (EC) published recommendations in its report on
'Rebuilding Trust is EU-US Data Flows'.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote13anc" href="#sdfootnote13sym"><sup>13</sup></a>
The recommendations revealed two critical initiatives at the EU
level—first was the revision of the EU-US safe harbor agreement<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote14anc" href="#sdfootnote14sym"><sup>14</sup></a>
and second the adoption of the 'EU-US Umbrella Agreement<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote15anc" href="#sdfootnote15sym"><sup>15</sup></a>'—a
framework for data transfer for the purpose of investigating,
detecting, or prosecuting a crime, including terrorism. The Umbrella
Agreement was recently initialed by EU and US negotiators and it only
addresses the exchange of personal data between law enforcement
agencies.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote16anc" href="#sdfootnote16sym"><sup>16</sup></a>
The Agreement has gained momentum in the wake of recent cases around
issues of territorial duties of providers, enforcement jurisdictions
and data localisation.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote17anc" href="#sdfootnote17sym"><sup>17</sup></a>
However, the adoption of the Umbrella Act depends on US Congress
adoption of the<em><strong>
</strong></em>Judicial Redress
Act (JRA) as law.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote18anc" href="#sdfootnote18sym"><sup>18</sup></a></p>
<p align="justify">
<em>Judicial Redress Act </em></p>
<p align="justify">
The JRA is a key reform that the
EC is pushing for in an attempt to address the gap between privacy
rights and remedies available to US citizens and those extended to EU
citizens, including allowing EU citizens to sue in American courts.
The JRA seeks to extend certain protections under the Privacy Act to
records shared by EU and other designated countries with US law
enforcement agencies for the purpose of investigating, detecting, or
prosecuting criminal offenses. The JRA protections would extend to
records shared under the Umbrella Agreement and while it does include
civil remedies for violation of data protection, as noted by the
Center for Democracy and Technology, the present framework does not
provide citizens of EU countries with redress that is at par with
that which US persons enjoy under the Privacy Act.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote19anc" href="#sdfootnote19sym"><sup>19</sup></a></p>
<p align="justify">
For example, the measures
outlined under the JRA would only be applicable to countries that
have outlined appropriate privacy protections agreements for data
sharing for investigations and ‘efficiently share’ such
information with the US. Countries that do not have agreements with
US cannot seek these protections leaving the personal data of their
citizens open for collection and misuse by US agencies. Further, the
arrangement leaves determination of 'efficiently sharing' in the
hands of US authorities and countries could lose protection if they
do not comply with information sharing requests promptly. Finally,
JRA protections do not apply to non-US persons nor to records shared
for purposes other than law enforcement such as intelligence
gathering. JRA is also weakened by allowing heads of agencies to
exercise their discretion to seek exemption from the Act and opt out
of compliance.</p>
<p align="justify">
Taken together the JRA, the
Umbrella Act and the renegotiation of the Safe Harbor Agreement need
considerable improvements. It is worth noting that EU’s acceptance
of the redundancy of existing agreements and in establishing the
independence of national data protection authorities in investigating
and enforcing national laws as demonstrated in the Schrems and in the
Weltimmo<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote20anc" href="#sdfootnote20sym"><sup>20</sup></a>
case point to accelerated developments in the broader EU privacy
landscape.</p>
<p align="justify">
<em>Consequences </em></p>
<p align="justify">
The ECJ Safe Harbor ruling will
have far-reaching consequences for the online industry. Often, costly
government rulings solidify the market dominance of big companies. As
high regulatory costs restrict the entrance of small and medium
businesses the market, competition is gradually wiped out. Further,
complying with high standards of data protection means that US firms
handling European data will need to consider alternative legal means
of transfer of personal data. This could include evolving 'model
contracts' binding them to EU data protection standards. As Schrems
points out, “Big companies don’t only rely on safe harbour: they
also rely on binding corporate rules and standard contractual
clauses.”<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote21anc" href="#sdfootnote21sym"><sup>21</sup></a></p>
<p align="justify">
The ruling is good news for
European consumers, who can now approach a national regulator to
investigate suspicions of data mishandling. EU data protection
regulators may be be inundated with requests from companies seeking
authorization of new contracts and with consumer complaints. Some are
concerned that the ruling puts a dent in the globalized flow of
data<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote22anc" href="#sdfootnote22sym"><sup>22</sup></a>,
effectively requiring data localization in Europe.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote23anc" href="#sdfootnote23sym"><sup>23</sup></a>
Others have pointed out that it is unclear how this decision sits
with other trade treaties such as the TPP that ban data
localisation.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote24anc" href="#sdfootnote24sym"><sup>24</sup></a>
While the implications of the decision will take some time in playing
out, what is certain is that US companies will be have to
restructure management, storage and use of data. The ruling has
created the impetus for India to push for reforms to protect its
citizens from harms by US firms and improve trade relations with EU.</p>
<p align="justify"><em>The Opportunity for India</em></p>
<p align="justify">
Multiple data flows taking place
over the internet simultaneously and that has led to ubiquity of data
transfers o ver the Internet, exposing individuals to privacy risks.
There has also been an enhanced economic importance of data
processing as businesses collect and correlate data using analytic
tools to create new demands, establish relationships and generate
revenue for their services. The primary concern of the Schrems case
may be the protection of the rights of EU citizens but by seeking to
extend these rights and ensure compliance in other jurisdictions, the
case touches upon many underlying contestations around data and
sovereignty.</p>
<p align="justify">
Last year, Mr Ram Narain, India
Head of Delegation to the Working Group Plenary at ITU had stressed, “respecting the principle of sovereignty of information through
network functionality and global norms will go a long way in
increasing the trust and confidence in use of ICT.”<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote25anc" href="#sdfootnote25sym"><sup>25</sup></a>
In the absence of the recognition of privacy as a right and
empowering citizens through measures or avenues to seek redressal
against misuse of data, the demand of data sovereignty rings empty.
The kind of framework which empowered an ordinary citizen in the EU
to approach the highest court seeking redressal based on presumed
overreach of a foreign government and from harms abetted by private
corporations simply does not exist in India. Securing citizen’s
data in other jurisdictions and from other governments begins with
establishing protection regimes within the country.</p>
<p align="justify">
The Indian government has also
stepped up efforts to restrict transfer of data from India including
pushing for private companies to open data centers in India.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote26anc" href="#sdfootnote26sym"><sup>26</sup></a>
Negotiating data localisation does not restrict the power of private
corporations from using data in a broad ways including tailoring ads
and promoting products. Also, data transfers impact any organisation
with international operations for example, global multinationals who
need to coordinate employee data and information. Companies like
Facebook, Google and Microsoft transfer and store data belonging to
Indian citizens and it is worth remembering that the National
Security Agency (NSA) would have access to this data through servers
of such private companies. With no existing measures to restrict such
indiscriminate access, the ruling purports to the need for India to
evolve strong protection mechanisms. Finally, the lack of such
measures also have an economic impact, as reported in a recent
Nasscom-Data Security Council of India (DSCI) survey<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote27anc" href="#sdfootnote27sym"><sup>27</sup></a>
that pegs revenue losses incurred by the Indian IT-BPO industry at
$2-2.5 billion for a sample size of 15 companies. DSCI has further
estimated that outsourcing business can further grow by $50 billion
per annum once India is granted a “data secure” status by the
EU.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote28anc" href="#sdfootnote28sym"><sup>28</sup></a>
EU’s refusal to grant such a status is understandable given the
high standard of privacy as incorporated under the European Union
Data Protection Directive a standard to which India does not match
up, yet. The lack of this status prevents the flow of data which is
vital for Digital India vision and also affects the service industry
by restricting the flow of sensitive information to India such as
information about patient records.</p>
<p align="justify">
Data and information structures
are controlled and owned by private corporations and networks
transcend national borders, therefore the foremost emphasis needs to
be on improving national frameworks. While, enforcement mechanisms
such as the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT) process or other
methods of international cooperation may seem respectful of
international borders and principles of sovereignty,<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote29anc" href="#sdfootnote29sym"><sup>29</sup></a>
for users that live in undemocratic or oppressive regimes such
agreements are a considerable risk. Data is also increasingly being
stored across multiple jurisdictions and therefore merely applying
data location lens to protection measures may be too narrow. Further
it should be noted that when companies begin taking data storage
decisions based on legal considerations it will impact the speed and
reliability of services.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote30anc" href="#sdfootnote30sym"><sup>30</sup></a>
Any future regime must reflect the challenges of data transfers
taking place in legal and economic spaces that are not identical and
may be in opposition. Fundamentally, the protection of privacy will
always act as a barrier to the free flow of information even so, as
the Schrems case ruling points out not having adequate privacy
protections could also restrict flow of data, as has been the case
for India.</p>
<p align="justify">
The time is right for India to
appoint a data controller and put in place national frameworks, based
on nuanced understanding of issues of applying jurisdiction to govern
users and their data. Establishing better protection measures will
not only establish trust and enhance the ability of users to control
data about themselves it is also essential for sustaining economic
and social value generated from data generation and collection.
Suggestions for such frameworks have been considered previously by
the Group of Experts on Privacy constituted by the Planning
Commission.<a class="sdfootnoteanc" name="sdfootnote31anc" href="#sdfootnote31sym"><sup>31</sup></a>
By incorporating transparency in mechanisms for data and access
requests and premising requests on established necessity and
proportionality Indian government can lead the way in data protection
standards. This will give the Indian government more teeth to
challenge and address both the dangers of theft of data stored on
servers located outside of India and restrain indiscriminate access
arising from terms and conditions of businesses that grant such
rights to third parties. </p>
<div id="sdfootnote1">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote1sym" href="#sdfootnote1anc">1</a>
Commission Decision of 26 July 2000 pursuant to Directive 95/46/EC
of the European Parliament and of the Council on the adequacy of the
protection provided by the safe harbour privacy principles and
related frequently asked questions issued by the US Department of
Commerce (notified under document number C(2000) 2441) (Text with
EEA relevance.) <em>Official
Journal L 215 , 25/08/2000 P. 0007 -0047 </em>
2000/520/EC:
<u><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">http</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">://</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">eur</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">-</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">lex</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">.</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">europa</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">.</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">eu</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">/</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">LexUriServ</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">/</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">LexUriServ</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">.</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">do</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">?</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">uri</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">=</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">CELEX</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">:32000</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">D</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">0520:</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">EN</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">:</a><a href="http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:32000D0520:EN:HTML">HTML</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote2">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote2sym" href="#sdfootnote2anc">2</a>
Safe Harbour Privacy Principles Issued by the U.S. Department of
Commerce on July 21, 2000
<u><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">http</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">://</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">www</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">.</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">export</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">.</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">gov</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">/</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">safeharbor</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">/</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">eu</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">/</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">eg</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">_</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">main</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">_018475.</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">asp</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote3">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote3sym" href="#sdfootnote3anc">3</a>
Megan Graham, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">Adding</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">Some</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">Nuance</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">on</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">the</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">European</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">Court</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">’</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">s</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">Safe</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">Harbor</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">Decision</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">,
</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">Just</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">security</a></p>
<p>
<u><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">https</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">://</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">www</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">.</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">justsecurity</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">.</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">org</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">/26651/</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">adding</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">-</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">nuance</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">-</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">ecj</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">-</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">safe</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">-</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">harbor</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">-</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">decision</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/26651/adding-nuance-ecj-safe-harbor-decision/">/</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote4">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote4sym" href="#sdfootnote4anc">4</a>
Advocate
General’s Opinion in Case C-362/14 Maximillian Schrems v Data
Protection Commissioner Court of Justice of the European Union,
Press Release, No 106/15 Luxembourg, 23 September 2015
<u><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">http</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">://</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">curia</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">.</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">europa</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">.</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">eu</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">/</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">jcms</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">/</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">upload</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">/</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">docs</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">/</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">application</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">/</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">pdf</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">/2015-09/</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">cp</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">150106</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">en</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">.</a><a href="http://curia.europa.eu/jcms/upload/docs/application/pdf/2015-09/cp150106en.pdf">pdf</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote5">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote5sym" href="#sdfootnote5anc">5</a>
Jennifer Baker, ‘EU desperately pushes just-as-dodgy safe harbour
alternatives’, The Register, October 7, 2015
<u><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">http</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">://</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">www</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">.</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">theregister</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">.</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">co</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">.</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">uk</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">/2015/10/07/</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">eu</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">_</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">pushes</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">_</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">safe</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">_</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">harbour</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">_</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">alternatives</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/10/07/eu_pushes_safe_harbour_alternatives/">/</a></u> </p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote6">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote6sym" href="#sdfootnote6anc">6</a>
Draft Report, General Data Protection Regulation, Committee on Civil
Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs, European Parliament, 2009-2014
<a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">http</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">://</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">www</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">.</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">europarl</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">.</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">europa</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">.</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">eu</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">/</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">meetdocs</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">/2009_2014/</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">documents</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">/</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">libe</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">/</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">pr</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">/922/922387/922387</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">en</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">.</a><a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2009_2014/documents/libe/pr/922/922387/922387en.pdf">pdf</a></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote7">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote7sym" href="#sdfootnote7anc">7</a>
Dana Polatin-Reuben, Joss Wright, ‘An Internet with BRICS
Characteristics: Data Sovereignty and the Balkanisation of the
Internet’, University of Oxford, July 7, 2014
<u><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">https</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">://</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">www</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">.</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">usenix</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">.</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">org</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">/</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">system</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">/</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">files</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">/</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">conference</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">/</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">foci</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">14/</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">foci</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">14-</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">polatin</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">-</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">reuben</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">.</a><a href="https://www.usenix.org/system/files/conference/foci14/foci14-polatin-reuben.pdf">pdf</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote8">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote8sym" href="#sdfootnote8anc">8</a>
Sasha
Meinrath, The Future of the Internet: Balkanization and Borders,
Time, October 2013
<u><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">http</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">://</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">ideas</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">.</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">time</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">.</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">com</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">/2013/10/11/</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">the</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">-</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">future</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">-</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">of</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">-</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">the</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">-</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">internet</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">-</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">balkanization</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">-</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">and</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">-</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">borders</a><a href="http://ideas.time.com/2013/10/11/the-future-of-the-internet-balkanization-and-borders/">/</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote9">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote9sym" href="#sdfootnote9anc">9</a>
Safe Harbour Privacy Principles, Issued by the U.S. Department of
Commerce, July 2001
<u><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">http</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">://</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">www</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">.</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">export</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">.</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">gov</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">/</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">safeharbor</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">/</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">eu</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">/</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">eg</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">_</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">main</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">_018475.</a><a href="http://www.export.gov/safeharbor/eu/eg_main_018475.asp">asp</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote10">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote10sym" href="#sdfootnote10anc">10</a>
Facebook
case may force European firms to change data storage practices, The
Guardian, September 23, 2015
<u><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">http</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">://</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">www</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">.</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">theguardian</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">.</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">com</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">/</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">us</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">news</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">/2015/</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">sep</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">/23/</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">us</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">intelligence</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">services</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">surveillance</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2015/sep/23/us-intelligence-services-surveillance-privacy">privacy</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote11">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote11sym" href="#sdfootnote11anc">11</a>
Privacy Tracker, US-EU Safe Harbor Under Pressure, August 2, 2013
<u><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">https</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">://</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">iapp</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">.</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">org</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">/</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">news</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">/</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">a</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">/</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">us</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">-</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">eu</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">-</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">safe</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">-</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">harbor</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">-</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">under</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">-</a><a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/us-eu-safe-harbor-under-pressure">pressure</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote12">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote12sym" href="#sdfootnote12anc">12</a>
Kieren
McCarthy, Privacy, net neutrality, security, encryption ... Europe
tells Obama, US Congress to back off, The Register, 23 September,
2015
<u><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">http</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">://</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">www</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">.</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">theregister</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">.</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">co</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">.</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">uk</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">/2015/09/23/</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">european</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">_</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">politicians</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">_</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">to</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">_</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">congress</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">_</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">back</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">_</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">off</a><a href="http://www.theregister.co.uk/2015/09/23/european_politicians_to_congress_back_off/">/</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote13">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote13sym" href="#sdfootnote13anc">13</a>
Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament and the
Council, Rebuilding Trust in EU-US Data Flows, European Commission,
November 2013
<u><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">http</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">://</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">ec</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">.</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">europa</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">.</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">eu</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">/</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">justice</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">/</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">data</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">-</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">protection</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">/</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">files</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">/</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">com</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">_2013_846_</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">en</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">.</a><a href="http://ec.europa.eu/justice/data-protection/files/com_2013_846_en.pdf">pdf</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote14">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote14sym" href="#sdfootnote14anc">14</a>
Safe
Harbor on trial in the European Union, Access Blog, September 2014
<u><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">https</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">://</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">www</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">.</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">accessnow</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">.</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">org</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">/</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">blog</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">/2014/11/13/</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">safe</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">-</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">harbor</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">-</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">on</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">-</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">trial</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">-</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">in</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">-</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">the</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">-</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">european</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">-</a><a href="https://www.accessnow.org/blog/2014/11/13/safe-harbor-on-trial-in-the-european-union">union</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote15">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote15sym" href="#sdfootnote15anc">15</a>
European
Commission - Fact Sheet Questions and Answers on the EU-US data
protection "Umbrella agreement", September 8, 2015
<u><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">http</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">://</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">europa</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">.</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">eu</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">/</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">rapid</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">/</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">press</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">-</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">release</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">_</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">MEMO</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">-15-5612_</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">en</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">.</a><a href="http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-15-5612_en.htm">htm</a></u> </p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote16">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote16sym" href="#sdfootnote16anc">16</a>
McGuire Woods, ‘EU and U.S. reach “Umbrella Agreement” on data
transfers’, Lexology, September 14, 2015
<u><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">http</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">://</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">www</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">.</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">lexology</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">.</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">com</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">/</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">library</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">/</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">detail</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">.</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">aspx</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">?</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">g</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">=422</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">bca</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">41-2</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">d</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">54-4648-</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">ae</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">57-00</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">d</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">678515</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">e</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">1</a><a href="http://www.lexology.com/library/detail.aspx?g=422bca41-2d54-4648-ae57-00d678515e1f">f</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote17">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote17sym" href="#sdfootnote17anc">17</a>
Andrew
Woods, Lowering the Temperature on the Microsoft-Ireland Case,
Lawfare September, 2015
<u><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">https</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">://</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">www</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">.</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">lawfareblog</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">.</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">com</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">/</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">lowering</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">-</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">temperature</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">-</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">microsoft</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">-</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">ireland</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">-</a><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/lowering-temperature-microsoft-ireland-case">case</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote18">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote18sym" href="#sdfootnote18anc">18</a>
Jens-Henrik Jeppesen, Greg Nojeim, ‘The EU-US Umbrella Agreement
and the Judicial Redress Act: Small Steps Forward for EU Citizens’
Privacy Rights’, October 5, 2015
<u><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">https</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">://</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">cdt</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">.</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">org</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">/</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">blog</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">/</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">the</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">eu</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">us</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">umbrella</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">agreement</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">and</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">the</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">judicial</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">redress</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">act</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">small</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">steps</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">forward</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">for</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">eu</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">citizens</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">privacy</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">-</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">rights</a><a href="https://cdt.org/blog/the-eu-us-umbrella-agreement-and-the-judicial-redress-act-small-steps-forward-for-eu-citizens-privacy-rights/">/</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote19">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote19sym" href="#sdfootnote19anc">19</a>
Ibid 18.</p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote20">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote20sym" href="#sdfootnote20anc">20</a>
Landmark ECJ data protection ruling could impact Facebook and
Google, The Guardian, 2 October, 2015
<u><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">http</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">://</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">www</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">.</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">theguardian</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">.</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">com</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">/</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">technology</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">/2015/</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">oct</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">/02/</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">landmark</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">ecj</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">data</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">protection</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">ruling</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">facebook</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">google</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/02/landmark-ecj-data-protection-ruling-facebook-google-weltimmo">weltimmo</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote21">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote21sym" href="#sdfootnote21anc">21</a>
Julia Powles, Tech companies like Facebook not above the law, says
Max Schrems, The Guardian, Octover 9, 2015
<a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">http</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">://</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">www</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">.</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">theguardian</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">.</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">com</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">/</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">technology</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">/2015/</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">oct</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">/09/</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">facebook</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">data</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">privacy</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">max</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">schrems</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">european</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">court</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">of</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">-</a><a href="http://www.theguardian.com/technology/2015/oct/09/facebook-data-privacy-max-schrems-european-court-of-justice">justice</a></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote22">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote22sym" href="#sdfootnote22anc">22</a>
Adam
Thierer,
Unintended
Consequences of the EU Safe Harbor Ruling, The Technology Liberation
Front, October 6, 2015
<u><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">http</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">://</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">techliberation</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">.</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">com</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">/2015/10/06/</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">unintended</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">-</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">consequenses</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">-</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">of</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">-</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">the</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">-</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">eu</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">-</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">safe</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">-</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">harbor</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">-</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">ruling</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">/#</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">more</a><a href="http://techliberation.com/2015/10/06/unintended-consequenses-of-the-eu-safe-harbor-ruling/#more-75831">-75831</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote23">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote23sym" href="#sdfootnote23anc">23</a>
Anupam
Chander, Tweeted ECJ<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/schrems?src=hash">
#</a><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/schrems?src=hash">schrems</a>
ruling may effectively require data localization within Europe,
<u><a href="https://twitter.com/AnupamChander/status/651369730754801665">https</a><a href="https://twitter.com/AnupamChander/status/651369730754801665">://</a><a href="https://twitter.com/AnupamChander/status/651369730754801665">twitter</a><a href="https://twitter.com/AnupamChander/status/651369730754801665">.</a><a href="https://twitter.com/AnupamChander/status/651369730754801665">com</a><a href="https://twitter.com/AnupamChander/status/651369730754801665">/</a><a href="https://twitter.com/AnupamChander/status/651369730754801665">AnupamChander</a><a href="https://twitter.com/AnupamChander/status/651369730754801665">/</a><a href="https://twitter.com/AnupamChander/status/651369730754801665">status</a><a href="https://twitter.com/AnupamChander/status/651369730754801665">/651369730754801665</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote24">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote24sym" href="#sdfootnote24anc">24</a>
Lokman Tsui, Tweeted, “If the TPP bans data localization, but the
ECJ ruling effectively mandates it, what does that mean for the
internet?”
<u><a href="https://twitter.com/lokmantsui/status/651393867376275456">https</a><a href="https://twitter.com/lokmantsui/status/651393867376275456">://</a><a href="https://twitter.com/lokmantsui/status/651393867376275456">twitter</a><a href="https://twitter.com/lokmantsui/status/651393867376275456">.</a><a href="https://twitter.com/lokmantsui/status/651393867376275456">com</a><a href="https://twitter.com/lokmantsui/status/651393867376275456">/</a><a href="https://twitter.com/lokmantsui/status/651393867376275456">lokmantsui</a><a href="https://twitter.com/lokmantsui/status/651393867376275456">/</a><a href="https://twitter.com/lokmantsui/status/651393867376275456">status</a><a href="https://twitter.com/lokmantsui/status/651393867376275456">/651393867376275456</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote25">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote25sym" href="#sdfootnote25anc">25</a>
Statement from Indian Head of Delegation, Mr Ram Narain for WGPL,
<a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/indian-statement-on-itu-and-internet-at-the-working-group-plenary/">Indian</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/indian-statement-on-itu-and-internet-at-the-working-group-plenary/">statement</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/indian-statement-on-itu-and-internet-at-the-working-group-plenary/">on</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/indian-statement-on-itu-and-internet-at-the-working-group-plenary/">ITU</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/indian-statement-on-itu-and-internet-at-the-working-group-plenary/">and</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/indian-statement-on-itu-and-internet-at-the-working-group-plenary/">Internet</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/indian-statement-on-itu-and-internet-at-the-working-group-plenary/">at</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/indian-statement-on-itu-and-internet-at-the-working-group-plenary/">the</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/indian-statement-on-itu-and-internet-at-the-working-group-plenary/">Working</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/indian-statement-on-itu-and-internet-at-the-working-group-plenary/">Group</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/indian-statement-on-itu-and-internet-at-the-working-group-plenary/">Plenary</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/indian-statement-on-itu-and-internet-at-the-working-group-plenary/">November</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/2014/11/04/indian-statement-on-itu-and-internet-at-the-working-group-plenary/">
4, 2014 </a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">https</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">://</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">ccgnludelhi</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">.</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">wordpress</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">.</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">com</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">/</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">author</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">/</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">asukum</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">87/</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">page</a><a href="https://ccgnludelhi.wordpress.com/author/asukum87/page/2/">/2/</a></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote26">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote26sym" href="#sdfootnote26anc">26</a>
Sounak
Mitra, Xiaomi bets big on India despite problems, Business Standard,
December 2014
<u><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">http</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">://</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">www</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">.</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">business</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">-</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">standard</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">.</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">com</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">/</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">article</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">/</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">companies</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">/</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">xiaomi</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">-</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">bets</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">-</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">big</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">-</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">on</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">-</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">india</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">-</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">despite</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">-</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">problems</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">-114122201023_1.</a><a href="http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/xiaomi-bets-big-on-india-despite-problems-114122201023_1.html">html</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote27">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote27sym" href="#sdfootnote27anc">27</a>
Neha
Alawadi, Ruling on data flow between EU & US may impact India’s
IT sector, Economic Times,October 7, 2015
<a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">http</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">://</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">economictimes</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">.</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">indiatimes</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">.</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">com</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">/</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">articleshow</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">/49250738.</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">cms</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">?</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">utm</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">_</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">source</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">=</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">contentofinterest</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">&</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">utm</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">_</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">medium</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">=</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">text</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">&</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">utm</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">_</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">campaign</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">=</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49250738.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">cppst</a></p>
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<div id="sdfootnote28">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote28sym" href="#sdfootnote28anc">28</a>
Pranav Menon, Data Protection Laws in India and Data Security-
Impact on India and Data Security-Impact on India - EU Free Trade
Agreement, CIS Access to Knowledge, 2011
<u><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">http</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">://</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">cis</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">-</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">india</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">.</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">org</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">/</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">a</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">2</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">k</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">/</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">blogs</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">/</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">data</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">-</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">security</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">-</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">laws</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">-</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">india</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">.</a><a href="http://cis-india.org/a2k/blogs/data-security-laws-india.pdf">pdf</a></u></p>
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<div id="sdfootnote29">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote29sym" href="#sdfootnote29anc">29</a>
Surendra
Kumar Sinha, India wants Mutual Legal Assistance treaty with
Bangladesh, Economic Times, October 7, 2015
h<u><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">ttp</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">://</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">economictimes</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">.</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">indiatimes</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">.</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">com</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">/</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">articleshow</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">/49262294.</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">cms</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">?</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">utm</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">_</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">source</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">=</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">contentofinterest</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">&</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">utm</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">_</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">medium</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">=</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">text</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">&</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">utm</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">_</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">campaign</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">=</a><a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/49262294.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst">cppst</a></u></p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote30">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote30sym" href="#sdfootnote30anc">30</a>
Pablo
Chavez, Director, Public Policy and Government Affairs, Testifying
before the U.S. Senate on transparency legislation, November 3,
2013
<u><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">http</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">://</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">googlepublicpolicy</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">.</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">blogspot</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">.</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">in</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">/2013/11/</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">testifying</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">-</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">before</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">-</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">us</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">-</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">senate</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">-</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">on</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">.</a><a href="http://googlepublicpolicy.blogspot.in/2013/11/testifying-before-us-senate-on.html">htm</a></u> </p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote31">
<p>
<a class="sdfootnotesym" name="sdfootnote31sym" href="#sdfootnote31anc">31</a>
Report
of the Group of Experts on Privacy (Chaired by Justice A P Shah,
Former Chief Justice, Delhi High Court), Planning Commission,
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<p align="justify"> </p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote31">
<p align="justify"> </p>
</div>
<div id="sdfootnote30"> </div>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/contestations-of-data-ecj-safe-harbor-ruling-and-lessons-for-india'>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/contestations-of-data-ecj-safe-harbor-ruling-and-lessons-for-india</a>
</p>
No publisherjyotiAccess to KnowledgeDigital EconomyPublic AccountabilityPrivacyPlatform ResponsibilityData ProtectionAccountabilityDigital SecurityDigital IndiaInternet Governance2015-10-14T14:40:08ZBlog EntryConsultation on 'National Geospatial Policy' - Notes and Submission
https://cis-india.org/openness/consultation-on-national-geospatial-policy-03022016
<b>The Department of Science and Technology, Government of India, has constituted a National Expert Committee for developing a draft National Geospatial Policy (NGP) to provide appropriate guidelines for collection, analysis, use, and distribution of geospatial information across India, and to assure data availability, accessibility and quality. A pre-drafting consultation meeting for the NGP was organised in Delhi on February 03, 2016. Ms. Anubha Sinha represented CIS at the meeting, and shares her notes.</b>
<p> </p>
<h3>National Geospatial Policy - Pre-Drafting Consultation Meeting</h3>
<p>Keeping in mind the importance of geospatial data in the context of national development, the Department of Science and Technology, Government of India, has constituted a National Expert Committee for developing a draft National Geospatial Policy (NGP). The Committee is Chaired by Major General Dr. R Siva Kumar, former Head of Natural Resources Data Management System (NRDMS) and CEO of National Spatial Data Infrastructure (NSDI), and Dr. Bhoop Singh, Head of NRDMS and NSDI Division at Department of Science and Technology, as Member Secretary. The Policy aims at providing appropriate guidelines for collection, analysis, use, and distribution of geospatial information across India, and to assure data availability, accessibility and quality.</p>
<p>A pre-drafting consultation meeting for the NGP was organised in Delhi by Dr. Valli Manickam, Professor at the Academic Staff College of India, on February 03, 2016, and CIS was invited to take part in it as the only participant from the civil society. The other participants included representatives from the geospatial industry and industry associations (like FICCI and CII), and Ms. Ranjana Kaul, Partner at Dua Associates. Among the drafting committee members, Major General Dr. R Siva Kumar, Dr. Bhoop Singh, Dr. Sandeep Tripathi (IFS), and Wing Commander Satyam Kushwaha were present.</p>
<p> </p>
<h3>National Geospatial Policy - Concept Note</h3>
<p>The purpose of the meeting was to hear the stakeholders' response to a Concept Note on the NGP, circulated prior to the meeting <strong>[1]</strong>. The Note sets out the principles and concerns of the proposed policy, which plans to guarantee geospatial data availability, accessibility, quality and in consonance with the imperatives of national security and intellectual property rights. The applicability of the policy is aimed at:</p>
<blockquote>all geospatial data created, generated and collected using public funds provided by Central and State Governments and International donor organizations, directly or through authorized agencies.</blockquote>
<p>The note suggests establishment of an "empowered body" to ensure proper creation, updates, management, dissemination, and sharing of the data, and management of an online portal for the same. The institutional mechanism to implement the policy will be composed of an Appellate authority / National High Power Implementation Committee, the NGP Implementation Committee, and the NGP Steering Committee.</p>
<p> </p>
<h3>Notes from the Meeting</h3>
<p>The Welcome Address was delivered by Dr. Bhoop Singh (Head of NRDMS and NSDI Division, DST) who informed the participants that the Expert Committee had already met National Security Council and heard their concerns on the policy. The principles on which the proposed policy is to be based were also shared. The policy resulted from an exercise started two years ago to fix quality and accuracy of geospatial data, which was when it was realised that there were significant gaps that need urgent redressal. It was also identified that in previous initiatives to manage geospatial data at the national level, some data-generating organisations had been left behind. The chief concerns for the Expert Committee are 1) tailoring a policy suited to India's unique security issues, 2) avoiding a blanket open policy that may lead to misuse of low resolution data, 3) heeding restrictions on mapping, considering that 43% of landmass was not represented on maps presently (a probable solution was to do feature based mapping), and 4) clarifying government regulation of drone-based mapping. Security concerns were raised frequently throughout the meeting. The Committee also recognised that for development, data sharing should be made more open. The Committee was keen to have the private industry as a partner in generation of geospatial data.</p>
<p>Private industry representatives agreed with the objectives of the policy and were willing to contribute to geospatial data generation. The Expert Committee mulled over the possibility of creating a Public Private Partnership to cater to data generation. The private industry complained about the lack of efforts in popularising geospatial technologies and making the process of tenders more transparent.</p>
<p>There were suggestions to examine the policies of other jurisdictions facing similar internal security threats as India, and delineating the types of data that could be openly shared (for instance, geospatial data from border regions versus non-border regions). Segregation of restricted and open geospatial data can also be done on the basis of its end-application, such as for military and engineering purposes. Participants also requested the creation of a clear Do's and Don'ts guideline. CIS presented a written submission that raised seven key concerns. These are listed in the section below.</p>
<p>On the question of making an open data policy, it was suggested that the committee needs to decide the fundamental approach of the policy first - whether the policy should be based on prohibition and restriction, or focus on identifying and regulating open and free geospatial. The UN General Assembly document on Principles relating to remote sensing of the Earth from space provides an appropriate international point of reference <strong>[2]</strong>.</p>
<p>After listening to the concerns and comments of the stakeholders, the core committee made the following concluding remarks:</p>
<ul><li>Existing policies of government and defence should be mapped out to avoid conflict or overlap with the proposed NGP policy</li>
<li>The sharing of data vests with government agencies and other organisations recommended by them – there needs to be a transparent mechanism for such recommendation based sharing</li>
<li>Industry should come up with self-regulatory mechanisms, do's and don'ts, and code of conduct</li>
<li>Develop a secure mechanism for providing data on sensitive areas (in terms of national security;</li>
<li>Even the defence agencies sometimes cannot access maps due to policies of the National Remote Sensing Centre and other agencies – such inconsistencies need to be fixed</li></ul>
<p>It was announced that the next consultation will occur in a couple of months, and will be open to the public at large, including representatives of industry, defence, and civil society.</p>
<p> </p>
<h3>Key Concerns about the NGP Concept Note</h3>
<p><strong>1. Complete lack of availability of open geospatial data from Indian government agencies:</strong> No government agency in India publish open geospatial data. While maps are often sold, both in printed and in digital form, they are not provided in a machine-readable open format and under an open license. The concept note towards NGP has made strong commitments towards changing this situation. There is an immediate need to participate in the NGP drafting process, with coordination among various civil society actors interested in open geospatial data, to ensure that these principles are carried into and operationalised in the actual NGP document.</p>
<p><strong>2. Need for explicit and comprehensive set of criteria to determine if a set of geospatial data is sensitive for national security reasons:</strong> In formal and informal conversations with various agencies collecting and creating geospatial data in India, the role played by security agencies in blocking proactive and reactive public disclosure of geospatial data, and even intra-governmental sharing of such data, has been highlighted. Addressing this issue requires development of an explicit and comprehensive list of criteria that will establish a clear and rule-based system for identifying if a specific geospatial data set is to be categorised as “shareable” or “non-shareable.”</p>
<p><strong>3. No clarity regarding legal status of citizen/crowd-sourced geospatial data, and initiatives to generate them:</strong> Open user-contributed geospatial data, especially through the OpenStreetMap platform, has emerged as a key driver of the global geospatial services industry. There is a legal ambiguity created by the National Mapping Policy regarding generation of such data in India, which came into focus when Survey of India filed a case against Google for organising a Mapathon contest, which invited Indian users to add metadata about physical and built features through Google Maps platform.1 The NGP needs to expressly provide legal sanction (and perhaps framework) for citizen/crowd-sourcing of geospatial data.</p>
<p><strong>4. Fragmented institutional structure for collection, management, and distribution of different kinds of geospatial data:</strong> Survey of India, Indian Institute of Remote Sensing, and Indian Space Research Organisation are all key government agencies involved in creating and managing geospatial data. Further, Election Commission of India is involved in preparing geospatial data about electoral units and their boundaries. The National Spatial Data Infrastructure was conceptualised to harmonise and centralise the geospatial data management processes, but is yet to be implemented with the backing of a policy or an Act. The NSDI can be institutionalised via the NGP as the national archive, aggregator, and distributor of open geospatial data, being originally collected and created by a range of government agencies.</p>
<p><strong>5. Integration of National Geospatial Policy with National Data Sharing and Accessibility Policy (NDSAP):</strong> The proactive disclosure of “shareable” geospatial data using open geospatial standards and under open licenses must be carried out under the purview of the NDSAP, and through the open government data platform established through NDSAP. The decisions regarding licensing of open government data, as being discussed by the a committee set up under NDSAP, must also be applicable to open geospatial data that will be published following the instructions of the NGP. Further, instead of multiple online sources of open geospatial data collected by various Indian government agencies, must be identified as the primary and necessary source for publication of open geospatial data.</p>
<p><strong>6. Integration of National Geospatial Policy with Right to Information (RTI) Act:</strong> Geospatial data must be treated as a special category of information under the RTI Act, which necessitates that if an Indian citizen requests for geospatial data from a government agency under the purview of RTI Act, the agency must provide the data in a human-readable and machine-readable open geospatial standard, and not only in the printed format, as key qualities of digital geospatial data can be substantially lost when printed in paper.</p>
<p><strong>7. Need for special infrastructure for management and publication of real-time geospatial (big) data, and governance of the same:</strong> With increasing number of government assets being geo-referenced for the purpose of more effective and real-time management, especially in the transportation sector, the corresponding agencies (which are often not mapping agencies) are acquiring a vast amount of high-velocity geospatial data, which needs to be analysed and (sometimes) published in the real-time. The need for special infrastructure for such data, as well as its governance, has not been discussed in the concept note for NGP, which is a major omission.</p>
<p> </p>
<h3>Endnotes</h3>
<p><strong>[1]</strong> See: <a href="https://github.com/cis-india/website/raw/master/docs/DST_National-Geospatial-Policy_Concept-Note_2016.01.21.pdf">https://github.com/cis-india/website/raw/master/docs/DST_National-Geospatial-Policy_Concept-Note_2016.01.21.pdf</a>.</p>
<p><strong>[2]</strong> UNGA 41/65. Principles Relating to Remote Sensing of the Earth from Space: <a href="http://www.unoosa.org/pdf/gares/ARES_41_65E.pdf">http://www.unoosa.org/pdf/gares/ARES_41_65E.pdf</a>.</p>
<p> </p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/openness/consultation-on-national-geospatial-policy-03022016'>https://cis-india.org/openness/consultation-on-national-geospatial-policy-03022016</a>
</p>
No publishersinhaOpen DataOpen Government DataFeaturedGeospatial DataOpennessDigital India2016-03-29T17:03:31ZBlog EntryComments on the Report of the Committee on Digital Payments (December 2016)
https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/comments-on-the-report-of-the-committee-on-digital-payments-dec-2016
<b>The Committee on Digital Payments constituted by the Ministry of Finance and chaired by Ratan P. Watal, Principal Advisor, NITI Aayog, submitted its report on the "Medium Term Recommendations to Strengthen Digital Payments Ecosystem" on December 09, 2016. The report was made public on December 27, and comments were sought from the general public. Here are the comments submitted by the Centre for Internet and Society.</b>
<p> </p>
<h3><strong>1. Preliminary</strong></h3>
<p><strong>1.1.</strong> This submission presents comments by the Centre for Internet and Society (“CIS”) <strong>[1]</strong> in response to the report of the Committee on Digital Payments, chaired by Mr. Ratan P. Watal, Principal Advisor, NITI Aayog, and constituted by the Ministry of Finance, Government of India (“the report”) <strong>[2]</strong>.</p>
<h3><strong>2. The Centre for Internet and Society</strong></h3>
<p><strong>2.1.</strong> The Centre for Internet and Society, CIS, is a non-profit organisation that undertakes interdisciplinary research on internet and digital technologies from policy and academic perspectives. The areas of focus include digital accessibility for persons with diverse abilities, access to knowledge, intellectual property rights, openness (including open data, free and open source software, open standards, and open access), internet governance, telecommunication reform, digital privacy, and cyber-security.</p>
<p><strong>2.2.</strong> CIS is not an expert organisation in the domain of banking in general and payments in particular. Our expertise is in matters of internet and communication governance, data privacy and security, and technology regulation. We deeply appreciate and are most inspired by the Ministry of Finance’s decision to invite entities from both the sectors of finance and information technology. This submission is consistent with CIS’ commitment to safeguarding general public interest, and the interests and rights of various stakeholders involved, especially the citizens and the users. CIS is thankful to the Ministry of Finance for this opportunity to provide a general response on the report.</p>
<h3><strong>3. Comments</strong></h3>
<p><strong>3.1.</strong> CIS observes that the decision by the Government of India to withdraw the legal tender character of the old high denomination banknotes (that is, Rs. 500 Rs. 1,000 notes), declared on November 08, 2016 <strong>[3]</strong>, have generated <strong>unprecedented data about the user base and transaction patterns of digital payments systems in India, when pushed to its extreme use due to the circumstances</strong>. The majority of this data is available with the National Payments Corporation of India and the Reserve Bank of India. CIS requests the authorities concerned to consider <strong>opening up this data for analysis and discussion by public at large and experts in particular, before any specific policy and regulatory decisions are taken</strong> towards advancing digital payments proliferation in India. This is a crucial opportunity for the Ministry of Finance to embrace (open) data-driven regulation and policy-making.</p>
<p><strong>3.2.</strong> While the report makes a reference to the European General Data Protection Directive, it does not make a reference to any substantive provisions in the Directive which may be relevant to digital payments. Aside from the recommendation that privacy protections around the purpose limitation principle be relaxed to ensure that payment service providers be allowed to process data to improve fraud monitoring and anti-money laundering services, the report is silent on significant privacy and data protection concerns posed by digital payments services. <strong>CIS strongly warns that the existing data protection and security regulations under Information Technology (Reasonable security practices and procedures and sensitive personal data or information), Rules are woefully inadequate in their scope and application to effectively deal with potential privacy concerns posed by digital payments applications and services.</strong> Some key privacy issues that must be addressed either under a comprehensive data protection legislation or a sector specific financial regulation are listed below. The process of obtaining consent must be specific, informed and unambiguous and through a clear affirmative action by the data subject based upon a genuine choice provided along with an option to opt out at any stage. The data subjects should have clear and easily enforceable right to access and correct their data. Further, data subjects should have the right to restrict the usage of their data in circumstances such as inaccuracy of data, unlawful purpose and data no longer required in order to fulfill the original purpose.</p>
<p><strong>3.3.</strong> The initial recommendation of the report is to “[m]ake regulation of payments independent from the function of central banking” (page 22). This involves a fundamental transformation of the payment and settlement system in India and its regulation. <strong>We submit that a decision regarding transformation of such scale and implications is taken after a more comprehensive policy discussion, especially involving a wider range of stakeholders</strong>. The report itself notes that “[d]igital payments also have the potential of becoming a gateway to other financial services such as credit facilities for small businesses and low-income households” (page 32). Thus, a clear functional, and hence regulatory, separation between the (digital) payments industry and the lending/borrowing industry may be either effective or desirable. Global experience tells us that digital transactions data, along with other alternative data, are fast becoming the basis of provision of financial and other services, by both banking and non-banking (payments) companies. We appeal to the Ministry of Finance to adopt a comprehensive and concerted approach to regulating, enabling competition, and upholding consumers’ rights in the banking sector at large.</p>
<p><strong>3.4.</strong> The report recognises “banking as an activity is separate from payments, which is more of a technology business” (page 154). Contemporary banking and payment businesses are both are primarily technology businesses where information technology particularly is deployed intimately to extract, process, and drive asset management decisions using financial transaction data. Further, with payment businesses (such as, pre-paid instruments) offering return on deposited money via other means (such as, cashbacks), and potentially competing and/or collaborating with established banks to use financial transaction data to drive lending decisions, including but not limited to micro-loans, it appears unproductive to create a separation between banking as an activity and payments as an activity merely in terms of the respective technology intensity of these sectors. <strong>CIS firmly recommends that regulation of these financial services and activities be undertaken in a technology-agnostic manner, and similar regulatory regimes be deployed on those entities offering similar services irrespective of their technology intensity or choice</strong>.</p>
<p><strong>3.5.</strong> The report highlights two major shortcomings of the current regulatory regime for payments. Firstly “the law does not impose any obligation on the regulator to promote competition and innovation in the payments market” (page 153). It appears to us that the regulator’s role should not be to promote market expansion and innovation but to ensure and oversee competition. <strong>We believe that the current regulator should focus on regulating the existing market, and the work of the expansion of the digital payments market in particular and the digital financial services market in general be carried out by another government agency, as it creates conflict of interest for the regulator otherwise.</strong> Secondly, the report mentions that Payment and Settlement Systems Act does not “focus the regulatory attention on the need for consumer protection in digital payments” and then it notes that a “provision was inserted to protect funds collected from customers” in 2015 (page 153). <strong>This indicates that the regulator already has the responsibility to ensure consumer protection in digital payments. The purview and modalities of how this function of course needs discussion and changes with the growth in digital payments</strong>.</p>
<p><strong>3.6.</strong> The report identifies the high cost of cash as a key reason for the government’s policy push towards digital payments. Further, it mentions that a “sample survey conducted in 2014 across urban and rural neighbourhoods in Delhi and Meerut, shows that despite being keenly aware of the costs associated with transacting in cash, most consumers see three main benefits of cash, viz. freedom of negotiations, faster settlements, and ensuring exact payments” (page 30). It further notes that “[d]igital payments have significant dependencies upon power and telecommunications infrastructure. Therefore, the roll out of robust and user friendly digital payments solutions to unelectrified areas/areas without telecommunications network coverage, remains a challenge.” <strong>CIS much appreciates the discussion of the barriers to universal adoption and rollout of digital payments in the report, and appeals to the Ministry of Finance to undertake a more comprehensive study of the key investments required by the Government of India to ensure that digital payments become ubiquitously viable as well as satisfy the demands of a vast range of consumers that India has</strong>. The estimates about investment required to create a robust digital payment infrastructure, cited in the report, provide a great basis for undertaking studies such as these.</p>
<p><strong>3.7.</strong> CIS is very encouraged to see the report highlighting that “[w]ith the rising number of users of digital payment services, it is absolutely necessary to develop consumer confidence on digital payments. Therefore, it is essential to have legislative safeguards to protect such consumers in-built into the primary law.” <strong>We second this recommendation and would like to add further that financial transaction data is governed under a common data protection and privacy regime, without making any differences between data collected by banking and non-banking entities</strong>.</p>
<p><strong>3.8.</strong> We are, however, very discouraged to see the overtly incorrect use of the word “Open Access” in this report in the context of a payment system disallowing service when the client wants to transact money with a specific entity <strong>[4]</strong>. This is not an uncommon anti-competitive measure adopted by various platform players and services providers so as to disallow users from using competing products (such as, not allowing competing apps in the app store controlled by one software company). <strong>The term “Open Access” is not only the appropriate word to describe the negation of such anti-competitive behaviour, its usage in this context undermines its accepted meaning and creates confusion regarding the recommendation being proposed by the report.</strong> The closest analogy to the recommendation of the report would perhaps be with the principle of “network neutrality” that stands for the network provider not discriminating between data packets being processed by them, either in terms of price or speed.</p>
<p><strong>3.9.</strong> A major recommendation by the report involves creation of “a fund from savings generated from cash-less transactions … by the Central Government,” which will use “the trinity of JAM (Jan Dhan, Adhaar, Mobile) [to] link financial inclusion with social protection, contributing to improved Social and Financial Security and Inclusion of vulnerable groups/ communities” (page 160-161). <strong>This amounts to making Aadhaar a mandatory ID for financial inclusion of citizens, especially the marginal and vulnerable ones, and is in direct contradiction to the government’s statements regarding the optional nature of the Aadhaar ID, as well as the orders by the Supreme Court on this topic</strong>.</p>
<p><strong>3.10.</strong> The report recommends that “Aadhaar should be made the primary identification for KYC with the option of using other IDs for people who have not yet obtained Aadhaar” (page 163) and further that “Aadhaar eKYC and eSign should be a replacement for paper based, costly, and shared central KYC registries” (page 162). <strong>Not only these measures would imply making Aadhaar a mandatory ID for undertaking any legal activity in the country, they assume that the UIDAI has verified and audited the personal documents submitted by Aadhaar number holders during enrollment.</strong> A mandate for <em>replacement</em> of the paper-based central KYC agencies will only remove a much needed redundancy in the the identity verification infrastructure of the government.</p>
<p><strong>3.11.</strong> The report suggests that “[t]ransactions which are permitted in cash without KYC should also be permitted on prepaid wallets without KYC” (page 164-165). This seems to negate the reality that physical verification of a person remains one of the most authoritative identity verification process for a natural person, apart from DNA testing perhaps. <strong>Thus, establishing full equivalency of procedure between a presence-less transaction and one involving a physically present person making the payment will only amount to removal of relatively greater security precautions for the former, and will lead to possibilities of fraud</strong>.</p>
<p><strong>3.12.</strong> In continuation with the previous point, the report recommends promotion of “Aadhaar based KYC where PAN has not been obtained” and making of “quoting Aadhaar compulsory in income tax return for natural persons” (page 163). Both these measures imply a replacement of the PAN by Aadhaar in the long term, and a sharp reduction in growth of new PAN holders in the short term. <strong>We appeal for this recommendation to be reconsidered as integration of all functionally separate national critical information infrastructures (such as PAN and Aadhaar) into a single unified and centralised system (such as Aadhaar) engenders massive national and personal security threats</strong>.</p>
<p><strong>3.13.</strong> The report suggest the establishment of “a ranking and reward framework” to recognise and encourage for the best performing state/district/agency in the proliferation of digital payments. <strong>It appears to us that creation of such a framework will only lead to making of an environment of competition among these entities concerned, which apart from its benefits may also have its costs. For example, the incentivisation of quick rollout of digital payment avenues by state government and various government agencies may lead to implementation without sufficient planning, coordination with stakeholders, and precautions regarding data security and privacy</strong>. The provision of central support for digital payments should be carried out in an environment of cooperation and not competition.</p>
<p><strong>3.14.</strong> CIS welcomes the recommendation by the report to generate greater awareness about cost of cash, including by ensuring that “large merchants including government agencies should account and disclose the cost of cash collection and cash payments incurred by them periodically” (page 164). It, however, is not clear to whom such periodic disclosures should be made. <strong>We would like to add here that the awareness building must simultaneously focus on making public how different entities shoulder these costs. Further, for reasons of comparison and evidence-driven policy making, it is necessary that data for equivalent variables are also made open for digital payments - the total and disaggregate cost, and what proportion of these costs are shouldered by which entities</strong>.</p>
<p><strong>3.15.</strong> The report acknowledges that “[t]oday, most merchants do not accept digital payments” and it goes on to recommend “that the Government should seize the initiative and require all government agencies and merchants where contracts are awarded by the government to provide at-least one suitable digital payment option to its consumers and vendors” (page 165). This requirement for offering digital payment option will only introduce an additional economic barrier for merchants bidding for government contracts. <strong>We appeal to the Ministry of Finance to reconsider this approach of raising the costs of non-digital payments to incentivise proliferation of digital payments, and instead lower the existing economic and other barriers to digital payments that keep the merchants away</strong>. The adoption of digital payments must not lead to increasing costs for merchants and end-users, but must decrease the same instead.</p>
<p><strong>3.16.</strong> As the report was submitted on December 09, 2016, and was made public only on December 27, 2016, <strong>it would have been much appreciated if at least a month-long window was provided to study and comment on the report, instead of fifteen days</strong>. This is especially crucial as the recently implemented demonetisation and the subsequent banking and fiscal policy decisions taken by the government have rapidly transformed the state and dynamics of the payments system landscape in India in general, and digital payments in particular.</p>
<h3><strong>Endnotes</strong></h3>
<p><strong>[1]</strong> See: <a href="http://cis-india.org/">http://cis-india.org/</a>.</p>
<p><strong>[2]</strong> See: <a href="http://finmin.nic.in/reports/Note-watal-report.pdf">http://finmin.nic.in/reports/Note-watal-report.pdf</a> and <a href="http://finmin.nic.in/reports/watal_report271216.pdf">http://finmin.nic.in/reports/watal_report271216.pdf</a>.</p>
<p><strong>[3]</strong> See: <a href="http://finmin.nic.in/cancellation_high_denomination_notes.pdf">http://finmin.nic.in/cancellation_high_denomination_notes.pdf</a>.</p>
<p><strong>[4]</strong> Open Access refers to “free and unrestricted online availability” of scientific and non-scientific literature. See: <a href="http://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read">http://www.budapestopenaccessinitiative.org/read</a>.</p>
<p> </p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/comments-on-the-report-of-the-committee-on-digital-payments-dec-2016'>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/comments-on-the-report-of-the-committee-on-digital-payments-dec-2016</a>
</p>
No publisherSumandro Chattapadhyay and Amber SinhaUIDDigital IDBig DataDigital EconomyDigital AccessPrivacyDigital SecurityData RevolutionDigital PaymentInternet GovernanceDigital IndiaData ProtectionDemonetisationHomepageFeaturedAadhaar2017-01-12T12:32:22ZBlog EntryCan the Matters Dealt with in the Aadhaar Act be the Objects of a Money Bill?
https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/can-matters-dealt-with-in-aadhaar-act-be-objects-of-money-bill
<b>In this infographic, we highlight the matters dealt with in the Aadhaar Act 2016, recently tabled in and passed by the Lok Sabha as a money bill, and consider if these can be objects of a money bill. The infographic is designed by Pooja Saxena, based on information compiled by Sumandro Chattapadhyay and Amber Sinha. </b>
<p> </p>
<h4>Download the infographic: <a href="https://github.com/cis-india/website/raw/master/infographics/CIS_NotAMoneyBill_ObjectsOfMoneyBill.pdf">PDF</a> and <a href="https://github.com/cis-india/website/raw/master/infographics/CIS_NotAMoneyBill_ObjectsOfMoneyBill.jpg">JPG</a>.</h4>
<p> </p>
<p><strong>License:</strong> It is shared under Creative Commons <a href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/">Attribution 4.0 International</a> License.</p>
<p> </p>
<img src="https://github.com/cis-india/website/raw/master/infographics/CIS_NotAMoneyBill_ObjectsOfMoneyBill.jpg" alt="Can the matters dealt with in the Aadhaar Act be the objects of a money bill?" />
<p> </p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/can-matters-dealt-with-in-aadhaar-act-be-objects-of-money-bill'>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/can-matters-dealt-with-in-aadhaar-act-be-objects-of-money-bill</a>
</p>
No publisherPooja SaxenaUIDPrivacyInternet GovernanceDigital IndiaAadhaar2016-04-24T14:15:06ZBlog Entry