The Centre for Internet and Society
https://cis-india.org
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Who the Hack?
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/who-the-hack
<b>A hacker is not an evil spirit, instead he can outwit digital systems to bring about social change, writes Nishant Shah in this column published in the Indian Express on April 24, 2011.</b>
<p>One of the most sullied words that have pervaded public discourse, with the rise of the internet, is “hacker”. The word conjures up images of a silent, menacing, technology-savvy young man, who, with his almost magical control over the digital realm, manipulates systems, changes the laws, rewrites the rules and takes complete control. We hear stories about criminals hacking often enough — people who break into national security systems and retrieve sensitive information, teenagers who crash servers by spamming them with unnecessary traffic, users who commit credit fraud by phishing or breaking into bank accounts, or shutting down entire systems by erasing all the code.</p>
<h3>Hackers v/s Crackers</h3>
<p><img src="https://cis-india.org/home-images/hacking.jpg/image_preview" alt="Hacking" class="image-inline image-inline" title="Hacking" /></p>
<p>As many of us know, the term hacker has a different origin and meaning than its abused application. In fact, people who perform maleficent activities using their technological prowess are called “crackers” — these are people who use their ability to interact with a system in order to make personal gains or to harass others. A hacker is a person who has extraordinary technology skills and is able to manipulate digital systems and makes them perform tasks which were not a part of their original design. Which means that a geek who can hack into a server and uses the free space to host a free website, aimed for public good, or a techie who writes a programme that can use the idle computing time of your machines to run peer-to-peer networks, or a teenager who can break the constraints of an existing software to integrate it with other programmes, are all hackers. A hacker is defined by his ability to play around with the basic elements of a system (not necessarily digital and internet-based) and perform actions, sometimes for social good, but often, for fun and to explore the digital world’s frontiers. They are not the evil spirits that we often imagine them to be.</p>
<p>Hackers can be suffused with a spirit of civic good and of social beneficence. Around the world, hackers have used their technology skills to make public interventions to resolve a crisis in their environments. From the now notorious Julian Assange and his WikiLeaks platform to more positive efforts like Ipaidabribe.com, a civic hackers have emerged as our new heroes. Ipaidabribe.com is a civic hacking website, which allows users to use digital storytelling as a method by which they can start discussions on corruption and what we can do to change the systems.</p>
<p>Many digital natives are civic hackers. Aditya Kulkarni, one of our earliest participants with the “Digital Natives with a Cause” programme, is a digital native civic hacker. Like many young people in India, Aditya, from Mumbai, found the field of electoral politics opaque. He found it difficult to understand why good people voted for bad leaders and why large sections of the society shirk their responsibility to vote, thus leading to flawed governments. He, with his friends, started VoteIndia.in, a website where they collected information from public domain sources about electoral candidates in their local constituencies, so that voters could make informed decisions. The website was an instance of civic hacktivism.</p>
<p>I talk about hacking because I want to draw your attention to the phenomenon that started with Anna Hazare’s anti-corruption stance and the series of public interventions that surrounded it. Hazare has emerged as a hero for many. He has been trending on Twitter, there are pages dedicated to him on Facebook, Tumblr blogs have been spreading his word, text messages have urged people to come out in support. While there is much speculation about Hazare’s politics and the media spectacle that it has created, little attention has been given to Hazare’s almost exclusively off-line campaign and the way in which social media tools have been able to capture his momentum and turn it into a series of civic hacktivist interventions.</p>
<p>Flashmobs with people bearing candles and chanting against corruption emerged in cities. Public consultations organised by young people saw critical engagement with questions of corruption. The interwebz have been abuzz with people expressing opinions and calling for public mobilisation. Anti-corruption convictions have found resonance with people who, otherwise, despite having access to these technologies, would not necessarily have engaged in these kinds of civic hacktivities. This, for me, is not only a sign of hope but also a moment of understanding that digital activism is not always restricted to the digital domain.</p>
<p>As in the case of Aditya, and that of Hazare, the germ of an idea is often offline. The processes of protest and demonstration towards social change travel across the physical and the digital world. The idea of a digital native as a civic hacktivist reminds us that the young person behind the computer, in a virtual reality, is not dissociated from the embedded contexts of everyday life. Their skills with the computer often help them make critical interventions to mobilise social change.</p>
<p><em>See the original article published by the Indian Express <a class="external-link" href="http://www.indianexpress.com/news/who-the-hack/779496/">here</a></em></p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/who-the-hack'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/who-the-hack</a>
</p>
No publisherpraskrishnaWeb PoliticsResearchers at WorkDigital Natives2015-05-14T12:16:59ZBlog EntryWhat scares a Digital Native? Blogathon
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/what-scares-a-digital-native-blogathon-1
<b>What Scares technologized young people around the world? In an effort to present a view often not heard in traditional discourses, on Monday the 18th of April 2011, young people from across the world blogged about their fears in relation to the digitalisation of society.
</b>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/what-scares-a-digital-native-blogathon-1'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/what-scares-a-digital-native-blogathon-1</a>
</p>
No publishertettnerWeb PoliticsResearchers at WorkDigital Natives2015-05-14T12:16:14ZBlog EntryThe 'Beyond the Digital' Directory
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/the-beyond-the-digital-directory
<b>For the past few months, Maesy Angelina has been sharing the insights gained from her research with Blank Noise on the activism of digital natives. The ‘Beyond the Digital’ directory offers a list of the posts on the research based on the order of its publication.</b>
<p></p>
<p>Have you ever
wondered what is really “new” about the activism of digital natives? In May
2010, the Hivos-CIS ‘Digital Natives with a Cause?’ Knowledge Programme started
a collaboration The Blank Noise Project in India and Maesy Angelina, a
student-researcher from the Erasmus University of Rotterdam – International
Institute of Social Studies in The Hague who is taking up the research agenda
for her final project to qualify for her Masters degree in International
Development with a specialization in Children and Youth Studies.</p>
<p>Maesy
has been blogging about the insights she gained from her field work in
Bangalore in the CIS website under the ‘Beyond the Digital’ series, which
consists of the following posts:</p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst"> </p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst"><strong>1. <a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/beyond-the-digital-understanding-digital-natives-with-a-cause/weblogentry_view" class="external-link">Beyond the Digital: Understanding
Digital Natives with a Cause</a></strong></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle">Digital
natives with a cause: the future of activism or slacktivism? Maesy Angelina
argues that the debate is premature given the obscured understanding on youth
digital activism and contends that an effort to understand this from the
contextualized perspectives of the digital natives themselves is a crucial
first step to make. This is the first out of a series of posts on her journey
to explore new insights to understand youth digital activism through a research
with Blank Noise under the Hivos-CIS Digital Natives Knowledge
Programme.</p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle"> </p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle"><strong>2. <a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/first-thing-first/weblogentry_view" class="external-link">First Thing First</a></strong></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle">Studies
often focus on how digital natives do their activism in identifying the
characteristics of youth digital activism and dedicate little attention to what
the activism is about. The second blog post in the Beyond the Digital series
reverses this trend and explores how Blank Noise articulates the
issue it addresses: street sexual harassment.</p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle"> </p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle"><a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/talking-back-without-talking-back" class="external-link"><strong>3. Talking Back without “Talking Back”</strong></a></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast"><span class="description">The activism of digital natives is often
considered different from previous generations because of the methods and tools
they use. However, reflecting on my conversations with Blank Noise
and my experience in the ‘Digital Natives Talking Back’ workshop in Taipei, the
difference goes beyond the method and can be spotted at the analytical level –
how young people today are <em>thinking</em>
about their activism. <br /></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast"> </p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast"><a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/taking-it-to-the-streets/" class="external-link">4. Taking It to the Streets</a></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast">The previous posts in the Beyond the Digital series have discussed the distinct ways in which young people today are thinking about their activism. The fourth post elaborates further on how this is translated into practice by sharing the experience of a Blank Noise street intervention: Y ARE U LOOKING AT ME?</p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast"> </p>
<a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/the-digital-tipping-point" class="external-link">5. The Digital Tipping Point</a>
<p> </p>
<span id="parent-fieldname-description" class="kssattr-atfieldname-description kssattr-templateId-widgets/textarea kssattr-macro-textarea-field-view inlineEditable">Is
Web 2.0 really the only reason why youth digital activism is so
successful in mobilizing public engagement? A look into the
transformation of Blank Noise’s blog from a one-way communication medium
into a site of public dialogue and collaboration reveals the crucial
factors behind the success.<br /><br /><br /><a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/diving-into-the-digita" class="external-link">6. Diving Into the Digital</a><br /></span>
<p> </p>
<p>Previous posts in the ‘Beyond the Digital’ series have discussed the non-virtual aspects and presence of Blank Noise. However, to understand the activism of digital natives also require a look into their online presence and activities. This post explores how Blank Noise’s engagement with the public in their digital realm.</p>
<p> </p>
<p><a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/the-class-question" class="external-link">7. The Class Question</a></p>
<p><span id="parent-fieldname-description" class="kssattr-atfieldname-description kssattr-templateId-widgets/textarea kssattr-macro-textarea-field-view inlineEditable">Blank
Noise aims to be as inclusive as possible and therefore does not
identify any specific target groups. Yet, the spaces and the methods
they occupy do attract certain kinds of volunteers and public. This
raises the class question: what are the dilemmas around class on digital
interventions? Are they any different from the dilemmas on street
interventions? <br /></span></p>
<p><span id="parent-fieldname-description" class="kssattr-atfieldname-description kssattr-templateId-widgets/textarea kssattr-macro-textarea-field-view inlineEditable"><br /></span></p>
<p><span id="parent-fieldname-description" class="kssattr-atfieldname-description kssattr-templateId-widgets/textarea kssattr-macro-textarea-field-view inlineEditable"><a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/the-many-faces-within" class="external-link">8. The Many Faces Within</a></span></p>
<p><span id="parent-fieldname-description" class="kssattr-atfieldname-description kssattr-templateId-widgets/textarea kssattr-macro-textarea-field-view inlineEditable">Blank
Noise, as many other digital native collectives, may seem to be
complete horizontal at first glance. But, a closer look reveals the many
different possibilities for involvement and a unique way the collective
organize itself. <br /></span></p>
<p><span id="parent-fieldname-description" class="kssattr-atfieldname-description kssattr-templateId-widgets/textarea kssattr-macro-textarea-field-view inlineEditable"><br /></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast"><a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/activism-unraveling-the-term" class="external-link">9. Activism: Unraveling the Term</a></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast"><span id="parent-fieldname-description" class="kssattr-atfieldname-description kssattr-templateId-widgets/textarea kssattr-macro-textarea-field-view inlineEditable">After
discussing Blank Noise’s politics and ways of organizing, the current
post explores whether activism is still a relevant concept to capture
the involvement of people within the collective. I explore the questions
from the vantage point of the youth actors, through conversations about
how they relate with the very term of activism. <br /></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast"> </p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast"><a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/reflecting-from-the-beyond" class="external-link">10. Reflecting from the Beyond</a></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast"><span id="parent-fieldname-description" class="kssattr-atfieldname-description kssattr-templateId-widgets/textarea kssattr-macro-textarea-field-view inlineEditable">After
going ‘beyond the digital’ with Blank Noise through the last nine
posts, the final post in the series reflects on the understanding gained
so far about youth digital activism and questions one needs to carry in
moving forward on researching, working with, and understanding digital
natives. <br /></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast"><br /><span id="parent-fieldname-description" class="kssattr-atfieldname-description kssattr-templateId-widgets/textarea kssattr-macro-textarea-field-view inlineEditable"></span></p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast"><span id="parent-fieldname-description" class="kssattr-atfieldname-description kssattr-templateId-widgets/textarea kssattr-macro-textarea-field-view inlineEditable"></span>While the posts present bits and pieces of field research notes and reflections from data analysis, the full research products are:</p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast">- Angelina, M. (2010) '<a class="external-link" href="http://thesis.eur.nl/theses/law_culture_society/iss/cys/index/863849405/">Beyond the Digital: Understanding Contemporary Forms of Youth Activism - The Case of Blank Noise in Urban India</a>'. Unpublished thesis, graded with Distinction. The Hague: International Institute of Social Studies - Erasmus University of Rotterdam.</p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast">- Angelina, M. (2010) '<a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/position-paper/view?searchterm=position%20paper%20digital%20natives" class="external-link">Towards a New Relationship of Exchange</a>'. Position paper for the Digital Natives with a Cause Thinkathon. </p>
<p class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast"> </p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/the-beyond-the-digital-directory'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/the-beyond-the-digital-directory</a>
</p>
No publishermaesyYouthDigital ActivismDigital NativesWeb PoliticsStreet sexual harassmentBlank Noise ProjectBeyond the DigitalCommunitiesart and interventionResearchers at Work2015-05-15T11:33:39ZBlog EntryRevealing Protesters on the Fringe: Crucifixion Protest in Paraguay
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/revealing-protesters-on-the-fringe
<b>An analysis of the crucifix protest in Paraguay in the light of Nishant Shah’s piece: Whose Change is it Anyway? The blog post looks at the physical and symbolic spaces in which narratives of change were conceived and the extent to which information circulating within activates citizen action. </b>
<p style="text-align: justify;">“What constitutes change? What are the intentions that make change possible? Who are the actors involved?” These are the questions with which Nishant Shah opens the thought piece ‘Whose Change is it Anyway’, a series of reflections and provocations exploring the future of citizen action and digital technologies in emerging information societies. The project, in collaboration with the HIVOS Knowledge Program, begins a process of unlearning conventional understandings of ‘change’ and redefining it in the light of less visible narratives of political, social and cultural transformation. Three pivots of analysis are at the backbone of this piece. First, it locates change by looking at the historicity and stressing the role of invisible crises that lead to digital activism. Second, it moves on to unpack our definition of change and the language framing activism as system-overhaul practices rather reformative experiments. Third, it looks at the outcomes of change proposing a redefinition of failure that enables us to recognize instances of change outside of what is dubbed ‘successful’ citizen action. All in all, the piece is reflective rather than conclusive and when paired up with contemporary events of political and social change, it serves as a framework to challenge existing paradigms and overlooked narratives.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">This was precisely my experience when at the end of August I came across the Paraguayan crucifix protest in the BBC News website: the story of eight bus drivers who led by union leader Juan Villalba, crucified themselves onto wooden crosses to protest against labour exploitation in Asuncion.<a name="fr1" href="#fn1">[1]</a> In spite of its international media coverage, the protest has to this day failed to mobilize digitally fluent Paraguayan and global netizens into joining the ranks<a name="fr2" href="#fn2">[2]</a> of their plea, keeping protesters at the fringes of the online sphere. This is surprising compared to other publicized Paraguayan protests, such as Pro-Ache Tribe campaigns back in 2011<a name="fr3" href="#fn3">[3]</a> and the anti-corruption protests earlier this year,<a name="fr4" href="#fn4">[4]</a> which featured politically active students mobilizing through technology to influence public policy in Paraguay.</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify;">Before jumping into deeming the crucifix protest a success or a failure, I would like to refer back to the first axis of analysis in Shah’s work and discuss the history, context and structures in which the intent for change was crafted. I will follow Anat-Ben David´s framework based on her research on the geopolitics of digital spaces, and look at how “hybrid geographical and digital spaces” intertwine with “situated knowledges and practices” in order to localize change (2011). I will first focus on the political and social context of Paraguay and how it framed two online campaigns: the Aché Tribe campaign in 2011 and the anti-corruption campaign in June 2013. Then, I will move on to the symbolic and knowledge context in Paraguay and how it determined the outcome of the offline crucifix protest in August 2013. The objective is to identify the factors that drove the first two issues into the online sphere vis-a-vis those that impeded the latter from making that transition. This will be instrumental to understand what —and what not— activates youth mobilization and citizen action in Paraguay and how their vision of change aligns with their experience in crises.</p>
<h3 style="text-align: justify;">Political and social context of Paraguay</h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Landlocked, Catholic and <em>mestizo</em>, Paraguay was under a 30 year oppressive dictatorship that finally came to an end in 1989. Since then, the succeeding thirteen years of democracy have been characterized by citizen upheavals, as younger generations are breaking the silence and conformity of older times (Zavala, 2011). Among the most pressing issues addressed by coup attempts, strikes and protests,<a name="fr5" href="#fn5">[5]</a> corruption remains the standing evil in the Paraguayan political system. Seventy-eight per cent of its citizens perceive the government as ineffective at fighting corruption,<a name="fr6" href="#fn6">[6]</a> and with good reason. Paraguay is ranked as the second most corrupt country in Latin America and 24th in the world, according to Transparency International.<a name="fr7" href="#fn7">[7]</a> The Paraguayan head of Seeds for Democracy, Marta Ferrara commented on corruption being absolute in the public sector due to the legacy of dictatorship, and hence called civil society groups to exert more pressure on the government to fight it.<a name="fr8" href="#fn8">[8]</a> This sentiment is consistent with the loss of faith in democracy in Latin America to which research has attributed the rise of the left and a growing desire for social change (Barret et al, 2008).</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Another important contextual question to consider on a par is how relevant are digital technologies in Paraguay to mobilize change. The country has one of the lowest rates of internet penetration in the continent at 27.1 per cent, <a name="fr9" href="#fn9">[9]</a> suggesting that the remaining 70 per cent is comprised of disconnected Guarani voices whose stories remain untold. This is in a country with a 52.4 Gini coefficient, where 40 per cent of citizens live below the poverty line and 56 per cent of the income is controlled by the upper 20 per cent.<a name="fr10" href="#fn10">[10]</a></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Delving deeper into this divide, we can infer that the success behind the digitally enabled protests comes as a result of socioeconomic inequality and an alignment of the interests of this privileged class and the issues behind their actions. Based on this profile, my follow up questions are a) what is the common thread joining the online campaigns that is absent from the crucifix protest and b) how this digital class is defining these priorities.<br /> <br /><strong>The anti-corruption discourse<br /></strong>The legacy of the dictatorship and the anti-corruption discourse is a strong response to the first question. While the concept of corruption is severely stigmatized in society, it is also very loosely defined (Harrison, 2006), making it a versatile stimuli for change. Harrison states that in developing countries, the focus remains on the perception of the relationship between the state and those they are meant to be serving (2006), while for Haller and Shore it also refers to money transactions within power relationships that stratify and exclude in any structure (2005). In this way, the concept remains all-encompassing, perception-based and relevant to the democracy crisis in Paraguay. Hence, protesting against it is locally appropriate, and fits in the moral project Sampson dubbed the global anti-corruption industry (2010). He argues that condemning corruption is now a global trend grounded on uncontested ‘good governance´ and integrity values. Its rhetoric has been mainstreamed and infused with a “feel good character” that turns it into an appealing campaign, easy to identify with, simple to embark on and consistently present in the human-rights discourse both in the online and offline sphere.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The anti-corruption protest in June and the Pro-Aché mobilization in 2011 fit this criterion. In the first case, 3000 Paraguayans took to the streets inspired by neighbouring Brazil´s anti-corruption protests<a name="fr11" href="#fn11">[11] </a>to condemn a new retirement law project for parliamentarians that allowed them to retire after only ten years of public service. Framed as an indicator of state inefficiency, the online campaign <em>PorUnParaguayMejor</em> [For a better Paraguay] went viral compelling students to mobilize against the project in Asuncion.<a name="fr12" href="#fn12">[12]</a> The event was reported immediately by international media publicizing Paraguayan youth as revolutionary agents of change.<a name="fr13" href="#fn13">[13]</a></p>
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<p>Above: "[Parlamentarians] are retiring in 10 years and demanding full pension (100% of their salaries). Paraguay, take the streets and denounce them", (pictured by Global Voices online: <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/1aXGzA7">http://bit.ly/1aXGzA7</a>)</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify;">The second case was also based on state inefficiency experienced by a specific community: the Aché indigenous tribe. The dispute was a consequence of the Ministry of Environment dishonouring an agreement and not granting property titles of the land <em>Finca 470</em> to the tribe. As a result, a group of young Paraguayans created social media accounts to organize food and clothes drives, mobilize protests, attract further attention from the press and communicate horizontally with government authorities. Due to their extensive lobbying, the authorities acceded to declare the land an indigenous reserve for the Aché, making it another hailed example of successful technology usage by youth (Zavala, 2011).<a name="fr14" href="#fn14">[14]</a></p>
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<p>Above: Members of the Aché tribe take to the streets in Paraguay (photo courtesy Sulekha: <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/1aPxeXv">http://bit.ly/1aPxeXv</a>).</p>
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<td style="text-align: justify;">In both cases, the vaguely defined corruption was at the core of citizens’ claims. In the first one, the general outrage and dutifulness drove citizens into the anti-corruption discourse both on the online and offline spheres. Based on Shah’s conceptualization of the technologies of the state (2013), the issue of corruption was perceived as a threat to the survival of the citizen and its rights, and created a generalized sense of precariousness among the populace. Ergo, they intervened to secure their future and as put by Sampson, to convey the message that they ‘were doing something’ about it regardless of whether that ‘something’ would have a long-term structural impact.</td>
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<p style="text-align: justify;">On the other hand, the second online protest had a more altruistic tone. The members of the digitally privileged 30 per cent, in spite of not being directly implicated in the conflict, took the disconnected group’s plea and mobilized support networks on their behalf. Although the Aché did not request this intervention, nor intend to utilize technology during their camped protests, the digital group’s strategy was largely more effective at bringing the issues to the attention of media and the government. The successful mainstreaming of the Aché’s story upon being digitalized questions the extent to which staged protests will remain appropriate in information societies vis-à-vis online campaigning.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">These developments show how the anti-corruption discourse not only mobilizes citizens in Paraguay but also their power and resources. Therefore, if corruption is the common thread we are looking for, to what extent is it applicable to other social conflicts? Will good governance values always trump individual pursuits of assurance? In the following section I will return to the crucifix protests in the light of the aforementioned and address non-geographical spaces of knowledge and practices, as recommended by Ben-Davis. This will shed light on this question and on the spectrum of citizen motivations framing how digital actors articulate change.</p>
<h3 style="text-align: justify;">Knowledge, Symbolisms and Visibility</h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Yochai Benkler describes our networked society as an economy centered on information, cultural production and the manipulation of symbols (2006). These contain and pertain to different ways of understanding the world. In the optimistic view of Benkler, digital technologies enable these views to circulate freely in our network; amplifying all voices, however, as seen in the case of Paraguay, information is being produced by one sector of society that determines and constrains the visibility of other worldviews; reproducing socioeconomic inequalities in the digital sphere. In this section I will look at how different articulations of the present and the conflict between spaces of knowledge and symbolisms derive into different ways of telling the same story, in the light of the extremely visual crucifix protest.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The protest had a very different impact in the national scene, as opposed to its portrayal in international media. This is because crucifixes had already been staged in the past by people of indigenous descent<a name="fr15" href="#fn15">[15]</a> or union workers<a name="fr16" href="#fn16">[16]</a> to call for the attention of the Paraguayan state. Being a predominantly Catholic country, utilizing the charged image of the crucifixion of Jesus is the equivalent of cultural <em>bandwagoning</em> on its symbols of self-sacrifice and martyrdom. Eric Tyler reflecting on activism martyrs in the light of the role Khalid Saed in the Arab Spring, called them “catalysts with a profound amplifying impact when combined with the viral force of technology”.<a name="fr17" href="#fn17">[17] </a>Amy Sample Ward added another lesson from Egypt, noting that you do not need a high penetration rate in order for massive impact to occur, “as long as the community is connected”.<a name="fr18" href="#fn18">[18]</a> If the digital class had taken on the bus drivers case in the same way they supported the Aché, mobilization would have been likely. However, the cause did not resonate with the Paraguayan digital public. This lack of connection did not derive from the digital divide, but instead from the long-standing conflict between the transport sector and the citizens.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">There are several points to be made about this case of citizen inaction. First, the citizen-market crisis played a large role in creating apathy around the crucifix protest. Shah states that technologies of the market must “assure us of the future in terms of material resources and infrastructures upon which happiness depend” (2013), which was not being delivered by the CETRAPAM (Transport Companies of the Metropolitan Area) in the eyes of the citizen. The CETRAPAM director is perceived as corrupt and inefficient<a name="fr19" href="#fn19">[19]</a> and earlier that month a transportation strike left 700,000 immobilized.<a name="fr20" href="#fn20">[20] </a>These incidents resulted in a citizen online campaign demanding a reliable and transparent service from the companies<a name="fr21" href="#fn21">[21] </a>having anti-corruption, once again, at the core of their claims.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">This background determined how national media reproduced the crucifix protest story. ABC, one of the largest news corporations in the country, covered the story portraying drivers as ‘aichinjaranga’s” (‘poor little thing’ in Guaraní), who were appealing to <em>“wake people up through pity and pressure, not resources.</em><a name="fr22" href="#fn22">[22]</a> On the other hand, the most popular entry on the topic in Crónicas Ciudadanas (ABC’s citizen journalism forum) reads: <em>“We [Luque citizens] are tired. These drivers waste our time and we are sick of it.”</em><a name="fr23" href="#fn23">[23]</a> The digital class, having the power and resources to mobilize, chose to remain idle in order to disempower a group that has been causing precariousness in their present and future establishing a hierarchy of citizen priorities. By withdrawing their support, the drivers are now left with offline strategies and conventional protest tools to address their demands with only the support of their immediate community.<a name="fr24" href="#fn24">[24]</a> It is unclear whether this will represent a disadvantage for their ability to create structural change, but it does show that internal citizen crises leads to inequality of strategies and resources for mobilization.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Second, this case also highlights the dark side of Benkler’s argument in favour of citizen information production. He claims that citizen journalism curbs the power away from mass media and hands it over to autonomous citizens who can now exchange information, making them less susceptible to manipulation by the owners of communications infrastructure and media (2006). In the case of Paraguay, this power has been handed over to the digitally fluent who are only putting forward causes aligned with their interests and value scheme.Issues of access and digital inclusion come afloat, as the disconnected status of the crucifix protesters keeps them out of social spaces of debate and political conversation. This deems social status a determining factor between “statements that are heard and those that wallow in obscurity” (Benkler, 2006) and a serious constraint for the fulfillment of the drivers’ capabilities and freedoms.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Third, the use of symbols is effective depending on the audience, as shown by the narrative of international news corporations. The use of crucifixes came across as an ancient and peculiar tool protest for western media — especially in the digital era— earning them a space in the global public’s interest eighteen days into the protest. As commented by Al Jazeera’s opinion columnist Courtney Martin, in the light of the Tibetan self-immolations in February,<a name="fr25" href="#fn25">[25]</a>“in a world that tends to shine new power [on] online activism only”, other people need to resort to “attention-getting schemes on the hopes of calling attention to issues that remain unresolved”.<a name="fr26" href="#fn26">[26]</a></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The highly visual crucifixes caught the attention of the international media, yet the focus remained on the props instead of the underlying issues around union workers’ rights. This was evident on the picture included by the CNN, showing the workers lined up on their crosses lying next to a coffin claiming that this will become their "final resting place" if their demands were not met;<a name="fr27" href="#fn27">[27]</a> adding to the thriller effect of what is in fact a social justice crisis.</p>
<table class="plain">
<tbody>
<tr>
<th><img src="https://cis-india.org/home-images/cnninternational.png" alt="" class="image-inline" title="cnn" /></th>
</tr>
<tr>
<td style="text-align: center;">Crucified bus drivers in Paraguay (pictured by CNN International), http://bit.ly/1fpxKvs</td>
</tr>
</tbody>
</table>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In regards to the audience’s response, I would dare to speculate that the absence of the “language of revolution” that surrounds hyped narratives around digital activism (such as the June anti-corruption campaign accounts) played a role in the inactivity from international human-rights activism communities. Being a global audience “engaged with a spectacle of the rise of the citizen” (Shah, 2013), information circulating through mass media is either discarding or othering the less attractive, under-the-radar citizen struggles that do not fit this sale pitch. If a show must be staged in order to attain global attention, it is only natural to wonder if this plot will require a dramatic twist to become viral, one of the key ingredients for effective information dissemination according to Mary Joyce (2010). Having the protesters reach “the end” in order to achieve attention and support, is evidence of some of the morbid criterion steering our motivations for change.</p>
<h3 style="text-align: justify;">Conclusion</h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;">This analysis localized some of the invisible conflicts underpinning action for change in Paraguay. Rather than focusing on a specific cause, such as workers’ rights; through a particular method, say crucifixions; I have looked at the structures framing the understandings around citizen action. It attempted to go beyond the spectacle of digital mobilization and instead look at two spaces: the geopolitical context of Paraguay and the symbolic knowledge framing the development of the crucifix protest in Asuncion, and how the bus drivers envisioned their future before and after the protest.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The Paraguayan political and social imaginary and their understanding of change are infused with the historicity of corruption. As explored in the first section, campaigning against corruption in Paraguay has risen as a convenient check-and-balance, citizen-led strategy to demand transparency and accountability from state and market actors. It fosters values of responsible citizenship and is endorsed by the national and international community. The prevalence of this discourse, even if it worked against the crucifix protest, is an indicator that ‘making change’ is not necessarily understood as a practice of material transformation in Paraguay, but that is has been legitimized at the stage of awareness and political engagement without tying citizens into long-term advocacy efforts.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The actions and reactions around the crucifix protest varied in the online and the offline sphere. In the online realm, the story was orchestrated by the group with access to information and communication technologies. The bus drivers, having remained at the fringes of digital production, had no control whatsoever of how their narrative was shaped by citizen journalists, national or international media. This was reflected in the offline sphere, where the lack of support to the protesters was a result of market-citizen conflicts and the inability of the crucifix symbolisms to speak to an urban population. These factors also show how socioeconomic divides at the political and knowledge levels were digitalized, determining information production, dissemination and reproduction as well as responses to the protesters’ narratives in the long-run.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In conclusion, this analysis has offered a broader view of how change is understood, in terms of the socioeconomic and information constraints in the making of change in Paraguay. Altruistic activism is only possible when the cause being fought for does not jeopardize the interests and assurances of a powerful class who is in control of the resources for online mobilization, in spite of the social justice nature of the claim. Some questions remain unresolved, particularly in regards to how digital activity is overshadowing offline initiatives in a spectacle driven environment. An interesting research avenue relevant to the larger project of <em>‘Whose Change is it Anyway?’</em> would be to collect narratives and stories of change that gauge the relevance of offline protests, to understand if they can remain relevant and appropriate in information societies and whether we, as an audience and potential supporters, are only defining change and citizen action in light of its digital possibilities.</p>
<hr />
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn1" href="#fr1">1</a>]. “Sacked Paraguay bus drivers stage crucifixion protest” BBC News Latin America & Caribbean. August 28, 2013, accessed August 30, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bbc.in/17n5NSm">http://bbc.in/17n5NSm</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn2" href="#fr2">2</a>]. “Choferes de la linea 30 en huelga” ABC Color, September 4, 2013. Accessed September 6<sup>th</sup>, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/1ffyGp3">http://bit.ly/1ffyGp3</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn3" href="#fr3">3</a>]. “Indígenas Ache Acampan frente a SEAM y piden transferencia tierras ancestrales” Ultima Hora. March 14th, 2011. Accessed September 18th, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/15aszv5">http://bit.ly/15aszv5</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn4" href="#fr4">4</a>]. Agencia EFE, “Protestas contra presunta corrupción en Paraguay”, <em>Caracol Radio Colombia</em>. June 22, 2013, accessed August 30,2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/1aPHfEn">http://bit.ly/1aPHfEn</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn5" href="#fr5">5</a>]. BBC Timeline: Paraguay. Last modified July 3<sup>rd</sup>, 2012, <a class="external-link" href="http://bbc.in/B6UFV">http://bbc.in/B6UFV</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn6" href="#fr6">6</a>]. Alexander E.M. Hess and Michael Sauter. “The Most Corrupt Countries in the World”, 24/7: Wall Street: <em>Insightful Analysis and Commentary for U.S. & Global Equity Investors.</em> July 11, 2013. Accessed August 30, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/16jVxrE">http://bit.ly/16jVxrE</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn7" href="#fr7">7</a>]. Corruption Perceptions Index 2012”, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/TBjshd">http://bit.ly/TBjshd</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn8" href="#fr8">8</a>]. “Paraguay’s Cartes: The man to lead anti-corruption efforts?” Thomson Reuters Foundation, May 3<sup>rd</sup>, 2013. Accessed: September 10, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/1aXTd28">http://bit.ly/1aXTd28</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn9" href="#fr9">9</a>]. "Percentage of Individuals using the Internet 2000-2012", International Telecommunications Union (Geneva), June 2013, accessed August 30, 2013<strong>, </strong><a class="external-link" href="http://www.itu.int/en/ITU-D/Statistics/Documents/statistics/2013/Individuals_Internet_2000-2012.xls">http://www.itu.int/en/ITU-D/Statistics/Documents/statistics/2013/Individuals_Internet_2000-2012.xls</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn10" href="#fr10">10</a>].The World Bank “Poverty Gap at the Poverty Line” <em>Catalogue Sources: World Development Indicators</em>. Accessed September 10, 2013 <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/14oMRDI">http://bit.ly/14oMRDI</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn11" href="#fr11">11</a>]. RT Actualidad, “La ola de protestas de Brasil ‘rompe fronteras’ y ya salpica a Paraguay” <em>RT Noticias, </em>June 22, 2013, accessed August 30,2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/1aBAqqj">http://bit.ly/1aBAqqj</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn12" href="#fr12">12</a>]. Agencia EFE, “Protestas contra presunta corrupción en Paraguay”, <em>Caracol Radio Colombia</em>. June 22, 2013, accessed August 30, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/1aPHfEn">http://bit.ly/1aPHfEn</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn13" href="#fr13">13</a>]. Gabriela Galilea “The Brazil Effect: Thousands Protest for a Better Change” <em>Global Voices English </em>June 26, 2013. Accessed August 30, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/15FKwAW">http://bit.ly/15FKwAW</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn14" href="#fr14">14</a>]. For further information on the Pro-Aché online campaign, refer to Maria del Mar Zavala’s essay: Youth and Technology: An Unstoppable Force.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn15" href="#fr15">15</a>]. Protesters in Paraguay staged a public crucifixion in the past calling for a jailed former army general General Lino Oviedo to be set free. “Paraguay man crucified in public” BBC News November 30, 2006. Accessed on September 10, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bbc.in/1aPI7Zq">http://bbc.in/1aPI7Zq</a>. Also see "Homeless in Paraguay protest with Crucifixion” Cleveland News. August 6<sup>th</sup>, 2009. Accessed September 20, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/1gGyZHk">http://bit.ly/1gGyZHk</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn16" href="#fr16">16</a>]. A bus driver crucified himself for more than 10 hours demanding the recognition of his labor union. “Se crucifico para lograr el reconocimiento sindical” ABC Color, July 6, 2013. Accessed on September 10, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/1buNKiL">http://bit.ly/1buNKiL</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn17" href="#fr17">17</a>]. Mary Joyce, January 27, 2012 comment on Arab Spring: “The Meta-Activism Community Reflects” <em>Meta-Activism Blog</em>, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/wfXhiW">http://bit.ly/wfXhiW</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn18" href="#fr18">18</a>]. Mary Joyce, comment on Arab Spring.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn19" href="#fr19">19</a>]. 40 companies went on strike demanding further subsidies from the government, paralyzing public transport in Asuncion and leaving almost 700,000 immobilized. As a result, citizens organized a mobilization through Facebook to denounce corruption in the CETRPAM and demand an efficient transportation system, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/15I7Mnl">http://bit.ly/15I7Mnl</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn20" href="#fr20">20</a>]. Gabriela Galilea, “Public Transit Strike Paralyzes Paraguay” <em>Global Voices English. </em>Translated by Victoria Robertson. August 8, 2013. Accessed on September 10, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/1bdllum">http://bit.ly/1bdllum</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn21" href="#fr21">21</a>]. Gabriela Galilea, “Public Transit Strike Paralyzes Paraguay”.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn22" href="#fr22">22</a>]. “Huelguistas quieren despertar lástima según gerente de Línea 30” ABC Color, September 4, 2013. Accessed on September 10, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/1ffyGp3">http://bit.ly/1ffyGp3</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn23" href="#fr23">23</a>]. ABC Color “Choferes de la linea 30 en Huelga”.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn24" href="#fr24">24</a>]. “Sindicalistas de Paraguay fueron recibidos por el presidente tras jornadas de protestas” Telesur, September 4, 2013. Accessed on September 10, 2013. <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/14kntkF">http://bit.ly/14kntkF</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn25" href="#fr25">25</a>]. “The 100<sup>th</sup> Self-Immolation in Tibet – A case for the world to answer” Central Tibetan Administration, February 14, 2013. Accessed on September 10, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/X65jvA">http://bit.ly/X65jvA</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn26" href="#fr26">26</a>]. Courtney E Martin “Building a slower, longer fire among the digital flares” <em>Al Jazeera English, </em>February 4, 2013. Accessed on August 30, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://aje.me/X9YNDj">http://aje.me/X9YNDj</a>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">[<a name="fn27" href="#fr27">27</a>]. Rafael Romo “Fired Paraguayan bus drivers crucify themselves in protest” CNN International. August 31, 2013. Accessed August 31, 2013, <a class="external-link" href="http://bit.ly/1fpxKvs">http://bit.ly/1fpxKvs</a>.</p>
<hr />
<h3><strong>Sources</strong></h3>
<ol>
<li>Ben-David, Anat “Digital Natives and the return of the local cause” <em>Digital AlterNatives with a Cause – Book One: To Be.</em> (2011) 10 -22.</li>
<li>Barrett, P. S., Chavez, D., & Garavito, C. A. R. <em>The new Latin American left: utopia reborn</em>. Pluto Press, 2008.<br />Benkler, Yochai. <em>The wealth of networks: How social production transforms markets and freedom</em>. Yale University Press, 2006.</li>
<li>Harrison, Elizabeth. "Unpacking the anti-corruption agenda: dilemmas for anthropologists." <em>Oxford Development Studies</em> 34, no. 1 (2006): 15-29.</li>
<li>Haller, C. & Shore, C. (Eds) Corruption: Anthropological Perspectives London: Pluto Press (2005).</li>
<li>Joyce, Mary C., ed. <em>Digital activism decoded: the new mechanics of change</em>. IDEA, 2010.</li>
<li>Sampson, Steven. "The anti-corruption industry: from movement to institution."<em>Global Crime</em> 11, no. 2 (2010): 261-278.</li>
<li>Shah, Nishant “Whose Change is it Anyways? <em>Hivos Knowledge Program. </em>April 30, 2013.</li>
<li>Zavala, Maria del Mar “Youth and Technology: An Unstoppable Force” <em>Digital AlterNatives with a Cause- Book Three: To Act </em>(2011) 46-53.</li></ol>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/revealing-protesters-on-the-fringe'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/revealing-protesters-on-the-fringe</a>
</p>
No publisherdenisseVideoWeb PoliticsResearchers at WorkDigital Natives2015-04-17T10:51:56ZBlog EntryPublic Art, Technology and Citizenship - Blank Noise Project
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/blank-noise-citizenship
<b>Jasmeen Patheja speaks about the active citizen in the digital age, its challenges in the public and private spheres and interdisciplinary methods to overcome them.</b>
<div align="center">
<pre><img src="https://cis-india.org/copy2_of_copy_of_PhotoComic.jpg/image_preview" alt="Reconceptualizing Eve-Teasing" class="image-inline image-inline" title="Reconceptualizing Eve-Teasing" />
<strong>
CHANGE-MAKER:</strong> Jasmeen Patheja
<strong>
PROJECT</strong>: Blank Noise Project: A volunteer-led arts collective community
<strong>
STRATEGY OF CHANGE</strong>:
Fostering an active, participatory and horizontal model of citizenship,
empowering its volunteers to participate politically and address issues
of street sexual harassments in the public sphere.
<strong>
METHOD OF CHANGE</strong>: Public space interventions using community art and technology.</pre>
</div>
<p style="text-align: justify;">To open the interview series for the <a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/" class="external-link">Making Change project</a>, I interviewed <a class="external-link" href="http://fellows.ted.com/profiles/jasmeen-patheja">Jasmeen Patheja</a>. She is the founder of <a class="external-link" href="http://blog.blanknoise.org/">Blank Noise</a>, a <a class="external-link" href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blank_Noise">volunteer-led arts collective community that started in Bangalore</a> and has now spread to Mumbai, Delhi, Chennai, Calcutta, Chandigarh, Hyderabad, and Lucknow. It seeks to address street sexual harassment and violence by triggering dialogue and building testimonials around notions of "teasing" and "harassment" in the public discourse. The collective has garnered attention and momentum since it was founded in 2003, and ever since, it’s fostering a model of active citizenship across India through its volunteer network. The story of Blank Noise and the working of community art with technology highlight the need to create spaces of expression and experience in which civic and political creativity can develop and unfold organically.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">One of the main reflections stemming from my conversation with Jasmeen was the question of how technologies can create a sense of ownership and active citizenship. At the moment, we are moving on to a scenario in which technology has a more pervasive and complex presence. It is no longer judged merely on its connective utility, but is also understood as an actor, a space and a context within the ecosystem of social change and political democratic systems. For this reason, it is paramount to get to know the citizen that is being exposed to, influenced and impacted by these technologies and identify the ways in which his self-identity, social membership and political participation (King and Waldron 1988, Turner 1986, 1990) are being molded by them.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In this post, I aim to unpack ‘active citizenship’ drawing from political science literature around citizenship and civic engagement. The analysis will be based on two dichotomies proposed by Turner: the tension between the active-passive citizen, and the contradictions between its private and public presence. I will then refer to Westmeister and Kahnein, Kabeer, Gaventa and Bennett to identify the type of citizen that Jasmeen Patheja hopes to yield through her project and the main challenges of manoeuvering in the public space. Finally, I will look at some of the tactics taken by Blank Noise to reconcile these tensions through community art and technology. This exploration of citizenship is a first stage in the journey of detecting the undertones of citizen action for social change in the digital era.</p>
<h2 align="center" style="text-align: justify;">Unpacking Citizenship</h2>
<h3><br />ACTIVE VS. PASSIVE CITIZEN</h3>
<p><strong>What is the difference between an active and a passive citizen?</strong></p>
<div class="pullquote">A passive citizen comes to existence as a subject, recipient or client of the state (...) regards its rights as privileges handed down from above (...)complies with norms yet does not act to change circumstances (...)and its security and survival are merely determined by constitutional and common law traditions</div>
<p align="justify">Turner places the citizenship question on two points of contention. The first: the vectorial nature of citizenship and how to recognize an ‘active or passive’ citizen. According to his analysis, a citizen either comes to existence from above as mere subject of the state, or from below as an active bearer of its rights (Mann 1987, Ullmann 1975, Turner 1990). The force and direction from which the citizen emerges has important implications for the self-identity of the individual, its confidence and disposition for political participation (Merrifield, 2001). A passive citizen regards its rights as privileges handed down from above, in such a way that citizenship becomes a strategy for social integration and cooperation (Mann, 1986). Westheimer and Kahne find the manifestation of this model in what they call a “Personally Responsible Citizen”: a dutiful citizen who complies with norms, pays taxes and obeys laws, yet does not act to change the circumstances of other communities (2004). However, defining the citizen as a passive actor constraints its role within its network. If the citizen’ security and survival are merely determined by constitutional and common law traditions, and the negotiation between institutions and the individual (Weber 1958 - refer to Turner 1990), the individual is a disempowered recipient or client (Cornwall, 2007) as opposed to the proactive agent Blank Noise looks to recruit and shape through heir interventions.</p>
<p>Patheja, as shown by the interview, aims to disrupt the passive citizen model by fostering political participation and putting its counterpart: ’the active citizen’ forward. Blank Noise believes the citizen must ground its claims from the grassroots and grow from below; yet still be visible and present in the public space, redefining problematic concepts looming in society’s social imaginary; what Turner would describe as revolutionary citizenship (1990).</p>
<blockquote>
<p><strong>How is your practice building a stronger model of citizenship?</strong><br />Change cannot happen only at one level. It would involve more people and different groups from different communities. For example, with citizen-led street action; we can’t end it there. It needs to push home the cause and make [the issues] visible with the government. How do we work with the government? Learning to ask and not assume it’s all their responsibility, but learning to assert our citizenship. What does it mean to do this? What does it mean to ask for safer cities in a way that it doesn’t become somebody else’s business entirely but that it’s about being able to see we are a society. We must understand the process of citizenship; what it means to be in a democratic country and what means to be a female citizen in it.</p>
</blockquote>
<p align="center"><img src="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/blank-noise-citizenship" alt="null" align="middle" title="Public Art, Technology and Citizenship - Blank Noise Project" /><img src="https://cis-india.org/SafeCityPledgeDelhi.jpg/image_preview" alt="Safe City Pledge - Delhi" class="image-inline image-inline" title="Safe City Pledge - Delhi" /></p>
<p align="center">Safe City Pledge - Delhi<br /> <img src="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/uploads/SafeCityPledgeMumbai.jpg/image_preview" alt="Safe City Pledge - Mumbai" class="image-inline image-inline" title="Safe City Pledge - Mumbai" /><br />Safe City Pledge - Mumbai<br />Courtesy of Blank Noise blog: <span id="url_shortened"><a href="http://bit.do/fHMm">http://bit.do/fHMm</a></span></p>
<blockquote>
<p>The message is: “this is your city, this is your space. Don’t be apologetic for your presence” And over time, Action Heros are reporting change: ”I'm getting my space. I'm not thinking twice about what I have to wear.” [...]So it was not only about a vocabulary shift, but a shift in attitude.</p>
</blockquote>
<div align="justify;" class="pullquote">
<p><br />An active citizen comes from below as an active bearer of its rights (...), feels impelled to engage and mobilize its network (...) keeps government and community members in check (...) and evolves with a higher sense of individual purpose favoring solidarity and maintaining networks of community action.</p>
</div>
<p align="justify"> </p>
<p align="justify">Westheimer and Kahne label this stronger orientation towards a social-change approach as the second degree of civic engagement or as the behaviour of a <strong>‘participatory citizen</strong>’; an individual who feels impelled to engage and mobilize its network, skills and action to respond to a community need. This participation impetus is one of Patheja’s main expectations from its Action Hero Network. However, this entails relying on intimate shifts of behaviour and attitude among the volunteers, which are in essence hard to demand, inculcate and entrench by a third party.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Their approach also reflects a vision of citizenship that relies on collective action (Montgomery, 2004) to, not only keep the government in check as suggested by Westheimer and Kahnne, but other community and society members as well. From Bennett’s point of view and taking the role of information technologies into account, he would define the ideal Action Hero as a self-actualizing citizen. In contrast to its counterpart: the dutiful citizen, who sees its obligation to participate in government-centered activities, the AC evolves with higher sense of individual purpose, favouring and maintaining networks of community action, backed up by a growing distrust in media and the government. In this sense the role of technology is also paramount to how Blank Noise spreads its predicament and expands its outreach:</p>
<blockquote>
<p class="normal"><strong>What is the role of technology and media in your project?</strong><br />Using the web for example, we happened to stumble upon blogging and we realized there was a community there. Once [Action Heroes] started blogging and the press started writing about it, it created a community further. So, going back to the fact that our constant thread of conversation has been the web, there is a large percentage of the English speaking youth who are action hero agents anidd now have the responsibility of taking the conversations and actions forward.</p>
<p class="normal">On the other hand, this is not always the case. In Delhi we did an event in collaboration with Action Aid. Many of the Action Aid volunteers weren’t necessarily on Facebook. They were people who were largely Hindi speaking; their stories were about harassment in slums and these were men and women wanting to do something about the issue. So being a loose volunteer is one way, but identifying different communities is also important. Every space is a point of engagement and we use different forms of media to enable that.</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Citizen participation, communication and mobilization mechanisms, mediated by the state in the past, are now taken up by the people in the form of social protest, civil disobedience, digital activism, consumerism, etc. (Bennett, 2008). The emphasis on collective action also calls for a broader understanding of the citizen, away from the state-conferred rights and duties, and a definition that includes solidarity and membership to broader communities (Ellison 1997), Heater and Kabeer defines this as a “horizontal view” that stresses the relationship between citizens over that of the state and the individual (Heater 2002, Kabeer 2007) and Berlin has also made the connection between group identity and affiliation as a building block of citizenship (1969).</p>
<blockquote>
<p class="normal">[on Giving Letters to Strangers] We trigger a conversation and it takes its own journey. Over time, what does it take to lean back and relax? Each person participates establishing their own level of comfort and every person’s narrative is different. [The project is] happening in Delhi while it is happening in Bangalore; allowing it to happen in a very individual, self-confrontational and at the same time, collective experience. They are doing this alone knowing that others are doing the same.</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align: center;"><br /><img src="https://cis-india.org/home-images/LettersStrangers.jpg/image_preview" alt="Giving out letters to Strangers" class="image-inline image-inline" title="Giving out letters to Strangers" /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>Dear Stranger</strong>:<br />Giving out letters to strangers in the streets of Bangalore. Courtesy of Blank Noise blog: <span id="url_shortened"><a href="http://bit.do/fHJw">http://bit.do/fHJw</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><span id="url_shortened"><a href="http://bit.do/fHJw"><img src="https://cis-india.org/home-images/copy_of_LettersStrangers2.jpg/image_preview" alt="Giving out letters to Strangers 2" class="image-inline image-inline" title="Giving out letters to Strangers 2" /><br /></a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In this way, Blank Noise has envisioned and designed a project that fosters an active, participatory, self-actualizing and horizontal model of citizenship. This combination builds a citizen prototype with a positive disposition and attitude to civic action; traits that Gaventa identifies as elements of empowerment and political agency that can derive into higher possibilities for social change. Having citizens identify community’s ailments as their own and their network’s responsibility, results in conversations that act as causal nexus of community action. The main challenge at the moment is the implementation of this model. To what extent will the Action Hero represent this model uniformly and steadily, preventing dissonance between Blank Noise’s discourse and its practice. And secondly, how will Blank Noise volunteers negotiate their political participation between public and private spaces?</p>
<h3>PRIVATE VS. PUBLIC SPACE</h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Where should the active citizen operate?</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The second tension on citizenship, as identified by Turner, is its political expression on the public arena versus its manifestation on the individual’s private space. We asked Jasmeen about the crises and spaces in which Blank Noise is operating:</p>
<blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>To what crisis is the project responding to?</strong><br />The project responds to the crises and experiences of street harassment. To the sense of getting defensive, agitated, angry; creating a wall and feeling vulnerable in a city. Blank Noise was initiated at a time were street harassment was disregarded and dismissed as teasing. This ‘eve-teasing’, just going by the pulse of things, included concepts of molestation and sexual violence. There was denial, there was silence.</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;">First point on the public vs. private dilemma lies on the issue at hand. Volunteers are working to re-conceptualize social norms around ‘safety’, ‘agency’ and ‘gender’, that are not only deeply entrenched in society, but that can also be traced back to the private domain of traditions and culture at the household level. By openly discussing ‘sexual harassment’ in the public space and enabling volunteers to express and act on the basis of a new understanding of citizenship and freedom, the collective is possibly also redefining dynamics at the private space of its volunteers. What is more, the motivation and determination to be an Action Hero, as mentioned by Patheja, must be grounded in a "<em>personal shift and challenge</em>".</p>
<blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>How does this translate it into citizens taking ownership of the cause and sustained behavioral change in everyday practices?</strong><br />Anger is a good starting point. It is worrying when there is no anger. And then it has to be a personal shift. We’ve learned from conversations and feedback that volunteers who would say: “we came to address the issue and we are realizing that we are doing something in ourselves”. So what is the spirit of an Action Hero? Allowing something to shift and challenging something in yourself. Last year for example we worked towards having locality specific Action Hero networks and on how this intuitive citizen can become a full citizen, in terms of being an informed citizen as well.</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align: center;" class="normal"><img src="https://cis-india.org/home-images/copy_of_ActionHeroGame.jpg/image_preview" alt="Action Hero Game" class="image-inline image-inline" title="Action Hero Game" /></p>
<p style="text-align: center;" class="normal">Acton Hero Game. Courtesy of Blank Noise blog: <span id="url_shortened"><a href="http://bit.do/fHKq">http://bit.do/fHKq</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal">The expectation of a personal pledge at the individual, community and public level, signals the project is blurring the lines between the private and public domain and fostering the politicization of the citizen at all fronts. This suggests that in order for the claims and behaviour of Action Heroes to become sustainable, they must also trickle into the common citizen’s routine. In words of Arendt: <em>“the space of appearance comes into being whenever men are together in the manner of speech and action, predating all formal constitutions of the public realm” </em>(1989). Establishing the private-public space as a common ground works towards bringing consistency and coherence to the interventions, yet it remains in many ways problematic and threatening to individual freedoms.</p>
<blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Does your project create new spaces for citizen expression and action?</strong><em><br /></em>Our role is to build testimonials and translate them back into the public domain. An example of this is the blogathon that happened in 2006, initiated by our Action Hero. She said: let’s invite bloggers to share their experiences of street harassment. 4-5 male and female Action Heroes made the event happen and in a couple of days we had hundreds and hundreds of testimonials and people talking about this for the first time. Maybe it was the first time speaking about it, remembering things that happened ages ago and that they had never shared. Suddenly the web was seen as a space where people could speak. Suddenly people had so much to say about the issue, the person dismissing the issue and their relationship with their body and the city.</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align: center;"><img src="https://cis-india.org/home-images/TalktoMe1.JPG/image_preview" alt="Talk to Me" class="image-inline image-inline" title="Talk to Me" /><br /><strong>Talk To Me:</strong><br />Creating spaces for conversation and collaboration. Courtesy of Blank Noise blog: <span id="url_shortened"><a href="http://bit.do/fHKq">http://bit.do/fHKq</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Turner reflects on the French revolution tradition to shed light on this particular challenge for active citizenship, as what bound Frenchmen together was their citizen identity (Baker 1987). Passing on from state subjects, to actively voicing their political, civic and social aspirations coupled with meaningful mechanisms of participation. However, how do we reconcile this tradition of positive democracy with the American understanding of citizenship that enshrines the autonomous sanctity of the private space. American individualism values personal success and the main way to exercise political participation is through voluntary associations that do not represent a large-scale force -or a threat- with enough power to shape their lives (Bellah et. al 2008, Turner 1990). Translating this to the Bangalorean context: a changing society in which community- based traditions in the household are coexisting with an agitated and growingly individualist youth culture; the issues and interventions must be addressed in an implicational manner. The connections between the issue and individual freedoms must be made, in order for these actors to be willing to politicize their action in both the public and private spheres.</p>
<h3><strong>MIDDLE CLASS ACTIVISM<br /></strong></h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Can everybody be an active citizen?</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The second challenge is rooted in the socio-economic group that comprises the body of volunteers of Blank Noise. I asked Jasmeen the extent to which the Action Hero Network was being led by middle class citizens.</p>
<blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Are you only reaching out to the middle class activist that has the resources to be part of the Blank Noise project?</strong><br /> Yes and no. A large percentage of our volunteers are usually web-savvy, English speaking, teenagers or in their early 20s. Others have been around for the last decade. The mainstream media also reports back mainly to the web-savvy groups. But it is also about one action hero inspiring another Action Hero. I find [the project] fascinating in terms of the spaces it leaks into. Some people tell me they were at their religious meeting and they overheard two women talking about the project, who were not necessarily web-savvy. Ultimately the media is not only reporting us but we see them as point of engagement in which more and more citizens take ownership of the issue. Although our network is largely urban middle class, we are at the point where we collaborate largely with other groups that are working with different communities so it completes the entire picture. The question is: how do you take the conversation forward? What can be that medium? and what kind of technology can get to people?</p>
</blockquote>
<div style="text-align: justify;" class="pullquote"><br />
<div align="right">
<div align="left">“We use different strategies to enable dialogue across communities. It could be on the street, on the blog, within a workshop; the web has been a constant space. If you are an Action Hero, yes you may be web-savvy, but you also carry the responsibility to take the conversation to another space."</div>
Jasmeen Patheja</div>
</div>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><br />This demographic is ultimately an interest group leading a movement and has taken on the responsibility of spreading the call to action among its network. Foregoing the assumption that every Indian citizen wants to challenge concepts of sexual harassment in the city, the fact that one group is spreading a specific opinion puts forward a tension between the dynamics of public social protest and the existence of privatized dissent. Turner reflects on Mill’s On Liberty and shows how this could entail a threat of spreading mass opinion to the extent it makes all people alike (Turner, 1990).</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Kabeer also highlights this by exploring the tension between universality versus particularity — a debate that questions the extent to which human rights advocacy in the public sphere will be equally received and supported by every group, given diversity of opinion within as well as obstacles to freedom of speech. Nyamu-Musembi attempts to bridge this dichotomy by framing universality as “the experience of resistance to general oppression” and particularity as “how resistance speaks to each relevant social context”. In order to have the issue speak to all citizen groups, Blank Noise is currently also depending on the the ability of its Action Heroes to pass on a message that speaks to the different needs and cultural sensibilities of communities who do not belong to the Anglo-speaking middle class it is currently operating with.<br /><br />In response to having the protest of a specific social group translate into homogenized dissent, Jasmeen is looking to increase her outreach by approaching and working with other groups.</p>
<blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>How can you build effective solidarity networks among middle class activists, their networks and further communities?</strong><br />It is an attitude we are trying to push forward: have that conversation with your grandma; with your domestic help. We would love to do something with domestic workers for example. We don’t hear enough stories of who empowers or harasses them. That’s definitely a rising concern within the collective. We really need to have the complete spectrum and what kind of technology or strategies can be used to get it. Identifying these groups is a proposed future project and also an ongoing preoccupation. For now, our role is to trigger conversations and have them take their own journey.</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> </p>
<h3 style="text-align: justify;">METHODS FOR CHANGE</h3>
<p><strong>How does the combination of art and technology foster active citizenship?<br /></strong></p>
<h3 style="text-align: justify;"></h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Some of the strategies Blank Noise has devised to overcome these obstacles relate back to the interdisciplinary design of its interventions. First, they are designed to be highly visible and aimed at triggering dialogue. This enables opinions and thoughts to flow from the private space into the public realm. Also, community art and technology as tools of expression and reflection, work as effective channels for responses to flow back and forth between both spaces.</p>
<blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Why did you take a multi-stakeholder approach and brought together technology and art?</strong><br />The entire collective is really based on defining strategies and identifying approaches to breaking denial and building conversation. Our role is enabling dialogue across forms of media and using different strategies to enable dialogue across communities. There are also lots of questions of how to create an art practice that can be collaborative and participatory. Where does art exist? How can art exist, be, feel confrontational? Can arte provoke? How can we build testimonials? Could be on the street, on the blog, twitter or within a workshop. The web has been a constant space. We also work with the web in a way that we have a growing community of Action Heroes, and if you are web-savvy, you carry the responsibility to take the conversation to another space.</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align: center;"><img src="https://cis-india.org/home-images/copy_of_Twitter.jpg/image_preview" alt="Twitter" class="image-inline image-inline" title="Twitter" /><br />Twitter campaign. Courtesy of: <span id="url_shortened"><a href="http://bit.do/fHLK">http://bit.do/fHLK</a></span><br /><br /><img src="https://cis-india.org/home-images/Ineverasked1.jpg/image_preview" alt="I never asked for it" class="image-inline image-inline" title="I never asked for it" /><br />Public art installation to redefine sexual harassment and eve-teasing. Courtesy of Caravan Magazine: <span id="url_shortened"><a href="http://bit.do/fHLV">http://bit.do/fHLV</a></span></p>
<p align="justify">Bennett and his work on civic engagement in the digital age, notes that one of the main strategies for positive civic engagement is nurturing creative and expressive actions in this generation.</p>
<blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>How does this approach work towards creating sustainable change?</strong><em><br /></em>We are creating tool kits for different ideas so the community can take it forward. There are many creative processes that equip them to initiate action in a community space. For instance, the Yelahanka Action Heroes workshop (http://yelahankaactionheroes.wordpress.com/), was a one month initiative that got Sristhi students to arrive to action heroism through games, like the Hahaha Sangha for example. We invited women out of their homes, and we would speak through pure laughter, gibberish and a sense of play. In doing that, people felt they knew each other. Anonymity was broken, people felt comfortable and safety was established. We are working towards creating safe public spaces and going beyond the biases that come from language or through age. But through the Hahaha Sangha we found there is still a need for facilitators to continue the project with the purpose of creating a safe space. Also, one of our interns is in charge of creating an Action Hero College Network and spreading information about different events, calendars, etc. It is still fluid but we are moving in that direction. Action Heroes are the strength of the project.</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align: center;"><img src="https://cis-india.org/home-images/copy_of_Hahaha.jpg/image_preview" alt="Hahaha" class="image-inline image-inline" title="Hahaha" /><br />Hahaha Sangha sessions - Courtesy of Blank Noise blog <span id="url_shortened"><a href="http://bit.do/fHMb">http://bit.do/fHMb</a></span></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The ideal of an engaged youth must be sustained by the empowerment of young people; getting them to recognize their personal expression and identities in collective spaces (Bennett, 2008). By setting in place mechanisms and opportunities to critically dissect societal problems and develop a political perspective as put forward by Westheimer and Kahne, as well as the awareness, self-identity and political confidence to act, as noted by Gaventa, the Blank Noise interventions become a context in which active citizenship is more likely.</p>
<h3 style="text-align: justify;">Conclusion</h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;">This analysis, part of the Methods of Social Change research project, aimed to shed light on how change-makers such as Blank Noise still place a heavy consideration on the notion of citizenship when designing, framing and implementing their projects. What is more, it is paramount to identify the working characteristics of an ‘active citizen’ and reflect on whether these are desirable and necessary in the populace to make political and social change more likely. It also contributes to the Making Change project by unpacking the workings of a change actor that is not confined to the ‘category of citizen’ but is still closely linked to processes of citizen action and social change in Bangalore.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">As seen throughout this post, the analysis of our citizen is not grounded on its relationship with the state, but instead on its disposition, self-identity and notion of social membership. After identifying our ideal active citizen: an active bearer of his rights, that defines itself horizontally in relation to other citizens and their rights, participates in political processes and is informed about and at odds with power imbalances, the Blank Noise experience demonstrated spatial tensions in implementing this ideal and practice in the public and private realms. Designing strategies and identifying technologies that enable a flow of thought and action between both spaces is a way of restructuring the ecosystem in which volunteers from the Action Hero Network interact with each other, reclaim their citizenship and alter the status quo from within. While Blank Noise is not starting a revolution, it is consolidating a process of steady and growing resistance in the public and private discourse of sexual harassment and eve-teasing in the city.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Shah also notes there are implicit codes allowing only certain people to embrace this model of citizenship. This was evident on the demographic that comprises the activist bases of Blank Noise and the risks of homogenizing the political space with their discourse of change. Jasmeen Patheja brought this point forward herself, but with full confidence on the ability of dialogue and conversation to keep luring other social groups and communities into joining the debate. We discussed opportunities from exploring the foreign women experience in the public space in India to expanding the Blank Noise basis through simultaneous international interventions enabled and coordinated through technology. The network is ever-growing and its mechanisms of change are constantly innovating and adapting through its content. In the meantime, the ‘active citizen’ remains at the core of it all, pushing the project forward; fighting among other battles, that of its identity’s reassertion in the landscape of change.</p>
<hr />
<h2 style="text-align: justify;">Sources</h2>
<ol>
<li>Arendt, Hannah (1989) The Human Condition. Chicago, IL and London: The University of Chicago Press.</li>
<li>Baker, Keith Michael. <em>The French Revolution and the creation of modern political culture</em>. Vol. 3. Pergamon Press, 1987.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Bennett, W. Lance. "Changing citizenship in the digital age." <em>Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engage youth</em> 1 (2008): 1-24.</li>
<li>Berlin, Isaiah. "Two concepts of liberty." <em>Berlin, I</em> (1969): 118-172.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Bellah, Robert Neelly, ed. <em>Habits of the heart: individualism and commitment in American life: with a new preface</em>. University of California Pr, 2008.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Cornwall, Andrea, and Vera Schatten Coelho, eds. <em>Spaces for change?: the politics of citizen participation in new democratic arenas</em>. Vol. 4. Zed Books, 2007.</li>
<li>Ellison, N. (1997) ‘Towards a new social politics: citizenship and reflexivity in late modernity’, Sociology, 31(4): 697–717.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Gaventa, John, and Rajesh Tandon “Citizen engagements in a globalizing world." <em>Globalizing citizens: New dynamics of inclusion and exclusion</em> (2010): 3-30.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Heater, D. (2002) World Citizenship: Cosmopolitan Thinking and Its Opponents, London: Continuum</li>
<li>Kabeer, Naila, ed. <em>Inclusive citizenship: Meanings and expressions</em>. Vol. 1. Zed Books, 2005.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Kathryn Montgomery et al., Youth as E-Citizens: Engaging the Digital Generation. Center for Social Media, 2004. Retrieved February 15, 2007. <a href="http://www.centerforsocialmedia.org/ecitizens/project.htm">http://www.centerforsocialmedia.org/ecitizens/project.htm</a>.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Mann, Michael. "Ruling class strategies and citizenship". <em>Sociology </em>21, no.3 (1987): 339-354</li>
<li>Shah, Nishant “Whose Change is it Anyways? <em>Hivos Knowledge Program. </em>April 30, 2013.</li>
<li>Turner, Bryan. Outline of a Theory of Citizenship. Sociology (May 1990), 24 (2), pg. 189-217</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Westheimer, Joel, and Joseph Kahne. "What kind of citizen? The politics of educating for democracy." <em>American educational research journal</em> 41, no. 2 (2004): 237-269</li></ol>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/blank-noise-citizenship'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/blank-noise-citizenship</a>
</p>
No publisherdenisseSocial MediaWeb PoliticsDigital NativesMaking ChangeBlank Noise ProjectResearchers at Work2015-04-17T10:43:55ZBlog EntryOn Fooling Around: Digital Natives and Politics in Asia
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/digital-natives-and-politics-in-asia
<b>Youths are not only actively participating in the politics of its times but also changing the way in which we understand the political processes of mobilisation, participation and transformation, writes Nishant Shah. The paper was presented at the Digital Cultures in Asia, 2009, at the Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan.</b>
<h3><strong>Abstract</strong></h3>
<p>As an increasing population in Asia experiences a lifestyle mediated by digital technologies, there is also a correlated concern about the young Digital Natives constructing their identities and expressions through a world of incessant consumption, while remaining apathetic to the immediate political and social needs of their times. Governments, educators, civil society theorists and practitioners, have all expressed alarm at how the Digital Natives across emerging information societies are so entrenched in the rhetoric, vocabulary and practice of consumption, that they have a disconnect with the larger external reality and are often contained within digital deliriums. They discard the emergent communication and expression trends, mobilization and participation platforms, and processes of cultural production, as trivial or often unimportant. Such a perspective is embedded in a non-changing view of the political landscape and do not take into account that the youth's consumption of globalised ideas and usage of digital technologies, has led to a new kind of political revolution, which might not subscribe to earlier notions of change but nevertheless offer possibilities for great social transformation.</p>
<h3>Context: Techno-Social Identities</h3>
<div>It was the beginning of the 1990’s that ushered in the digital globalisation in Asia and emerging information societies were experiencing a moment of significant socio-political and econo-cultural transition. Many countries in South and East Asia restructured their developmental agenda to accommodate the neo-liberal paradigm that opened their economic and cultural capital to the globalised world markets (Roy; 2005). Unlike in the West, especially in the United States of North America and North-Western Europe, where the internet technologies developed in hallowed spaces of academic and government research, conceptualised in an idealised ethos of open source cultures, free speech and shared knowledges (Himanen; 2001), the emergence of digital ICTs were signifiers of a certain economic mobility, globalised aesthetic of incessant consumption, availability of lifestyle-choices and a reconfiguring of the State-Citizen relationship.</div>
<div> </div>
<div>As different countries in Asia invested in the physical infrastructure of ICTs and widespread access to cyberspatial technologies, they also posited the figure of a techno-social citizen-subject who was caught in a double bind: On the one hand, these new subjects were the wealth of the nations, providing a base for outsourcing and back-processing industries, using their skills with digital technologies to aid the State’s aspirations of economic progress and development. With the digital technologies appearing as the panacea for the various problems of illiteracy, population explosion and ethnic/regional conflicts that have marked many Asian countries in the second half of the Twentieth Century, these new subjects were looked upon as the pall-bearers who would usher in the much desired economic development and socio-cultural reform in these emerging information societies. On the other hand, the ability of these techno-social subjects to transcend their local, to circumvent State authority and regulation, and adapt to a new era of economic and cultural consumption, posited a huge problem for these States that strove to contain the spills of an economic decision into the domains of the social, cultural and the political (Bagga, et al; 2005).</div>
<div> </div>
<div>Among the populations who were actively (or, as is often the case, unwittingly) embodying these changes, were the Digital Natives – younger children and youth who have embraced digital technologies and tools as central to their every-day lives and sense of the self – who used (and abused) these technologised spaces in unpredictable and creative ways beyond, and often against, the authority of the State (Shah; 2007) . This particular identity has raised a lot of concern from different authorities like the government, the educators, the legislators and policy makers, and even civil society practitioners and theorists. Most governments had their initial responses to these Digital Native identities as rooted in paranoia and pathologisation. The cyberspatial matrices are looked at with suspicion as creating a world of the forbidden, the dirty and the dangerous. Public debates over pornography, obscenity, need to control and censor the unabashed fantasies that the cyberspaces were catering to, and a call to govern, administer and contain these spaces (and consequently, the people occupying them), have riddled through information societies around the globe.</div>
<div> </div>
<div>The many anxieties that have surfaced from parents, teachers, interventionists and policy makers, have led to a global industry that is aimed at keeping the children and youth safe from the ‘ill-effects’ of being online. The responses have been varied and diverse: Radical measures from heavy censorship and regulation of all information accessed through the digital spaces to opening up de-addiction and rehabilitation centres; Strong anti-piracy and pornography drives to forming strict legislation on digital crimes; Extraordinary steps to educate the young people about the perils and pit-falls of internet usage to actual policies dissuade internet usage by regulating the physical spaces of access and the promise of dire punishments for ‘abuse’.</div>
<div><br />Providing a litany of these anxieties – each made unique by the differential and contextual experience of digital technologies across regions and societies – can be a daunting and eventually a futile exercise because the landscape of digital technologies and spaces is extremely varied and fluid and each new crisis leads to the emergence of a new set of problems. However, there are certain common tensions and uncontested assumptions that run through these anxieties, which need to be understood and examined. It is the intention of this paper to extrapolate these less visible anxieties with a particular focus on the techno-social identity more popularly referred to as Digital Natives.</div>
<div> </div>
<h3>Misunderstood & Misrepresented</h3>
<div>The term ‘Digital Natives’ (Prensky, 2001) is slowly becoming ubiquitous in its usage amongst scholars and activists working in the youth-technology paradigm, especially in emerging Information Societies. The phrase is used to differentiate a particular generation – generally agreed upon as a generation that was born after 1980 – who has an unprecedented (and often inexplicable) relationship with the information technology gadgets. It is a phrase used to make us aware of the fact that these people are everywhere: On the roads taking pictures on their mobile phones and uploading them on their blogs and photo-streams; In public transport, in their own individually created islands where they listen to music and furiously typing text message their friends; In schools and universities, multitasking, preparing a classroom presentation while chatting with friends and keeping track of their online gaming avatars; In offices, glued in with equal passion on to dating and social networking sites as the geek mailing list that they moderate; In homes and bedrooms, uploading the most private and intimate details of their lives (or becoming subjects to other peoples’ online activities) on live cam feeds and audio and video podcasts; In our imaginations, sometimes cracking into our machines, at others, helping us remove that malware, and at yet others, appearing as flesh-and-body familiar strangers just a click away.</div>
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<div>All of these are the common sense characteristics attributed to Digital Natives. These are all people born into globalised markets and liberal economies; into accelerated communication and digital representations. And they have skills (and choices) to navigate through the increasingly mediated and digitised technosocial<a name="fr1" href="#fn1">[1]</a> environments that we live in. Most of the stories around these Digital Natives, take on the expected tones of euphoria and paranoia. On the one hand, are the unabashed celebrations of this new digital identity and the possibilities and potentials it offers, and on the other are concerns and alarms about the lack of structures which can make meaning or shape these identities in meaningful and constructive ways which can contribute to a certain vision of democracy, equality, community building and freedom. Both these accounts often contain the Digital Native in geo-political (North-Western, developed countries) and socio-cultural (Educated, affluent, empowered), and do not provide much insight into the incipient potentials of social transformation and political participation with the rise of the Digital Native identity.</div>
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<div>There are strident voices that knell the toll of parting day when it comes to Digital Natives. There is a general outcry from scholars that the typical Digital Native is basically dumb. Mark Bauerlein (2008) calls them ‘The Dumbest Generation’ that is jeopardising our future. He paints them as being in a state of constant distraction made of multi-tasking and gadgets that demand their attention. Psychiatrist Edward Hallowell suggests that they exhibit, because of their scattered engagement with technology, symptoms that look like attention deficit disorders. The educators in class lament about how this is a copy + paste culture that refuses to read and write or even think on their own (Bennett et al, 2008) as Digital natives increasingly depend on machines and networks to do their work for them.</div>
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<div class="pullquote">In 2008, China recorded its 100 millionth internet user and also witnessed the death of a 13-year-old Digital Native, who, after two days of non-stop gaming, jumped off an elevator to ‘meet another character from his game’ (China Times; 2008) – the gaming environment leading him to a state of hypnosis where he could not make a distinction between his physical reality and his digital fantasy. Immediately following this, China started its first internet rehabilitation clinics, identifying internet addiction disorder (IAD) as significantly affecting young people’s mental growth as well as their social and interpersonal skills. Dan Tapscott has announced the birth of the “Screenagers” who are unable to look beyond their need for entertainment and personal gratification, all at their fingertips as they live their lives on the Infobahn.</div>
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<div>It is in the nature of the design of trust online (Nevejan, 2008) that the Digital Native in his/her transactions becomes the centre of his/her own universe. The recent explosion of news feeds on sites like Facebook, or the use of Twitter to create social networks, or blogging which is often contained in echo-chambers (as demonstrated by Howard Dean’s political campaign in the USA, 2004), often gives the young Digital Native an inflated sense of the self. The tools that the Digital Natives have for finding people who think exactly like them lead to a sense of intense self gratification (Shah, 2005) and also provide a dangerous outlet for violence to themselves and others, as they find validation for their actions within that group without facing any protest or conflict – what Loren Coleman (2007) calls the ‘copycat effect’. The phenomenon of younger users seeking internet celebrity status by engaging in dangerous activities like confessionals, recording and sharing of sexual escapades, bullying and exposing themselves in ridiculous situations to get attention and limelight, have raised concern among parents and educators (Gasser and Palfrey; 2007).</div>
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<div>This list is by no means exhaustive but gives a clear indication of how the Digital Natives are contained in the matrices of the internet in their representations and are painted as irresponsible and irreverent individuals who appear as pranksters, jesters, and clowns, carrying with them, also the darker sides of cruel humour, dark deeds and sinister pranks which need to be regulated and censored – to save the society from this growing menace, and indeed, to save them from themselves.</div>
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<h3>Pranksters, Jesters and Clowns?</h3>
<div>It is easy, from such perspectives, to not only demonise (thus enabling regulation and control) of Digital Native identities but also ignoring their new aesthetics, politics and mechanisms of participation and change as trivial or ‘merely cultural’. There have been many instances, over the years, where each new technology and technologised space of cultural production has been treated as frivolous, infantile or faddy. Let me take this discussion through three case-studies where Digital Native spaces, engagements and activities have been perceived as juvenile or foolish to examine this particular presumption of trivialness that is often pegged on the Digital Natives and their activities. Each Case-Study has been structured in two parts: the first gives a short understanding of the technologised phenomenon and space, the second provides a brief summary of the event.</div>
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<h3><strong>Flash (Mob) in a Pan from India</strong></h3>
<div><strong>Flash-mobs</strong>: Organise, congregate, act, disperse – that is the anatomy of a flash mob. Howard Rheingold, in his book titled Smart Mobs, suggests that the people who make up smart mobs co-operate in ways never before possible because they carry devices that possess both communication and computing capabilities. Their mobile devices connect them with other information devices in the environment as well as with other people's telephones. Dirt-cheap microprocessors embedded in everything from box tops to shoes are beginning to permeate furniture, buildings, neighbourhoods, products with invisible intercommunicating smartifacts. When they connect the tangible objects and places of our daily lives with cyberspace, handheld communication media mutate into wearable remote control devices for the physical world (Rheingold, 2001). The flash-mobs, along with the now ubiquitous terms like viral-networking and crowd-sourcing are the most significant examples of the ways in which the digital networks can mobilise people towards a common cause within the digital matrices as well as in the physical world.</div>
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<div><strong>The story</strong>: India’s first recorded flash-mob started with a website asking for volunteers who wanted to ‘have some serious fun’. On the 3rd of October, when several cell phones rang and email inboxes found an email that briefly chalked out the time and space for a venue – a Flash site. Text messages were sent to all the members who had volunteered by anonymous agencies. And then at 5:00 p.m., the next day, about a 100 participants assembled at a mall called Crossroads.</div>
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<div>At the Crossroads Flash-Mob, the mobsters screamed at the top of their voices and sold imaginary shares. They danced. They all froze still in the middle of their actions. And then without as much as a word, after two minutes of historic histrionics, they opened their umbrellas and dispersed, leaving behind them a trail of bewilderment and confusion. This was India’s first recorded flash-mob. People who never knew each other, did not have any largely political purpose in mind and did not really intend to extend relationships, got together to perform a set of ridiculous actions at Crossroads. This first flash mob sparked off many different flash mobs all around the nation – most of them marking out spaces like multiplexes, shopping malls, gaming parlours, body shops, large commercial roads and shopping complexes as their flash sites.</div>
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<div>One of the most celebrated accounts of the flash-mob was by Bijoy Venugopal, a serious blogger and writer (Venugopal; October 2003), who also reiterated the fact that the intention of participation was to have some ‘serious fun.’ Subsequent experience-sharing by other members of the flash-mobs also endorsed the idea that the flash-mob was like an extension of online gaming or the tenuous digital communities which are a part of the lifestyle choices and social networking for an increasing number of people in the large urban wi-fi centres of India. The Flash-mob seemed to carry with it all the elements that digital cyberspaces have to offer – a sense of tentative belonging, a grouping of people who seek to network with each other based on similar interests, a growing sense of a need to ‘enchant’ the otherwise quickly mechanised world around us, and an exciting space of novel experiences and unmonitored, pseudonymous (except for the physical presence) fun.</div>
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<div>The flash-mob gained huge media coverage and local buzz and was talked about and debated upon quite furiously in popular media. The organisers of the flash-mobs became instant celebrities and were questioned repeatedly about the reasons for organising the flash-mob. The answer was always unwavering – the organisers insisted that the flash-mobs were a way for them to instil fun and novelty in the very hurried life in Mumbai. On the website, Rohit Tikmany, one of the original organisers, very passionately argues:</div>
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<div>We are not making any statement here - we are not protesting anything - we are not a revolution, a movement or an agitation. Our purpose (if any) is solely to have fun… None of us is here for anything except fun. We will not have any sponsors (covert or overt) and we will never respond to any commercial/political/religious influences. (Tikmany, 2003)</div>
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<div>There was a particular and specific disavowal of the ‘political’. The organisers went out of their way to convince that they do not have any political cause that they endorse, that they are not affiliated with any socio-political organisations or parties in the city, and that their actions were guided only by the desire to have some fun and games. The popular media painted it as a fad that made its point about internet mobilisation but was nothing more than a flash in a pan. Initial responses to the flash-mobsters painted them as clowns – a bunch of young people having a bit of fun. It came as a particular shock, in the face of this celebratory mode of looking at flash-mobs and the composition of the crowd (largely upper class, English speaking, Educated, and implicated in the digital circuits of globalised consumption), when the flash-mobs came to be banned in Mumbai and then around the country, as ‘a serious threat the safety and security of the public’ and offering ‘unfavourable conditions of danger’ in the city.</div>
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<div>Flash-mobs have been recorded around the globe, for different reasons and to fulfil varied socio-political ambitions. However, most of them have been explicitly for fun. Tapio Makela at the Tempare University, Finland, suggests that flash-mobs are indeed the first real-time digital gaming experience that the internet can provide us with. And yet, flash-mobs are being regulated in almost all emerging Information Societies. While the political rhetoric of unsupervised mobilisation can be understood easily, what lies beneath it is a much more interesting story. For emerging information societies in the world, the digital technologies have a much more significant role to play in economic development and creation of global infrastructure. Most governments have invested highly in the creation of techno-social skill based identities and have a clear idea of the ‘correct’ usage of technology. The flash-mobs present a situation where the ‘ideal’ citizens who should be engaging with these technologies to enhance the labour markets and augment the nation’s efforts at restructuring in global times, are engaging in apparently frivolous activities which are aimed at self gratification and fun. Flash-mobs, through their aesthetic of irreverence and fun, also present a space for criticism and political negotiation to the Digital Natives, who, while they might not be equipped to engage with traditional channels of politics, are now finding ways by which to make their opinions and expressions heard.</div>
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<div>The Flash-mob in Mumbai, for example, builds upon a much richer contextual local history of politics and access. Crossroads, the flash-site, was also the first American Super-Mall in India. In 2001, when the mall opened, it was restrictive in its access, where it demanded the curious onlooker to either pay an entry fee of 50 Indian Rupees or be in possession of a Platinum Credit Card or a Cell phone to enter the mall. The idea was that only a certain kind of citizenship was welcome in this consumerist heaven. It was presumed that people who do not come from a class that can afford to purchase things in the mall might not know how to behave in the mall. A public interest litigation suit against the mall soon revoked these conditions of access and announced the mall as a public space of consumption. However, the lineage of the restrictive conditions that the mall opened with, resonates through the local knowledge systems. The first flash-mob at Crossroads, even though it was ‘fun’, managed to provide a critique of the new class based urban society that global India is building. Ironically, the people who constituted that flash-mob and managed to turn the mall into a place of total chaos for the brief performance were the ‘desirable’ people for the mall. Such a critique, while it might not be overtly articulated for different reasons, still manages to surface once the contextual histories of these events are produced.</div>
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<h3><strong>10 Legendary Obscene Beasts from China</strong></h3>
<div><strong>User Generated Knowledge sites</strong>: The world of knowledge production was never as shaken as it was with the emergence of the Wikipedia – a user generated knowledge production system, where anybody who has any knowledge, on almost anything in the world, can contribute to share it with countless users around the world. The camps around Wikipedia are fairly well divided: there are those who swear by it, and there are those who swear against it. There are scholars, activists and lobbyists who celebrate the democratisation of knowledge production as the next logical evolutionary step to the democratic access to knowledge. They appreciate the wisdom of crowds and revel in the joy that in the much discussed Nature magazine experiment, the number of errors in Wikipedia and its biggest opponent, Encyclopaedia Britannica, were almost the same. And then there are those who think of the Wikipedia and other such peer knowledge production and sharing systems as erroneous, unreliable and a direct result of collapsing standards that the vulgarisation of knowledge has succumbed to in the age where information has become currency. Add to this the hue and cry from academics around the globe who lament falling research standards as the copy+paste generations (Vaidhyanathan; 2008) in classrooms skim over subjects in Wikipedia rather than analysing and studying them in detail from those hallowed treasuries of knowledge – reference books.</div>
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<div>As can be expected, the questions about the veracity, verifiability, trustworthiness and integrity of Wikipedia and other such user generated knowledge sharing sites (including YouTube, Flickr, etc.) are carried on in sombre tones by zealots who are devoted to their beliefs. However, the one question that remains unasked, in the discussion of these sites, is the question of what purpose it might serve beyond the obvious knowledge production exercise.</div>
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<div><strong>The Story</strong>: In China, where the government exerts great control over regulating online information, Wikipedia had a different set of debates which would not feature in the more liberal countries – the debates were around what would be made accessible to a Wikipedia user from China and what information would be blanked out to fit China’s policy of making information that is ‘seditious ‘and disrespectful’, invisible. After the skirmishes with Google, where the search engine company gave in to China’s demands and offered a more censored search engine that filtered away results based on sensitive key-words and issues, Wikipedia was the next in line to offer a controlled internet knowledge base to users in China.</div>
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<div>However, another user-generated knowledge site, more popular locally and with more stringent self-regulating rules than Wikipedia, became the space for political commentary, satire, protest and demonstration against the draconian censorship regimes that China is trying to impose on its young users. The website Baidu Baike (pinyin for Baidu Encyclopaedia), became popular in 2005 and was offered by the Chinese internet search company Baidu. With more than 1.5 million Chinese language articles, Baidu has become a space for much debate and discussion with the Digital Natives in China. Offered as a home-grown response to Wikipedia, Baidu implements heavy ‘self-censorship to avoid displeasing the Chinese Government’ (BBC; 2006) and remains dedicated to removing ‘offensive’ material (with a special emphasis on pornographic and political events) from its shared space.</div>
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<div>It is in this restrictive regime of information sharing and knowledge production, that the Digital Natives in China, introduced the “10 legendary obscene beasts” meme which became extremely popular on Baidu. Manipulating the Baidu Baike’s potential for users to share their knowledge, protestor’s of China’s censorship policy and Baidu’s compliance to it, vandalised contributions by creating humorous pages describing fictitious creatures, with names vaguely referring to Chinese profanities, with homophones and characters using different tones.</div>
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<div>The most famous of these creations was Cao Ni Ma (Chinese: 草泥马), literally "Grass Mud Horse", which uses the same consonants and vowels with different tones for the Chinese language profanity which translates into “Fuck Your Mother” cào nǐ mā (肏你妈) . This mythical animal belonging to the Alpaca race had dire enemies called héxiè (河蟹), literally translated as “river crabs”, very close to the word héxié (和谐) meaning harmony, referring to the government’s declared ambition of creating a “harmonious society” through censorship. The Cao Ni Ma, has now become a popular icon appearing in videos distributed on YouTube, in fake documentaries, in popular Chinese internet productions, and even in themed toys and plushies which all serve as mobilising points against censorship and control that the Chinese government is trying to control.</div>
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<div>However, the reaction from those who do not understand the entire context is, predictably, bordering on the incredulous. Most respondents on different blogs and meme sites, think of these as mere puns and word-plays and juvenile acts of vandalism. The Chinese monitoring agencies themselves failed to recognise the profane and the political intent of these productions and hence they survived on Baidupedia, to become inspiring and iconic symbols of the slow and steady protest against censorship and the right to information act in China. Following these brave acts, Baidu’s user base also experimented very successfully with well-formed parodies and satires, opening up the first spaces in modern Chinese history, for political criticism and negotiation.<a name="fr2" href="#fn1">[2]</a> What is discarded or overlooked as jest or harmless pranks, are actually symptomatic of a new generation using digital tools and spaces to revisit what it means to be politically active and engaged. The 10 obscene legendary creatures, like the flash-mobs, can be easily read as juvenile fun and the actions of a youth that is quickly losing its connection with the immediate contemporary questions. However, a contextual reading combined with a dismantling of the “Digital Native in a bubble” syndrome, can lead to a better understanding of the new aesthetic of social transformation and political participation – one which is embedded in the growing aesthetic of fun, irreverence, and playfulness.</div>
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<h3><strong>A 32 Year Old Dancing Global Nomad</strong></h3>
<div>Context: The aesthetic of irreverence, of playfulness and of exuberant joy is perhaps the best demonstrated by the third case-study which deals with user generated content and sharing sites like YouTube and Blip TV or social networking sites like Facebook and Livejournal. With the easy availability of digital technologies of production – portable laptops and digital cameras, PDAs enabled with phones and multi-media services, webcams and microphones – and tools to share and exchange these productions, there has been an unprecedented amount of digital cultural production which has propelled what we now call the Web 2.0 explosion. There has been much criticism about how we are building a junkyard of digital information. Videos of cats and hamsters dancing, inane audio and video podcasts documenting personal anecdotes and opinions, blogs that publish everything from favourite recipes to sexual escapades, and social networking sites that map rising networks, all add to the immense amount of data that dwells in cyberspace. Questions of data mining, of data redundancy are coupled with alarms of the ‘infantile’ uses of technology have emerged in recent debates around this user generated content. Governments are also battling with problems of piracy, hate-speech, bullying and fundamentalism that have found pervasive channels through these platforms and networks.</div>
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<div><strong>The Story</strong>: In the middle of celebrity hamsters (Hampster the Hamster), popular dancing babies, and parodies of pop stars, there was one particular internet celebrity who is famous, because nobody knows where he is going to dance next. “Where the Hell is Matt?” is a viral video which shot to fame first in 2006, which features Matt Harding, a video game designer from America, who performs a singularly identifiable dance routine in front of various popular destinations in different countries around the world. It started off as a friend recording Matt Harding doing a peculiar dance in Vietnam became popular on the internet and became one of the most popular videos on cyberspace, with his second video released in 2008, viewed 19,860,041 times on YouTube as on 31st March 2009.</div>
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<div>Harding has now become a celebrity, featuring on TV talk shows, guest lecturing at universities, and is brand ambassador to a couple of global brands. He is now, also featured dancing on NASA’s Astronomy Picture of the Day website under the title “Happy People Dancing on Planet Earth”, claiming that it shows humans worldwide sharing a joy of dancing. Unlike the flash-mobs and the Baidupedia instances, Where The Hell is Matt? does not have any overt political position or agenda. It has not entered into a condition of strife or struggle with any authoritative regimes or systems of conflict. And yet, what Harding has managed, through his ‘pranks’ , is to create a series of videos which have now come to embody values of cultural diversity, tolerance and universal joy. Instead of making serious speeches, petitions or demonstrations, through his prankster image, Matt Harding has become the unofficial ambassador of peace and harmony around the globe, being discussed avidly by anybody who sees him, with a smile.</div>
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<div>One can either ignore this viral video as a short-lived meme that will soon be forgotten by the next dancing sensation. Even if it might be true, the impact that the “Where the Hell is Matt?” videos have created is significant. When Matt sarcastically said at Entertainment Gathering, that his videos were a hoax, that he was an actor and the videos were an exercise in animatronic puppets and video editing, he had everybody from fans on blogs to new reporters on television responding to it – some often with outrage at being ‘fooled’ by such morphing. Harding revealed his ‘hoax about a hoax’ at the Macworld convention to great amusement. While Matt’s dancing pranks might indeed be forgotten by the next big thing, it is still a fruitful exercise to read it as symptomatic of a much larger redefinition of notions of political participation and social transformation that the Digital Natives and their technology-mediated environments are bringing about.</div>
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<h3>Digital Natives: Causes, Pauses</h3>
<div>Running common, through all these three stories, in popular discourse as well as in academic scholarship, is the presumption of frivolity and non-seriousness that misses out on the much larger contexts of socio-political change. The youth have always been at the forefront of social transformation and political participation. The youth, traditionally, has also had an intimate relationship with new technologies of cultural production, producing influential aesthetics through experimentation and innovation. A brief look at the socio-political history of technologies, shows us that the young who grow up with certain technologies as central to their mechanics of life and living, have led to a reconfiguring of their role and function in the society. The emergence of the print culture, for example, led to the energising of the public spheres in Europe, where young people with access to education and books, could participate and restructure their immediate socio-political environments. Cinematic realism has had its heyday as the tool for political mobilisation through representing the voice of the underprivileged communities. The expansion of the tele-communication networks have led to the rise and fall of governments while changing the face of socio-political and economic activities.</div>
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<div>It is not as if these technologies were without their own concerns, questions and doubts. However, most of these anxieties have been successfully resolved through experience, experiment and analysis. Such practices and communities have Moreover, the promise and the potential of this youth-technology engagement have always surpassed the ensuing anxiety.</div>
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<div>With the Digital Natives, as a small percentage of the world’s population engages with technologies and tools that are quickly gaining currency and popularity, there seems to be a cacophony of alarms and anxieties which seem to have no scope for resolution or respite. And this alarm seems to be louder and more anxious than ever before because it marks a disconnect of the Digital Natives from the role that youth-technology relationships has borne through history – that the Digital Natives are in a state of apathy when it comes to engaging in processes of social transformation and political mobilisation and prefer to stay in isolated bubbles of consumerism and entertainment. This particular accusation that is levelled at the Digital Natives, if true, is not only alarming but also bodes dire fortunes for the whole world as a new generation refuses to engage with questions of politics, governance and transformation outside of the realm of the economic and the personal. This particular disconnect amplifies the other anxieties – moral anxieties around pornography and sexuality, ethical anxieties about plagiarism and piracy, intellectual anxieties about knowledge production and research – because the re-assurance that the Digital Natives will augment the processes of positive social transformation and fruitful political participation, is perceived as lost.</div>
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<div>Moreover, unlike earlier technologies, the youth is not being guided into the use of digital technologies but are actually spearheading the development, consumption and rise of these technologies. There is a strong reversal of the power structure, where the digital migrants and settlers have to depend upon the Digital Natives to traverse the terrain of the digital environments. The Digital Natives are in a uniquely singular position where, due to the economic and global restructuring of the world, their world-view and ideas are gaining more currency and visibility than those belonging to previous generations. However, the adults who enter the world of the Digital Natives, insist on viewing them through certain misapplied prisms:</div>
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<div><strong>Difference without change</strong>: These stories or anecdotal data almost always gives us a sense of marked difference of identity in an unchanging world. The Digital Native remains a category or identity which remains to be understood in its difference to integrate it into a world vision that precedes them. The difference is invoked only to emphasise the need for continuity from one generation to another; and thus making a call to ‘rehabilitate’ this new generation into earlier moulds of being.</div>
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<div><strong>The social construction of loss</strong>: A common intention of these stories is to mourn a loss. Each new technology has always been accompanied by a nostalgia industry that immediately recreates a pre-technologised, innocent world that was simpler, better, fairer, and easier to live in. Similarly, the Digital Native identity is premised on multiple losses<a name="fr3" href="#fn3">[3]</a> : loss of childhood, loss of innocence, loss of control, loss of privacy etc. Predicated on this list, is the specific loss of political participation and social transformation; a loss of the youth as the political capital of our digital futures.</div>
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<div><strong>Trivialising the realm of the Cultural</strong>: The third is that these anecdotes of celebration and fear, mark the Digital Native’s actions and practices as confined to some “My bubble, My space” personal/cultural private world of consumption which, when they do connect to larger socio-political phenomena, is accidental. Moreover, they concentrate on the activities and the immediate usage/abuse of technology rather than concentrating on the potentials that these tools and interactions have for the future. They paint the Digital Native as without agency, solipsistic, and in the ‘pointless pursuit of pleasure’, thus dismissing their cultural interactions and processes as trivial and residing in indulgent consumption and personal gratification.</div>
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<div>Such perspectives and analytical impulses are a result of the pertinent and influential research methods and disciplinary baggage within contemporary cybercultures studies. Much of the imagination of the Digital Natives carries the baggage of false dichotomies and binaries of discourse around technologically mediated identities. Within cybercultures studies, as well as in earlier interdisciplinary work on digital internets, there has been an explicit and now an implied division of the physical and the virtual. The virtual seems to be a world only loosely anchored in the material and physical reality, and almost seems to be at logger heads with the real in producing its own hyper-visual reality. These distinctions, though not often invoked, are present in different imaginations of the Digital Natives. They seem to reside in virtual worlds producing a ‘disconnect’ from their everyday reality. The alternative public spheres of speech and expression created by the rise of the blogosphere and peer-to-peer networking sites seem to reside only within the digital domain. The frenzied cultural production and consumption on sites like YouTube and Second Life are contained within digital deliriums. Similarly, when attention is paid to Digital Natives and their activities, it is confined to what they do, inhabit, consume and produce online, often forgetting their embodied presence circumscribed by different contexts.</div>
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<div>The notion of contexts, as it is relevant and important to understand techno-social identities, is even more crucial when talking about Digital Natives. Contextualised understanding of their environments, histories, and engagement help us to realise that Digital Native is not a universal identity. Even though the technologies that they use are often global in nature, and the tools and gadgets they employ are shared across borders, the way a digital native identity is constructed and experienced is different with different contexts. As we see, in the case of the flash-mobs and the Baidupedia, the digital native, especially when it comes to social transformation and political participation, is a fiercely local and context based identity and community. It is because of this, that Ethan Zuckerman’s Cute Cat Theory (2005) actually makes sense – that the Digital Natives, when they do utilise digital tools for social transformation or mobilisation, will not go in search for new tools. Instead, they will use the existing platforms and spaces that they are already using to share pictures of cute cats across the globe. The idea of a context based Digital Native identity also leads me to suggest two things to conclude this paper: The first, that Digital Natives are not merely people who are using new tools and technologies to augment the ideas of change and participation that an earlier, development-centric generation has grown up with. By introducing and experimenting with their aesthetic of fun, playfulness and irreverence, they are re-visiting the terrain of what it means to be political and often embedding their politics into seemingly inane or fruitless cultural productions, which create sustainable conditions of change. The second, that the Digital Natives, while they seem to be a different generation and having a unique technology-human relationship, are not really different when it comes to envisioning the role of youth-technology paradigm in the society. What is really different, with this young generation of active, interested and engaged people, is that their local movements and actions are globally shared and accessed, thus forging, perhaps in unprecedented ways, international and cross-cultural communities of support, help and interest. Moreover, these communities subscribe to a new paradigm and vocabulary of socio-political change which is often tied to their every-day actions of entertainment, leisure, networking and cultural production, which provide the potential for the next big change that the Digital Natives set themselves to.</div>
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<p><br />[<a name="fn1" href="#fr1">1</a>]. The term ‘techno-social’, coined by Arturo Escobar, refers to a social identity mediated by technology. It puts special emphasis that the digital and physical environments need to be seen in segue with each other rather than disconnected as is often the case in cybercultures and technology studies.</p>
<p>[<a name="fn2" href="#fr2">2</a>].A more serious political satire that moves beyond just punning and avoiding censorship was found in the now-deleted entry for revolutionary hero Wei Guangzheng (伟光正, taken from 伟大, 光荣, 正确, "great, glorious, correct"). An excerpt from it is included here for sampling.</p>
<p class="discreet"><strong>Wei Guangzheng<br /></strong>Comrade Wei Guangzheng is a superior product of natural selection. In the course of competition for survival, because of certain unmatched qualities of his genetic makeup, he has a great ability to survive and reproduce, and hence Wei Guangzheng represents the most advanced state of species evolution. Here is the evolution of Wei Guangzheng's thinking: Since the day of his birth, comrade Wei Guangzheng established a guiding ideology for the people's benefit, and in the course of connecting it with the real circumstances of his beloved Sun Kingdom, a process of repeated comparisons that involved the twists and turns of campaigns of encirclement and suppression, his ideology finally realized a historic leap forward and generated two major theoretic achievements. The first great theoretic leap was the idea of leading a handful of people to take up arms to cause trouble, rebellion, and revolution in order to build a brave new world, and to successfully seize power. This was the "spear ideology." The second great theoretic leap was a theory, with Sun Kingdom characteristics, in which Wei Guangzheng was unswervingly upheld as leader and the people were forever prevented from standing up. This was the "shield theory." Under the guidance of these two great theoretic achievements, comrade Wei Guangzheng won victory after victory. Practice has proven, "Without Wei Guangzheng, there would be no Sun Kingdom." Following the road of comrade Wei Guangzheng was the choice of the people of the Sun Kingdom and an inevitable trend of historical development.</p>
<p>[<a name="fn3" href="#fr3">3</a>]Indeed, as Chris Jenks notes in his work on the construction of youth, through history, it is the function of civilisation to construct youth as not only an innocent category which needs to be saved but also a demonic identity which needs to be trained and taught into the roles and functions of civilisation. Each emergent technology of cultural production, in its turn, has been examined as potentially contributing to the notions of the youth and their role and function in the society.</p>
<hr />
<h3>References</h3>
<div>
<ol>
<li>Bagga, R.K, Kenneth Keniston and Rohit Raj Mathur (Eds). (2005) The State, IT and Development. New Delhi: Sage.</li>
<li>Bauerlein, Mark. (2008). <em>The Dumbest Generation : How the Digital Age Stupefies Young Americans and Jeopardizes Our Future, or Don't Trust Anyone Under 30</em>. New York : Tarcher/Penguin Books.</li>
<li>BBC News. (2006). "Site Launches: Chinese Wikipedia". Available at <a class="external-link" href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4761301.stm">http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4761301.stm</a>.</li>
<li>Bennett, Sue, Karl Maton and Lisa Kervin. 2008. “The ‘Digital Natives’ Report - A Critical Review of the Evidence”, Melbourne. Available at <a class="external-link" href="http://www.cheeps.com/karlmaton/pdf/bjet.pdf">http://www.cheeps.com/karlmaton/pdf/bjet.pdf</a></li>
<li>China Times, The. (2008). “Internet de-addiction centres in China”. Article available at <a class="external-link" href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4327258.stm">http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4327258.stm</a></li>
<li>Coleman, Loren. (2007). <em>The Copycat Effect: How the Media and Popular Culture Trigger the Mayhem in Tomorrow's Headlines</em>. Simon & Schushter.</li>
<li>Escobar, Arturo. (1994). “Welcome to Cyberia: Notes on the Anthropology of Cyberculture.” The Cybercultures Reader. Eds. David Bell and Barbara Kennedy. NY:Routledge.</li>
<li>Himanen, Pekka. (2001). <em>The Hacker Ethic</em>. New York: Random house Trade Paperbacks.</li>
<li>Navejan, Caroline. (2008). <em>The Design of Trust</em>. Utrecht University. (Forthcoming).</li>
<li>Palfrey, John and Urs Gasser. (2008). Born Digital. New York: Basic Books.</li>
<li>Prensky, Marc. (2001). Digital Natives, Digital Immigrants, available at <a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/Prensky, Marc. 2001. Digital Natives, Digital Immigrants, available at http:/www.marcprensky.com/writing/Prensky%20-%20Digital%20Natives,%20Digital%20Immigrants%20-%20Part1.pdf Retrieved January 2009." class="external-link">http://www.marcprensky.com/writing/Prensky%20-%20Digital%20Natives,%20Digital%20Immigrants%20-%20Part1.pdf</a>, retrieved January 2009.</li>
<li>Rheingold, Howard. (2001). Smart Mobs: the next social revolution . New York: Perseus Publishing.</li>
<li>Roy, Sumit. (2005). <em>Globalisation, ICT and Developing Nations</em>. New Delhi: Sage.</li>
<li>Shah, Nishant. (2005). “Playblog: Pornography, Performance and Cyberspace”. Available at <a class="external-link" href="http://www.cut-up.com/news/detail.php?sid=413">http://www.cut-up.com/news/detail.php?sid=413 </a></li>
<li>Shah, Nishant. (2007). “Subject to Technology” Inter Asia Cultural Studies Journal. Available at <a href="https://cis-india.org/publications/cis-publications/nishant-shahs-publications" class="external-link">http://cis-india.org/publications/cis-publications/nishant-shahs-publications</a></li>
<li>Tapscott, John. (2008). Grown-Up Digital: How the Net Generation is Changing your World. New York: Vintage Books.</li>
<li>Tikmany, Rohit. (2003). <a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/Tikmany, Rohit. 2003. http:/www.mumbaiorgs.com 3rd March, 2004, 11:15 a.m. IST" class="external-link">http://www.mumbaiorgs.com</a> 3rd March, 2004, 11:15 a.m. IST.</li>
<li>Vaidhyanathan, Siva. (2008). Available at Chronicle of Higher Education, September 19, 2008. <a class="external-link" href="http://chronicle.com/free/v55/i04/04b00701.htm">http://chronicle.com/free/v55/i04/04b00701.htm</a>.</li>
<li>Venugopal, Bijoy. (2003). <a class="external-link" href="http://www.rediff.com/netguide/2003/oct/05flash.htm">http://www.rediff.com/netguide/2003/oct/05flash.htm</a>. 20th December, 2003, 12:23 p.m. IST.</li>
<li>Zuckerman, Ethan. (2008). "The Cute Cat Theory Talk at ETech". Available at <a class="external-link" href="http://www.ethanzuckerman.com/blog/2008/03/08/the-cute-cat-theory-talk-at-etech/">http://www.ethanzuckerman.com/blog/2008/03/08/the-cute-cat-theory-talk-at-etech/</a></li></ol>
<div> </div>
</div>
<p>This research paper was published in Academia.edu. It can be downloaded <a class="external-link" href="http://cis-india.academia.edu/NishantShah/Papers">here</a></p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/digital-natives-and-politics-in-asia'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/digital-natives-and-politics-in-asia</a>
</p>
No publishernishantDigital ActivismWeb PoliticsResearchers at WorkDigital Natives2015-05-14T12:11:33ZBlog EntryMethods for Social Change
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/methods-for-social-change
<b>On this brief introduction, I outline the main targets of my research project for CIS and the HIVOS Knowledge Program. As a response to the thought piece ‘Whose Change is it Anyway’ I will explore civic engagement among middle class youth over the course of the next 9 months by interviewing change makers and collectives that are part of multi-stakeholder projects in Bangalore.</b>
<h3>Why look at the civic engagement of digital natives?</h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Some of the main knowledge gaps in the literature revolve around understanding the type and extent of political motivation and engagement of citizens (Fowler and Biekart, 2011) and how these motivations translate into sustainable and meaningful participation (Cornwall and Coelho, 2007) in the public space. Having the digital platforms as a space of participation, expression and experience (Cornwall and Coelho 2007, Pleyers, 2012) is necessary but insufficient infrastructure for civic engagement. It is the equivalent of building highways to improve the mobility and communication transactions of a community, disregarding the extent to which it connects the interests, knowledges and identities of those who transit these roads. Through the ‘Methods for Social Change’ project I want to explore the different factors behind building a strong sense of citizenship and sustained civic engagement through technology-mediated change practices.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal">The project seeks to respond to the questions around change-making raised in the thought piece '<em>Whose Change is it Anyway?', </em>as part of the Making Change project.<em> </em>One of the main challenges today is how to move beyond the ‘spectacle’ created around digitally mediated change. The third axis of the piece specifically refers to what Shah calls the ‘spectacle imperative’, and suggests us to take a look at the less visible, undocumented narratives that are currently shaping change. Maro Pantazidou also makes the distinction between mass events and every-day practices of change; an interesting complement to Shah’s critique. Both frame ‘spectacle’ events that signal change in the public space as frequently short-lived instances of change, that lack a strong foundation to carry the “revolution” forward through every-day behaviour and practices.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal">This is not to say I am discrediting the impact of visibility of mass event citizen action. Change must be tackled from different fronts; whether it is by occupying the social imaginary through highly visible displays of civil disobedience or by tackling smaller community battles. However, according to John Gaventa and Gregory Barrett and their findings on mapping the outcomes of citizen engagement, there must be two elements to sustain activism culture: a) the presence of informed active citizens in the movement and b) practicing prefigurative activism, which is establishing horizontal democratic values in the internal organization of this movement. In other words, one of the ways to move beyond the ‘spectacle’ paradigm in citizen action, is through embedding civicness and solidarity networks in its citizens. Hence, my research will be based on the hypothesis that in order to make a transition from spectacle to quotidian activism, change practices must be infused with citizenship-building methods and the negotiation of the citizen identity in public and private spaces.</p>
<h3 style="text-align: justify;" class="normal">Who, Where and How</h3>
<p>From this proposition, there are three areas to be explored:</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal">First, the profile of our <strong>change agents. </strong>The population interacting with political and social issues through digital technologies is a very specific and privileged demographic. This group, assuming motivation and disposition, must count with the corresponding access and resources to act. As brought up in the Mapping Digital Media: India Report, recently published by the Open Society Foundation, middle class activism is not only on the rise but is currently experiencing the highest visibility when compared to political and social activism. This is the case not only for India but also for emerging economies in the Global South where the internet penetration rate is very much related to socio-economic status as well as to the urban-rural divide. Shah refers to this as the gentrification of contemporary politics and it is one of the core poignant critiques of his piece.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal">However, it also leads to the question of how to channel the resources and privileged accessibility of this group for the 'greater good'. Instead of focusing on the problematic behind this power inequality, I would like to look at how this group is using these resources to create partnerships that allows them to disseminate knowledge, awareness and confidence to other citizens; the formula behind strong citizenship and willingness to act according to Gaventa. This underscores the need for a mapping exercise that looks at the Indian political and social context in Bangalore and India, and identify the main challenges and opportunities to build citizenship and engagement among the middle class.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal">Second, <strong>the spaces </strong>where responsible citizenry must be instilled. As mentioned above, one of the main questions is how to translate the horizontal values of pre-figurative activism proposed by Gaventa into the horizontal forms of organization at the community level proposed by Pantazidou. The latter claims that establishing solidarity networks fights citizen alienation by providing a sense of belonging and adds that in order to strengthen these communal relations, citizens must be fully active, present and available in the social arena. In this respect, the possibilities for collaboration through online tools are grand for activism. Online tools and net-ability as pointed out by Fowler and Biekart in their exploration of post-2010 trends in activism, increase connected solidarity and collective consciousness, which are paramount for engaging the populace with its civic duties both in the community as in the larger public space.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal">Nevertheless, digital tools remain neutral in the question of how to translate it into sustainable every-day practices for change. In order for online engagement to be truly sustained it must be backed up by a solid offline community that carries this lifestyle forward; a question at the backbone of this research. I will be looking at individuals and collectives from different fields that build partnerships to create positive and sustainable change in Bangalore and India. The objective is to see how further collaboration between change agents translates to the ground level by bringing new groups of people, with different skill sets, lenses and networks into the field of social change. Another interesting possibility is exploring whether these new amalgams of change practices prove to be more enticing and provoking for the 21st century citizen.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal">Along these lines, the <strong>methods </strong>utilized to engage this group will be the third area of research. Although the prevalence of the ‘spectacle’ blurs the lines between engaging in meaningful civicness and succumbing into the fad of ready-made activism, it would be interesting to look at what makes the ‘spectacle’ appealing and borrow some of those elements to improve advocacy practices. As outlined in the piece, events of change now seem to demand three characteristics to be effective: legibility, intelligibility and accessibility. Creating an image following these criteria provides the message a degree of visibility and clarity that enables its recognition and further amplification through digital technologies.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal">Therefore, the final research goal is to explore multi-stakeholderism and its potential to enhance visibility for social change. Identify artists, graphic designers, start-ups, entrepreneurs and collectives who are remixing their skills with technology to revisit the question of impact and influence on their audience. I would like to test whether Pleyers’ thesis on the cross-fertilization of activisms also applies to strategie and analyse whether this approach helps overcome the limitations of each tactic, foster ownership by different stakeholders and ultimately empower citizens. Furthermore, as part of a generation that is highly stimulated by the 'visual', I am curious to see how the role of aesthetics and inter-disciplinary collaboration behind middle class activism unfolds. Particularly in Bangalore, a crossroads of technology, activism and creativity, innovation is becoming a praxis norm among change makers. What is left to explore is the extent to which this creative ecosystem can produce and attract the apathetic citizen into the camp of sustainable civic action.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal">All interviews and change-makers profiles will be published regularly on the <a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/" class="external-link">Making Change</a> page on the CIS Website.</p>
<hr />
<h2 style="text-align: justify;" class="normal">Sources</h2>
<ol>
<li>Biekart, Kees, and Alan Fowler. "Transforming Activisms 2010+: Exploring Ways and Waves." <em>Development and Change</em> 44, no. 3 (2013): 527-546</li>
<li>Cornwall, Andrea, and Vera Schatten Coelho, eds. <em>Spaces for change?: the politics of citizen participation in new democratic arenas</em>. Vol. 4. Zed Books, 2007.</li>
<li>Gaventa, John, and Gregory Barrett. "So what difference does it make? Mapping the outcomes of citizen engagement." <em>IDS Working Papers</em> 2010, no. 347 (2010): 01-72.</li>
<li>Open Society Foundations “Mapping Digital Media: India, 2012. Retrieved from: <a href="http://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/mapping-digital-media-india-20130326.pdf">http://www.opensocietyfoundations.org/sites/default/files/mapping-digital-media-india-20130326.pdf</a></li>
<li>Shah, Nishant “Whose Change is it Anyways? <em>Hivos Knowledge Program. </em>April 30, 2013.</li>
<li>Pantazidou, Maro. "Treading New Ground: A Changing Moment for Citizen Action in Greece.</li>
<li>Pleyers, Geoffrey. "Beyond Occupy: Progressive Activists in Europe." <em>Open Democracy: free thinking for the world</em> 2012 (2012): 5pages-8.</li></ol>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/methods-for-social-change'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/methods-for-social-change</a>
</p>
No publisherdenisseResearchers at WorkWeb PoliticsMaking ChangeDigital Natives2015-04-17T10:42:11ZBlog EntryInformation Design - Visualizing Action (TTC)
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/tactical-technology-design-activism-1
<b>This is the second part of the Making Change analysis on information activism. It explores the role of the presentation and design of information to translate information into action.</b>
<pre style="text-align: justify;"><strong>CHANGE-MAKER:</strong> Maya Ganesh
<strong>
PROJECT</strong>:
Visualizing Information for Advocacy
<strong><strong>
METHOD OF CHANGE</strong>:
</strong>Redesign the production, presentation and representation of data to stimulate citizen action.<strong>
STRATEGY OF CHANGE: </strong>
- Demystify the technology, strategy and tactics behind information design
- Train people on how to use them for their projects.
- Empower people and increase political participation at the grassroots</pre>
<h2>Part 2: Information Design</h2>
<p align="justify">Tactical Technology aims to demystify strategies that stimulate citizen participation through the production, presentation and representation of data. Their 2010 program:<a href="https://tacticaltech.org/visualising-information-advocacy"> Visualizing Information for Advocacy</a> focuses on finding "the right combination of information, design, technology and networks" (2010) to communicate issues and stimulate action. As explored in the last post, campaigns must not only inform citizens, but must persuade them into acting. The way information is presented: the symbols, shapes and sequences plays a big part in creating deeper connections between the consumer and information. Using more visual advocacy examples, I will list three elements that underpin this connection: symbols, design and consumption culture.</p>
<h3>I. Symbols</h3>
<p><strong>Marks or characters representing an object, function or abstract process</strong></p>
<p>Lance Bennett’s work on civic engagement (2008), identified two features in information that motivate citizens to act:</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">a) Familiar values and activities<br /> b) Action options that facilitate decision-making and the participation process</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">By personalizing data and finding symbols that embody these values and action options, the citizen is more likely to engage with the information. Throughout this post we will look at some examples, outside of Tactical Tech, that are applying these principles.</p>
<pre style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">Example 1:<br />Dislike Poverty Campaign- Un Techo para mi Pais (TECHO) Latin America<br /></pre>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">First example is this is the <a href="http://vimeo.com/15656801">campaign</a> by the Chilean NGO<a href="http://www.techo.org/en/"> Un Techo para mi Pais</a>. The organization’s main objectives are to a) to eradicate poverty and b) build a strong body of volunteers that epitomize a new way of understanding citizenship in the region. They are very popular among youth, in part due to their communication strategies and their use of social media. Recently, the ‘No Me Gusta’ (Dislike) campaign was featured in Spanish graphic design activism blog:<a href="http://www.grafous.com/no-me-gusta/"> Grafous</a>, and the non-profit marketing website<a href="http://osocio.org/message/no_me_gusta_i_dislike_this/"> Osocio</a> for its creative use of 'slacktivism' to mirror the young citizen's attitude towards poverty.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="callout"><strong>Slacktivism</strong>: "actions performed via the Internet in support of a political or social cause but regarded as requiring little time or involvement, e.g. liking or joining a campaign group on a social networking website"</p>
<p align="center"><img src="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/TECHO1.jpg/image_preview" alt="Techo 1" class="image-inline image-inline" title="Techo 1" /></p>
<p align="center"><img src="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/TECHO2.jpg/image_preview" alt="Techo 2" class="image-inline image-inline" title="Techo 2" /><br /><span id="docs-internal-guid-3c3e8713-307f-8c4d-a5bf-1b5269c5701e">No Me Gusta campaign, Un Techo para mi Pais. Photo courtesy of Grafous: <a class="external-link" href="http://www.grafous.com/no-me-gusta/">http://www.grafous.com/no-me-gusta/</a>.</span></p>
<p align="justify">The images juxtapose pictures of slums and an adaptation of the Facebook Like button - a familiar symbol of affirmation and approval among youth- into a Dislike button: enabling expression of discontent. This is coupled with the phrase: “<em>if you dislike this, you can help by logging onto (...)</em>”, channeling this disapproval into a plan of action. The campaign shows a thorough understanding of its target audience: including the visual culture of social media users, their digital habits and their satisfaction driven behavior (embodied by the like button). It ridicules the user by facing him with two realities: the ineludible situation of poverty versus his redeemable slacktivist idleness. This strategy proved to be effective and attracted the attention of potential volunteers; asserting the middle class, tech-savvy identity of the TECHO volunteer throughout Latin America.</p>
<blockquote style="float: left;">
<p align="center"><strong>Nonviolent methods and <br />Civic Participation</strong></p>
<ul>
<li>Capture attention.</li>
<li>Increase visibility of activism.</li>
<li>Reduce the stake of participation <br />for citizens</li>
<li>Attracts 'risk-averse' citizens and<br />creates 'safety in numbers'.</li>
<li>Success of campaign is more likely<br />(if 3.5% of population participates)</li></ul>
</blockquote>
<p align="justify">The use of familiar symbols is one of the <a href="http://www.starhawk.org/activism/trainer-resources/198ways.html">198 strategies</a> listed by Gene Sharp in Part Two of <a href="http://www.aeinstein.org/books/the-politics-of-nonviolent-action-part-2/">The Politics of Nonviolent Action</a> (explored in a<a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/digitally-enhanced-civil-resistance"> past post</a>). In the same spirit, Tactical Technology’s project <a href="https://archive.informationactivism.org/">10 tactics</a> provides “original and artful” wide communication non-violent methods to capture attention and disseminate information. This includes slogans, caricatures, symbols, posters and media presence, which besides from grabbing attention also reduces the stake of participation for citizens. According to Erica Chenoweth and Maria Stephan, these methods increase the visibility of activist efforts, because they create a sense of ‘safety in numbers” and hence draw the “risk-averse” into the movements. Furthermore, their study shows that if a campaign manages to capture the active and sustained participation of only 3.5% of the total population, it is likely to succeed (2008).</p>
<p align="justify">While this statistic shows that enhancing the visibility of social change campaigns is an extremely resource-efficient strategy, on the other hand, it confirms information is in the hands of a privileged minority. The information-poor activist is completely reliant on the values and symbols the middle class chooses to downstream, unless information is designed by grassroots organizations who can localize it -one of the main objectives of Tactical Technology. The flow of ideas and conversations among the middle class, though not inclusive, is already stimulating the spirit of information dissemination. However, representations of data are not enough to trigger cognitive associations between the citizen and the issues. We must also consider the design and aesthetic features of these representations and how they inspire civic engagement.</p>
<h3>II. (Graphic) Design</h3>
<p><strong>Communication, stylizing and problem-solving through the use of type, space and image. </strong></p>
<blockquote>
<p id="docs-internal-guid-3c3e8713-3345-6c35-9147-f1533da6a2fe" style="text-align: justify;" class="callout" dir="ltr"><strong>MG</strong>: Presentation continues to be a problem. We have focused a lot on this, but it continues to be an issue when people have and are using information. You can’t assume people will get it and you need to think about what kind of information you have and what kind of audiences you want to see it, etc.</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Liz Mcquiston, author of the 1995 and the 2004 editions of Graphic Agitation explored how art and design brings political and social issues to the fore. She argues that the increasing ubiquity of digital technology since the 90s, plus a popular ‘do-it-yourself’ culture, is creating a new environment of political protest that empowers individuals to take ownership of the creation and consumption of information. This is in line with Richard Wurman’s argument on the rise of the <strong>prosumer: </strong>digital users who are not only consuming but are also producing an unprecedented amount of information, which states that larger volumes of information, coupled with the expressive potential of art and design, makes personalized relationships with data possible, having it cater to our interests, needs and contexts (2001).</p>
<pre style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">Example 2:<br />Design for Protest by Hector Serrano (University Cardenal Herrera)<br /></pre>
<div style="text-align: justify;" class="pull quote" dir="ltr">Information design is creating ready-made avenues for civic engagement by breaking data down and providing step by step guides for implementation. For instance, students from the University Cardenal Herrera in Spain collaborated together in the project: “<a href="http://designforprotest.wordpress.com/proyectos/">Design for Protest”</a>, led by <a href="http://www.hectorserrano.com/">Hector Serrano</a>, graphic designer and activist. The concept was to design “effective and functional” tools of demonstration, rooted in the rising number of protests around the world during the economic crisis. The students created communication tools: from foldable banners to protest umbrellas that allow protesters in Spain (and around the world) to convey their messages in creative, quick and affordable ways. This is the perfect conflation between consuming information proposals and producing new information from the grassroots to intervene in the public space.</div>
<p align="center" style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr"><br /><img src="http://designforprotest.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/10.jpg?w=920" alt="" height="450" width="665" align="middle" /></p>
<p align="center">Paraguas (Umbrella). Photo courtesy and How-to: <a href="http://designforprotest.wordpress.com/2012/03/30/paraguas/">Design For Protest: Paraguas<br /></a></p>
<p align="center"><img src="http://designforprotest.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/4_01.jpg?w=920" alt="" height="450" width="665" align="middle" /><br /> Light Banner. Photo courtesy and How-to: <a href="http://designforprotest.wordpress.com/2012/03/30/light-banner/">Design For Protest: Light Banner</a></p>
<p align="center"><a href="http://designforprotest.wordpress.com/2012/03/30/paraguas/"><br /></a></p>
<div align="center"><img src="http://designforprotest.files.wordpress.com/2012/03/2_05.jpg?w=920" alt="" height="558" width="397" align="middle" /></div>
<p align="center" style="text-align: center;" dir="ltr">Pocket Protest. Photo courtesy and How-to: <a href="http://designforprotest.wordpress.com/2012/03/30/protesta-de-bolsillo/">Design for Protest: Protesta de Bolsillo</a></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">The field of information design is creating ready-made avenues for civic engagement. It is breaking down data and providing step-by-step guides for implementation. Although the Design for Protest project is not creating a permanent source of information, it is providing feasible alternatives to display information both in short-lived protests as much as in long-term campaigns, facilitating action-taking and abiding to the second feature of Bennett's hypothesis: providing action options to aid decision-making. Ganesh commented how these tool kits are also a mean Tactical Tech uses to secure sustainability and continuity:</p>
<blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="callout"><span id="docs-internal-guid-4b925b2a-3424-bea4-cc67-94b3cb5dc47a"><strong>MG:</strong> We have many available resources: from tools and guides (mobile in a box, security in a box, etc.), to the website. It is very focused on the digital tools that support what you want to do with your campaigning. You have a plethora of websites telling you what tools to use but not how to use it or how to think about how you want to use them for campaigning. As a result you have campaigns that are not well thought or that don’t use the appropriate type of technology, or driven by the technology first than what they want to do. This is one of the ways in which it continues.</span></p>
</blockquote>
<h3></h3>
<h3>III. (Culture) Design</h3>
<p><strong>Localizing information design</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The <strong>‘prosumer’ model </strong>aligns with an active model of citizenship we describe in a <a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/blank-noise-active-citizen-dissonance">previous post.</a> It fits citizens who are active and willing to find resources, and create and disseminate information that resonates within their context. Yochai Benkler’s work on information production (2006) Also touches on how cultural production enhances democratic practices in network societies. He argues that creating cultural meaning of the world has two important effects:</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">a) Sustains values of individual freedom of expression.<br />b) Provides opportunities of participation and cultural reassertion.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">Ganesh’s account of the experience of Tactical Technology in the Middle East also highlights how cultural remix is a form political and creative empowerment:</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify;" class="callout" dir="ltr"><strong>MG:</strong> It is interesting how the Arab version has evolved. We had support to extend Ten Tactics in the Arabic region, but we didn’t want to do translations and tell people what to do. We wanted to see how people are thinking about information activism in their region, what kind of products would be useful to them. We’ve already printed 2000 copies and we are left only with 140. It is really popular because people really want to do this. We’ve met with 5-7 groups in the Arab region we’ve known for a long time. We said: here’s money (originally meant for translations) take our resources, anything you’ve found that we’ve published and: customize it, remix it, break it up and put it back together again; turn it into a resource that you can feel you can use with your communities. Partnering up, you must keep in mind their mandates and their communities.</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">Localizing design and aesthetics is essential to keep the connections between data-citizen relevant. This is explored from the perspective of post-colonial computing by Irani et. al; a project that aims to understand how ‘good design’ must be consistent with cultural identities and the transformative nature of cultural formation between the context and the individual (2010).</p>
<pre style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr"><strong>Example 3:</strong><br />Proudly African and Transgender by Gabrielle Le Roux (In collaboration with Amnesty International and IGLHRC)</pre>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">An interesting example of this is the work done by Gabrielle Le Roux, in collaboration with African trans and intersex activists (<a href="http://www.iglhrc.org">IGLHRC</a>). A showcase of portraits and uncovered narratives of transgendered Africans in East and Southern Africa: that reasserts interesex and transgender identity in a society were these issues remain taboo and hence under the radar.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr"><img style="float: left;" src="https://lh3.googleusercontent.com/f1HV0NnuLqLOP-N36QGFbr-eXSILqtz0vFXA6OrSTqPuqiniOe89xiyxhJqnlD2wRLgcOtPQYZf3po7biJGQZ9gCAwROMbywL9xyjO6OkyzcK3jNzIqWwT8J4Q" alt="" height="427px;" width="303px;" /> <img style="float: right;" dir="ltr" src="https://lh5.googleusercontent.com/vCK1YHfG-_rOjr8VS8dRv4GVGE7AmrsalUMhIgMNP4Io6Th8IVHg4h5syGa0-NRrEMKhRjtpFPB877ssMJwtncjtM_w8YTt-gCiDpEgh64kbZlAuunQ-hvwrvw" alt="" height="431" width="303" /></p>
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<p align="center" style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr"> </p>
<p align="center" style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">These visuals were exhibited in Europe by Amnesty International, and showcased in the <a href="http://www.blacklooks.org">Black Looks </a>community (who participated in Tactical Tech’s 2009 <a href="http://camp2013.tacticaltech.org">InfoCamp</a>) as well as in the WITS Centre for Diversity Studies research on <a href="http://incudisa.wordpress.com/">Politics of Engagement:</a> an interactive collaboration on social change through art-activism and research.</p>
<pre><strong>Example 4:</strong>
Camp Acra et Adoquin Delmas 33 - Haiti</pre>
<p align="justify">An example less inclined on aesthetics but focused on visual documentation is the <a href="http://chanjemleson.wordpress.com/">Camp Acra et Adoquin Delmas 33</a> blog, from Haiti. A site in which Camp Acra members are documenting their settlement and growth after the 2010 earthquake through essential information and images, fostering community building and communal identity reassertion.</p>
<p align="center"><img id="docs-internal-guid-4b925b2a-33b7-4c5f-4371-534d21958e0f" src="https://lh5.googleusercontent.com/JaZwKtfIODw6LQuJOdRlEofLtr9tEZox9mw9WMTDJJxLnlJaX6RCmxjGbNggtgF2pD0B706J1kShumAImBWJ7X0Po44ktKjs5SmMh402BmjjNB4whfLowh1ixw" alt="" height="377px;" width="486px;" /></p>
<div align="right" class="pullquote">“visual representations of information gives context to numbers, uncovers relationships and engages the viewers in ways that raw information could never do”<br /> David McCandless</div>
<p align="justify">As <a href="http://www.davidmccandless.com/">David McCandless</a>,data journalist, information designer and author of <a href="http://www.informationisbeautiful.net/2009/the-visual-miscellaneum/">The Visual Miscellaneum</a> points out: “visual representations of information gives context to numbers, uncovers relationships and engages the viewers in ways that raw information could never do” (2009). Having these representations mingle with culturally specific undertones provides opportunities to create solidarity ties between the citizen and its culture, as well as the add of “individual glosses” through action, critical reflection and participation (Benkler, 2006). However is this need for an aesthetic approach to information and culture representation a result of our consumer behaviour? Is it problematic that activism is catering to a model of promotion and presentation of information to incite participation? The next section will look shortly at the consumption culture in information activism.</p>
<h3 align="justify">IV. Consumption (Culture)</h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Is information design catering to consumption habits instead of citizen needs?</strong><br />As seen, information design is grounded on the premise that the representation of data must create deep connections with its audience in order to incite a reaction. However, is this the result of a culture of consumption? Let’s not forget the citizens targeted by visual campaigns are also consumers in constant interaction with the market. Kozinet’s study of virtual communities of consumption (1999), is in line with Wurman's description of the behavior of a prosumer:</p>
<h3 align="center" style="text-align: center;" dir="ltr"><strong>Behaviour of consumer vs. information prosumer</strong></h3>
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<td>Discerning consumer</td>
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<td>Producers of large amounts of cultural information</td>
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<p>Moreover, the Kozinet suggests a few strategies of how to interact with the consumer that also fit the strategies presented by Bennett at the beginning of this analysis:</p>
<h3 align="center">How to connect with the consumer vs. citizen</h3>
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<td>Segmentation of consumers<br id="docs-internal-guid-4b925b2a-3456-5d05-0f33-04a2bd0b87b2" /></td>
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<p>With this parallel in mind, we asked Ganesh the extent to which info-activism resembles market consumption models:</p>
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<p style="text-align: justify;" class="callout" dir="ltr"><strong>MG:</strong> You need to think strategically about how it’s going to get picked up, where you want to promote your information, how you want to publish, present it; and push it. The problem with NGO, activists and independent individuals is that they are not as empowered financially [...]. If you look at the corporate section, journalism, etc; you have huge institutions and a lot of more finances behind this stuff. NGOs have one shot to make it work. That’s when people like us come in, to demystify, give people training and create platforms.</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">Comparing activists with ‘virtual consumption communities’ questions the extent to which corporate and social impact models are feeding of each other to present information and succeed. A deeper analysis of this relationship falls out of the scope of this post, but it is worth mentioning when exploring activism in information network societies. As Ganesh clarified, info-activism is not related to marketing, but visualizing information in attractive and interesting ways is crucial not only to persuade, but to make activism accessible and enticing. Today, ten years after it was founded, Tactical Tech maintains a critical approach to their work. It is now moving on to a next stage, beyond the mere representation of data and paying closer attention to the type of information that enhances impact and influence of their tactics.</p>
<blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="callout" dir="ltr"><strong>MG</strong>: We have definitely moved on thinking about interesting ways of looking at this. Our questions are more critical and political right now. The nature of platforms, the nature of information sharing, what is the true face of social media? There is so much information and data right now. Once information is out there how do you actually make it evidence for evidence-based advocacy. We are trying to play with that idea a little bit. It's not only about having impact but also influence.</p>
</blockquote>
<h2>Conclusion:</h2>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">Part 1 and 2 of this analysis have explored the process of transforming data into civic action. In part 1 we re-visited the question of information communities. We found that diversity in political opinion democratizes the debate in the public space. Information strategies must focus on making information from the grassroots visible and strengthening offline networks that facilitate information dissemination. In part 2, we explored the strategies behind the presentation and representation of this information.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">Three main findings came from this analysis:</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">a) Non-violent visual advocacy is more likely to reduce the stakes of participation for the common citizen making political engagement more likely.<br /> b) The role of design for short or long-term advocacy is to simplifythe process of civic action, facilitate decision-making and makethese projects self-sustainable. <br />c) Our consumption habits in the market are shaping how we process and interact with information in the public space. The possibility of consumer behavior permeating modalities of activism reinforces the need to explore the most interesting strategies for information dissemination.</p>
<p align="justify">From the perspective of the <strong>Making Change</strong> project’ it is interesting to explore this method to social change as a breach from the ‘spectacle’ criticism outlined by Shah. He argues that in contemporary activism, only a limited production of images enter the network - images in many cases detached from the material realities and experiences that shape the change process in the first place. This tendency results in paraphernalia over the visual, disregarding the crises that led to the inception of protests. The findings from this analysis indicate that visual persuasion is essential to capture the attention of citizens, and hence, the need for a pinch of ‘spectacle’ in data presentation cannot be overlooked. The challenge info-activism now faces is making data’s dissemination self-sustainable in offline communities through the strategy and design of its campaigns.</p>
<p align="justify">Furthermore, the data, stories and narratives Tactical Tech is working to uncover can only be effectively transformed into action through a reconfiguration of the data-citizen relationship. Information strategies, besides from focusing on how to make data enticing, must also focus on the recognition of a status quo of idleness around how we consume, produce, question or interact with information. Tactical Tech has gone a far way at spearheading this line of thought and spreading graphic resistance through civil society, however this is not sufficient unless this recalibration occurs at the individual citizen level.</p>
<h2 align="justify">Sources:</h2>
<ol>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Bennett, W. Lance. "Changing citizenship in the digital age." Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engage youth 1 (2008): 1-24.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">
<div id="gs_cit2" class="gs_citr">Benkler, Yochai. <em>The wealth of networks: How social production transforms markets and freedom</em>. Yale University Press, 2006.</div>
</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">
<div id="gs_cit2" class="gs_citr">Bimber, Bruce, Andrew J. Flanagin, and Cynthia Stohl. "Reconceptualizing collective action in the contemporary media environment." Communication Theory 15, no. 4 (2005): 365-388.</div>
</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Brundidge, J.S. & Rice, R.E. (2009). Political engagement online: Do the information rich get richer and the like-minded more similar? In Chadwick, A. and Howard, N.H. (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Internet Politics (pp. 144-156). New York: Routledge </li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Kozinets, Robert V. "E-tribalized marketing?: The strategic implications of virtual communities of consumption." European Management Journal 17, no. 3 (1999): 252-264. </li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">McCandless, David. The Visual Miscellaneum: A Colorful Guide to the World's Most Consequential Trivia. Collins Design, 2009.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Shah, Nishant “Whose Change is it Anyways? Hivos Knowledge Program. April 30, 2013.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Wurman, Richard Saul, Loring Leifer, David Sume, and Karen Whitehouse. Information anxiety 2. Vol. 6000. Indianapolis, IN: Que, 2001.</li></ol>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/tactical-technology-design-activism-1'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/tactical-technology-design-activism-1</a>
</p>
No publisherdenisseResearchers at WorkWeb PoliticsMaking ChangeDigital Natives2015-04-17T10:34:22ZBlog EntryInformation Activism - Tactics for Empowerment (TTC)
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/tactical-technology-information-is-power
<b>This is the first of a two-part analysis of information activism for the Making Change project. This post looks at the benefits and limitations of increasing access to information to enable citizenship and political participation. </b>
<pre style="text-align: justify;"><strong>CHANGE-MAKER</strong>: Maya Ganesh<br /><strong><br />PROJECT</strong>: 10 Tactics for Information Activism<br /><strong><br />METHOD OF CHANGE</strong>: <br />Information activism at the intersection of data, design and technology<br /><strong><br />STRATEGY OF CHANGE</strong>:<br />-Demystify the technology, strategy and tactics behind information activism.
-Train people on how to use them for their projects.
-Empower people and increase political participation at the grassroots<br /></pre>
<p style="text-align: justify;">I came into the office today and CIS Director gifted me the Red House edition of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: ‘We are All Born Free”. Skimming through it, I found a series of graphics and artistic interpretations of Articles 1 to 30:</p>
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<p align="center"><img src="https://cis-india.org/bornfree.jpg/image_preview" alt="Article 5 - We are all born free" class="image-inline" title="Article 5 - We are all born free" /></p>
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<td><strong>Article 5 </strong><br /> Photo courtesy of Library Mice blog: <a href="http://librarymice.com/we-are-all-born-free/">http://bit.ly/1cAMpYy</a></td>
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<p align="center"><img src="https://cis-india.org/bornfree2.jpg/image_preview" alt="Article 24 - We are all born free" class="image-inline" title="Article 24 - We are all born free" /></p>
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<td style="text-align: center;"><strong>Article 24 </strong><br /> Photo courtesy of Illustration Cupboard: <a href="http://www.illustrationcupboard.com/illustration.aspx?iId=3405&type=artist&idValue=351&aiPage=1">http://bit.ly/1kI5EBd</a></td>
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<p>The purpose of this book is to find “exciting ways to socialize young people to very real issues”, rewrite human rights in a “simple,accessible form” and stimulate imagination to “observe and absorb details in a way that words struggle to express”. While specifically targeted for 12+ children, these images create associations and connections that trump the dullness of black and white texts for any audience; offering an alternative way of presenting complex bodies of knowledge crucial for our survival, such as the Declaration of Human Rights.</p>
<div style="text-align: left;" class="pullquote" dir="ltr">Change: information interventions to inspire and facilitate change-making among civil society networks.</div>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">In the same spirit, Tactical Technology aims to use information design strategies to create similar associations in the field of activism. The <a href="https://www.tacticaltech.org/">Tactical Technology Collective</a> is an organization dedicated to the intersections of data, design and technology in campaigning. Its has two main programs:<a href="https://www.tacticaltech.org/#evidence-and-action"> Evidence & Action</a> that works with data management in digital campaigning; and <a href="https://www.tacticaltech.org/#privacy-and-expression">Privacy & Expression</a> that provides digital security and privacysupport advice to activists. The collective envisions change as a creative and pragmatic intervention that inspires and facilitates change-making among civil society networks. We interviewed Maya Ganesh, who is part of the E&A program, and our conversation shed light on benefits and the challenges of using visual advocacy strategies to create social change.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">On this opportunity, I will explore the potential of information activism to create opportunities and spaces of engagement. Following Saussure’s dyadic model of the sign, it will be split in two parts. The first entry will look at the ‘signified’: the ideas, associations and cultural conventions derived from information and how these could solve crises of civic engagement and citizen action. The second entry will look at the ‘signifier’ -the shapes and sequences that compose the knowledges navigating political activism. These will be viewed from the strategic, design and technological point of view. Both parts will be informed by our conversation with Maya and complemented by literature on political engagement in the digital age. On a less academic note, the posts will also refer to the experience of graphic designers, artists and bloggers who are experimenting with information design to express dissent in transnational platforms.</p>
<h2 dir="ltr">Part 1: Is Information Power?</h2>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">‘Transforming Information into Action’ is Tactical Technology’s take on the traditional idiom ‘Knowledge is Power’. The collective’s experience shows there are a number of steps to transform raw data into political power and for the purpose of this analysis, I will only look at information disseminated with this particular intention. This will aid to understand the relationship between increasing information availability and having it trigger civic action in contemporary activism. According to Fowler and Biekart, acts of public disobedience and activism after 2010 share the objective of reclaiming active citizenship through ‘novel ways’ that counter traditional political participation mechanisms (2013). Hence, we want to know if information activism is one of these ‘novel’ strategies enabling citizenship in the digital era.</p>
<h3 style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">More power to whom?</h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Overcoming information inequity</strong><br />If information activism is “the strategic and deliberate use of information within a campaign”, the first step is to question the type of information used in these campaigns. While many scholars claim that access to political opinion increases participation in the democratic process by fostering debate and inclusive deliberation on policy issues (Dahl, 1989, Bennett, 2003, 2008; Montgomery et al. 2004,) Brundidge and Rice’s exploration of Internet politics shows that strategies that merely increase access to information are flawed by design. They claim that increasing information mainly benefits the middle class, who counts with previous exposure to political knowledge and hence processes it with greater ease. This group ultimately dominates the public discourse widening -what they call- the ‘knowledge gap’ between socioeconomic classes (Brunridge and Rice, 2009, Bimber et al. 2005). This is the ‘information’ version of the gentrification of politics explored by Shah in the <a href="http:http:/cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/hivos-knowledge-programme-june-14-2013-nishant-shah-whose-change-is-it-anyway">Whose Change is it Anyway</a> thought piece, and a definite deterrent of collective action at the grassroots level.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">A basic example to show how this manifests in the information environment is this info-graphic on <a href="http://www.2012socialactivism.com/">Social Activism</a> created by <a href="http://www.columnfivemedia.com/">Column Five</a> and <a href="http://www.takepart.com/">Take Part</a> and presenting the findings on their 2010 study on Social responsibility:</p>
<pre><strong>Example 1:
</strong>Social Activism Study (2010): <span class="st">How can brands engage Young Adults in Social Responsibility? </span></pre>
<p align="center"><img class="decoded" src="http://www.2012socialactivism.com/images/infographic.png" alt="http://www.2012socialactivism.com/images/infographic.png" height="878" width="310" align="middle" /><br />Access complete info-graphic here: <a href="http://www.2012socialactivism.com/images/infographic.png">http://www.2012socialactivism.com/images/infographic.png</a></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">The information is clear, the presentation is clean. This graphic could mobilize the middle class citizen who works in a company and has time and money to spare in donations and fund-raising activities. The graphic is informational yet it does not offer alternative participation avenues for groups outside of the politically savvy, young, educated and affluent circle (Brundidge and Rice, 2009) Instead, it reiterates socioeconomic inequalities from the offline community into the information landscape. With this in mind we asked Maya whether gentrification was a barrier for info-activism interventions at the grassroots:</p>
<blockquote style="text-align: justify;"><strong>MG</strong>: The things we are documenting are by citizens with socioeconomic barriers and obstacles. It is not our mandate to reach out to the ‘common citizen’ but it is very much our mandate to look at what is happening and what is happening to people with socioeconomic barriers who are lower on the ladder. If you look at <a href="https://tacticaltech.org/first-look-syrian-info-activism">Syrian info-activism</a>, these are people facing the worst situations you can imagine, and they are doing it [...] and we document what they are doing, trying to understand it, pull out trends and then showing people.<br /></blockquote>
<h3 id="docs-internal-guid-55c9389d-2e66-a4f1-cb32-393bdd9637f0" style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr"></h3>
<h3 id="docs-internal-guid-55c9389d-2e66-a4f1-cb32-393bdd9637f0" style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">Empowering information communities</h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Offline networks support information dissemination</strong><br />In this respect, offline community networks are key to bridging the knowledge gap cited above. The relationship between organizations like Dawlaty, SMEX and Alt City and groups in the Arab region function as a core of ideas and resources from which localized methods and solutions emerge (read more <a href="https://www.tacticaltech.org/info-activism-resources-localised-and-arab-world">here</a>). This flow of information, coupled with the offline support, makes information from less visible demographics visible, deepens democracy and creates opportunities for these actors to participate and set the public agenda (2009). We asked Maya in what other ways information activism facilitates this process:</p>
<blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr"><strong>MG</strong>: We have moved on a lot from information activism. <a href="https://informationactivism.org/en">10 Tactics</a> is quite old for us now but it is still interesting to see how this stuff works. This material was produced in 2008-9 and is very popular with our audience. A lot of our work now is [...] take this material to newer communities of activists or people who have been around for a long time but are getting involved with the digital for the first time. That’s one part of our work and it’s sort of self-sustainable that way.</p>
</blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">Therefore the value of information activism, rather than increasing the quantity of available data, is how it enables diversity and visibility of political opinion in the public sphere. One of the better known examples of information design interventions that gloat inclusiveness is:</p>
<pre><strong>Example 2</strong>
Occupy Design: the collective that builds “visual design for the 99%”:</pre>
<p style="text-align: center;" dir="ltr"><img src="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/Occupy1.jpg/image_preview" alt="Occupy 1" class="image-inline" title="Occupy 1" /></p>
<p style="text-align: center;" dir="ltr"><strong>2011</strong></p>
<div align="center"><img src="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/Occupy2.jpg/image_preview" alt="Occupy 2" class="image-inline" title="Occupy 2" /></div>
<p style="text-align: center;" dir="ltr"><strong>2011</strong><br />Images courtesy of Experimenta Magazine: <a href="http://bit.ly/1hGpvOP">http://bit.ly/1hGpvOP</a></p>
<p align="justify">By presenting income and unemployment statistics about the American middle and lower class in the public space, activists from Occupy Design made the claims of the Occupy Wall Street Movement visual and visible. This enabled this group, the 99%, to reclaim the space not only through physical mobilization but also through the expression of subjectivities and open -graphic- power contestation. According to Pleyers, the pervasiveness of the movement both at the offline, online -and in this case, visual- levels created opportunities of horizontal participation, asserting spaces of democratic experience (2012).</p>
<h3>From Information to Action</h3>
<p><strong>Is information enough?</strong><br />Nevertheless, exposure to powerful images does not necessarily guarantee impact and influence, much less civic engagement. We asked Maya what she thought motivated civic action:</p>
<blockquote>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong> MG: </strong>External things push you over the edge. A flash-point issue could tip you over to do something different, even if you are that someone that has never been involved in anything. The gang rape in Delhi for example: it has sparked a lot of people who have never been involved and are now pushed to [act]. There are different precipitating factors and that’s why the stories of people: what people do, how they do it and why they do it, matters.</p>
</blockquote>
<p align="center"><img src="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/Galhigangrape.jpg/image_preview" alt="Delhi Gang Rape" class="image-inline" title="Delhi Gang Rape" /></p>
<p align="center">Women protesting in Bangalore after the Delhi gang rape. Photo courtesy of Dawn: <a href="http://bit.ly/1cAFLRP">http://bit.ly/1cAFLRP</a></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">Whether it is ‘external things’, a ‘flash-point issue’ or ‘precipitating factors’; the individual must make a connection between new events and how they affect the current status quo. A set of critical skills must be in place, as well as a desire to participate in civic life. (Brundidge and Rice 2009, as well as Montgomery et al. 2004) Richard Wurman, the american graphic designer, refers to this in his book ‘Information Anxiety’. He posits that there is an ‘ever-widening gap’; a ‘black hole’ between data and knowledge that limits our ability to make sense of information; even if it is vital for our context and survival. “The opportunity is that there is so much information; the catastrophe is that 99 percent of it isn’t meaningful or understandable” (Wurman et. al 2001) How do we reconcile this challenge with Tactical Technology’s mandate? What is the turning point between exposure to information and engagement in civic action?</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">In this post two issues behind information dissemination have been explored:</p>
<ul>
<li style="text-align: justify;">The risk of creating homogeneous political discussions by catering only to middle class’ interests; overlooking diversity of political expression in the public discourse. </li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">The need for offline communities to facilitate information dissemination on the ground and mainstream the technical and financial support offered by collectives such as Tactical Technology. </li></ul>
<p style="text-align: justify;" class="callout">The next question is how info-activism creates the connections between data and information to trigger civic engagement, and on this note, we proceed to analyse the role of the ‘signifier’ in information dissemination on the next post. Part two post will look at the strategy, design and technology behind the symbols and sequences of information, and how these determine the citizen’s perception of its ability to create change.</p>
<h2></h2>
<p>Access Part 2: Information Design, following this link:</p>
<h2 style="text-align: justify;" dir="ltr">Sources:</h2>
<ol>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Biekart, Kees, and Alan Fowler. "Transforming Activisms 2010+: Exploring Ways and Waves." Development and Change 44, no. 3 (2013): 527-546.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Brundidge, J.S. & Rice, R.E. (2009). Political engagement online: Do the information rich get richer and the like-minded more similar? In Chadwick, A. and Howard, N.H. (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Internet Politics (pp. 144-156). New York: Routledge</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Bennett, Winston. "Communicating global activism." Information, Communication & Society 6, no. 2 (2003): 143-168.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Bennett, W. Lance. "Changing citizenship in the digital age." Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engage youth 1 (2008): 1-24.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Dahl, Robert A. Democracy and its Critics. Yale University Press, 1989.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Kathryn Montgomery et al., Youth as E-Citizens: Engaging the Digital Generation. Center for Social Media, 2004. Retrieved February 15, 20</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Pleyers, Geoffrey. "Beyond Occupy: Progressive Activists in Europe." Open Democracy: free thinking for the world 2012 (2012): 5pages-8.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Shah, Nishant “Whose Change is it Anyways? Hivos Knowledge Program. April 30, 2013.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Wurman, Richard Saul, Loring Leifer, David Sume, and Karen Whitehouse. Information anxiety 2. Vol. 6000. Indianapolis, IN: Que, 2001.</li></ol>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/tactical-technology-information-is-power'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/making-change/tactical-technology-information-is-power</a>
</p>
No publisherDenisse AlbornozResearchers at WorkWeb PoliticsMaking ChangeDigital Natives2015-04-17T10:36:01ZBlog EntryI Believe that .......... should be a Right in the Digital Age
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/i-believe-that-______-should-be-a-right-in-the-digital-age
<b>On Monday March 21, 2011, people from three continents blogged about what they believe will/should/are rights in the digital age, as part of the "Digital Natives with a Cause?" project. From "free music" to "many identities", people have a varied and rich set of beliefs of what should constitute a right. </b>
<p></p>
<p>What do you think should be a right in the digital age?</p>
<p>This is the question which community members, facilitators and
organizers of the “Digital Natives with a Cause?” project asked themselves on
Monday, 21 March 2011.</p>
<p>Juan-Manuel Casanueva, a facilitator at the
workshop in Chile, talks about the <a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/jmcasanueva/blogs/right-be-read-and-heard-anyone">right to be heard and read by anyone</a>. Juan
Manuel sets up a historical picture, explaining that the quest for global
dialogue advanced tremendously with the implementation of the Internet.
Early proponents of the Internet spoke of a world where people, enabled by the
technology, would communicate with each other seamlessly. Casanueva explains that this
is not the case; roughly 30 years after the Internet began people are still
using the Internet as an extension of their community-based communication
model. Now that the hardware is there, it is time to start questioning the
other and possibly more subtle aspects of global communication like the
linguistics and social attitudes…</p>
<p> But of
course, how could we all communicate if not all of us have access yet? This is an issue that Nilofar, a participant of
the workshop in Taipei, and <a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/fernandatusa/blogs/i-believe-come-you-inside-you-0">Fernanda</a> another participant from Ecuador explores more in depth in their
post. <a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/nilofar/blogs/rights-digital-age-freedom-access">The right to access information freely and universally</a> is one which Nilofar advocates be expanded beyond those with disability to include “your friend,
neighbour or the needy nerd?” This way, access will not only be provided to
those below the poverty line, but for those who already enjoy access, it won’t
continue to be politicized, corrupted, commoditized and in general
under-utilized.</p>
<p>Paidamoyo also talks about access,
specifically <a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/paida/blogs/women-access-new-ict-should-be-right">access by women</a>. He describes the emergence of digital
technologies as being crucial to the enlargement of the gap between men and
women, simply because men enjoyed more access. Today, women have been left
outside of the technology revolution, which is a huge problem since 52 per cent of the
world’s population consists of women.</p>
<p>To properly access all of the wonders that the world of Internet offers we need to know how to physically operate a computer,
but there are a series of more intangible skills needed. Simeon, a participant
from the workshop in Johannesburg proposes that <a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/mtotowajirani/blogs/theres-more-digital-literacy-just-mere-skills-right-digital-literacy">being digitally literate</a> should
be a right in the information age. What does he mean by being literate? Well, Simeon
explains that “digital” is more of a mindset than a condition: it is an
approach to life and not a method. “A
number of people may have access to digital tools and technology but very few
will get the opportunity to learn the techniques needed to maximize their
investment on digital tools” he says, and it is as useful or sometimes more to
teach people about the value and the potential uses of digital technologies
than the mere skill.</p>
<p>Now, what do we
do with all the information once we have accessed it? Jenny from Costa Rica
believes <a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/jencg/blogs/sharing-caring-right-share">we should share it</a>. Spreading the digital love should be a right
according to her, because sharing is analogous to growing: a process which
makes us better. “we are entitled to share. We like to share our opinions, our
work, to share questions and even complaints. It is a natural response,
an impulse, you may think” She mentions platforms like bandcamp where
musicians can upload their music and share it for free, and Creative Commons
licenses which allow for legal ways of collaborating while maintaining
authorship rights. But what happens when the information online is restricted
and modifying it or sharing it is illegal? Adolfo from Nicaragua believes we
all have <a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/fitoria/blogs/i-believe-we-have-right-hack">the right to hack!</a> Adolfo explains that nowadays “hacking” has
negative overtones, but that the origins of the word simply refer to someone
who modified trains for better performance or appeal. Adolfo believes that if
he pays for something, he has the right to modify it, change it, tweak it, add
to it, remove from it, and deface it in any way he wants. Adolfo and Shehla
from India would get along very well, because Shehla believes <a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/shehla/blogs/i-believe-free-music-should-be-right-digital-age">free music</a> should
be a right in the digital age. What is stealing? Are we reaching a point where
illegally downloading music is not morally incorrect? “(most
people) would never think of stealing a CD from a store (or at least not that
easily). So what exactly is stealing? And more so, in the online world? It’s as
easy as the click of a button… can’t be that bad”.</p>
<p>Still, not everyone advocated for increasing
access, Fieke from Hivos in the Netherlands believes that <a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/fieke/blogs/right-unplug">being able to unplug</a>
is a right. Fieke tells of how she lives a technologically savvy life, having a
presence on Facebook, Twitter and other social media, answering emails for the better
part of the day, but she does enjoy being able to turn off her cellphone and
enjoy the sun on a clear day. Are we losing our ability to do that? When you
send an sms message, do you expect the person to answer immediately? What kind
of pressure does this put us under? It might not be as easy as we think to
disconnect ourselves: The discourse of accessibility as a right plays an
important role in development, so institutionalizing the right to disconnect might
prove counter-productive if it is abused as an excuse to purposely alienate or
marginalize certain groups. We also have
to think that there are financial interests at play, as the more connected one
is the more can be sold to one and the more that can be commoditized. Angela
from the Philippines has a similar concern:
<a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/angela-minas/blogs/maybe-we-have-lost-right-not-know">Are we losing the right to not know?</a>
With the increasing arrival of web 3, the amount of information we
constantly access, manipulate, assimilate and re-transmit is vast. In an age of
ubiquitous information bombardment, can we choose to be ignorant? Are there any
situations where actually not knowing is a valid alternative?</p>
<p>Some people focused on how we access (or
choose to not access) information and what we do with it, some others focused
on how said access affects our personalities, our identities and who we
perceive we are. Nishant from CIS in India thinks that <a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/nishant/blogs/right-be-many">having multiple
identities</a> should be a right in the digital age. Nishant explains that even
though we all have different aspects of our personalities which constitute different
identities, because of the nature of social interactions and the spaces where
these occurred, we were forced to choose one identity at a time. “The analogue
individual was subjected to the laws of linear physics and time, where s/he was
allowed to be only one person at one time and mapped to the one body”. Now,
with the arrival of the digital individual, we can be many in many ways, in
many spaces, simultaneously.</p>
<p>Because we can express our different
identities freely and without needing to be consolidated into “one”, this frees
up the possibility of having multiple and often contradictory opinions. The
Internet has the potential of being a place where one can explore the varying
meanings and impacts of each of his/her identities. Yet, experiences online get
“fixed” into one of these identities,
for example, if I am the person who usually posts news on my Facebook page, the
community around me tends to expect this kind of behaviour from me, to the point
where if I want to change my mind I need to withdraw completely from the
community. This is why Josine from HIVOS in the Netherlands thinks that there
should be more online spaces where one is allowed to <a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/josine/blogs/right-change-your-mind">change one’s mind</a>. A
related idea to that one of being able to change one’s mind according to the
particular identity is the ability to <a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/tettner/blogs/i-believe-being-able-choose-ones-identity-right">choose one’s identity</a>. Samuel Tettner expresses that the analogue person’s personality was directly
tied to his/her environment and surroundings. This way, the identity was
determined by the place where one was born, the surrounding community and its
language, customs and traditions. In the digital age, people have access to a
much more culture, and the global quality of the Internet is helping to break the continuity between physical space and identity.</p>
<p>So, what do you think of cross-section of what
people think should be rights in the digital age? Write down your comments
please. Of course, if you don’t, you’d still be within your rights as a digital
being, at least according to Prabhas who lives in Kosovo. Prabhas believes that
the <a class="external-link" href="http://digitalnatives.in/prabhas/blogs/right-lurk#new">right to lurk</a> should be a right in the digital age. “In an age of
increasing digital participation, silent participation must be considered
participation, and left be. Not everyone needs to comment, vote, whatever else.
Some may just read/watch/listen, and perhaps, appreciate. It is okay if no
thumb is clicked up, no quick reply sent back. No blog written."</p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/i-believe-that-______-should-be-a-right-in-the-digital-age'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/i-believe-that-______-should-be-a-right-in-the-digital-age</a>
</p>
No publishertettnerDigital ActivismWeb PoliticsResearchers at WorkDigital Natives2015-05-14T12:20:12ZBlog EntryFraming the Digital AlterNatives
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/framing-the-digital-alternatives
<b>They effect social change through social media, place their communities on the global map, and share spiritual connections with the digital world - meet the everyday digital native. </b>
<p>The Everyday Digital Native video contest has got its pulse on what makes youths from diverse socio-cultural backgrounds connect with one another in the global community – it’s an affinity for digital technologies and Web 2.0-mediated platforms coupled with a drive to spearhead social change. The contest invited people from around the world to make a video that would answer the question, ‘Who is the Everyday Digital Native’? The final videos received more than <del>20,000</del> 3,000 votes from the public and our top five winners emerged from across three continents!</p>
<p><a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/framing-digital-alternatives" class="internal-link" title="Framing the Digital Alternatives">The Digital AlterNatives Featurette </a>(PDF, 2847 KB) is a peek into the minds of digital natives as citizen activists. The 10 featured interviews of the Digital Natives video contest finalists don't fit the stereotype of the Globalized Digital Native: Young Geeks apathetic to 'Saving the Planet'. Rather, these are affirmative citizens, young, middle aged and senior, who consider digital technology as second nature for use in personal, professional or socio-political capacities.</p>
<p>The 'Digital Natives with a Cause?' is a collaborative research-inquiry between The Centre for Internet & Society, India and HIVOS Knowledge Programme, the Netherlands into the field of youth, change and technology in the context of the Global South. The three-year research project has resulted in the four-book collective, 'Digital AlterNatives with a Cause?' published in 2011. Read more about the project <a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/dnbook" class="external-link">here</a></p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/framing-the-digital-alternatives'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/framing-the-digital-alternatives</a>
</p>
No publisherNilofar AnsherFeaturedWeb PoliticsResearchers at WorkDigital Natives2015-05-08T12:28:03ZBlog EntryDigitally Enhanced Civil Resistance
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/digitally-enhanced-civil-resistance
<b>This reflection looks at how civil disobedience unfolds in network societies. It explores the origins of nonviolence, describes digital and non-digital tactics of non-violent protest and participation and finally comments on the possibilities of this form of civil resistance to foster individual and collective civic engagement. </b>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Reflections of the possibilities of non-violence flooded newspapers on October 2, commemorating Gandhi’s birthday and the long-lasting legacy of civil resistance and non-violence. Debashish Chatterjee reflected on India’s founding father as <em>“the true source</em>” of timeless principles on his column in the <a class="external-link" href="http://newindianexpress.com/opinion/Gandhi-was-a-true-source/2013/10/02/article1813747.ece">New Indian Express</a>. He claimed that his unswerving commitment to the core purpose of truth and having non-violence as the main way to achieve his goals was the formula behind the success of his bloodless revolution for political independence. Rajni Bakshi questioned the power and relevance of non-violence in our times in his article for <a class="external-link" href="http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-opinion/the-science-of-nonviolence/article5191397.ece">the Hindu</a>. <em>“Stating and repeatedly restating our intention in favour of non-violence is an essential starting point (…) so vital to our species’ present and future”. </em>Courage and ‘the ability to strike’, states Bakshi, are the pre-requisites of non-violence tactics; a claim that ignited reflections and considerations on the political motivations of Digital Natives and the nature of the strategies behind digital activism.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The idea of nonviolence that underpin civil resistance or ‘civil disobedience’ if you will, as outlined in the foreword of Richard Gregg’s essay <em>The Power of Nonviolence, </em>had its origins in the Upanishads back in the 500 BC. Since then, it traveled through Buddhism, Jainism, Jesus, Socrates, and Tolstoy among others, before making its way back to India and Gandhi in 1910. Since then, this idea has gathered “meaning, momentum, organization, practical effectiveness and power” as non-violence tactics are put into action in several instances of political and social resistance. Dr. Gene Sharp drew for the first time in 1973 a list of one hundred ninety eight methods to engage in nonviolent protest, persuasion and noncooperation in his book <em>The Politics of Nonviolent Action</em>. This repository was taken up in 2011 by digital activism scholars Mary Joyce and Patrick Meier, who are identifying the ways in which these methods have been digitally enhanced, in their crowd-source project <a class="external-link" href="http://www.meta-activism.org/2012/04/civil-resistance-2-0-a-new-database-of-methods/">Civil Resistance 2.0</a>. Regardless of the larger debate that evaluates the effectiveness of non-violent tactics to deter the use of violence, the conceptualization of non-violent civil resistance is a body of knowledge that has not been explored from the point of view of network and information societies as of yet (Joyce, 2011).</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Furthermore, tracing the idea of non-violent resistance in the light of Gandhi’s legacies is an interesting point to discuss digital strategies towards change. Is digital activism mainstreaming the use and proliferation of non-violent tactics of protest, taking them from a booming trend to an advocacy norm? Do non-violent online tactics make offline self-sustainable and continuous change more likely? Are these methods more conducive to citizen engagement and a consequent behavioral change in everyday practices? To start answering these questions we will refer back to the principles of Ahimsa and Satyagraha taken up by Gandhi for civil disobedience, complement them with Gregg’s work of the power of nonviolence, and finally with Sharp’s work on the tactics and complexities of defiance, resistance and struggles with social, economic, environmental and political objectives. These three texts will dialogue throughout this entry with the objective of understanding the nature of these methods and how they touch on civic and digital natives’ engagement.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Digital nonviolence and collective action</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In Christopher Chapple’s account of nonviolence in Asian traditions, he describes the fundamentals of Ahimsa or non-violence as “the absence of the desire to kill or harm”. This concept, coupled with Satyagraha, the ‘power of truth’, was translated into what is civil disobedience and non-cooperation. Both methods were utilized to break unjust laws back in Gandhi’s struggle for political independence from the British. Aside from the moral debate on what constitutes truth and evil, we can already identify a relationship between these precepts and what sustains collective action. Mario Diani identified “<em>shared beliefs and ties of solidarity attached to specific collective events” </em>and <em>“political and cultural conflicts arising for social change”</em> as two fundamental characteristics in all sorts of social movements. The power of non-violent action and large-scale disobedience requires the intervention of suitably organized and disciplined individuals, acting collectively to stand up against authorities such as the thousands of peasants who stood up against soldiers under Gandhi’s leadership, or the thousands of Egyptian citizens who distributed copies of Sharp’s work on 198 non-violent methods to foster civil resistance and overthrow Mubarak’s regime. As stated by Gregg, the approach unified Indians by giving them the necessary self-respect, self-reliance, courage and persistence to collectively withstand the resistance efforts that ultimately led them to independence. In other words, in the midst of different ‘truths’, a shared set of beliefs and the use of non-violent methods invoked unity among citizens.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">How are digital technologies mainstreaming these methods in the social imaginary of digital natives? Collective action requires the mobilization, organization and coordination of “networks of informal interactions” according to Diani’s characterization. This task is being facilitated and amplified by rapid and low-cost communication enabled by digital technology as argued in Anastasia Kavada’s essay on digital activism. She adds that the potential of internet for social movement activities lies on the possibilities of information dissemination, decision-making, and a crucial pillar for citizen engagement: the building of trust and a sense of collective identity. Therefore, although connectivity and collectivity are indeed made more likely through technology, digital tools are still value and content neutral. The challenge for digital non-violent civil resistance is the degree to which it is appeals to the populace and persuades them into being actors of the movements as opposed to loosely connected by-standers; in other words, the need for Gandhian digital leaders that transmit the need and power of civic involvement and public opinion.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Individual and collective resistance</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The concept of non-violent civil resistance should be feasible and desirable for the 21<sup>st</sup> century digital native, both in the digital and offline realm due to its individual and collective possibilities. In terms of individual resistance; while collective defiance is powerful it starts through individual awareness and everyday actions that build up the public opinion (Gregg, 1960). As Nishant Shah notes while distinguishing resistance from revolution: resistance-based change comes about to correct failures of infrastructure, administration, policy or law, and is not only an integral part of the system but it is also an encouraged form of citizen action, among others (2011). Individuals have now broader options than before to exert this resistant, starting with Sharp’s list of 198 methods. From group-coordinated persuasion strategies including social non-cooperation boycotts, withdrawal from institutions to the use of arts and symbolisms and psychological interventions, there is plenty of room for creativity and action. Furthermore, 196 of these methods have been digitally enhanced through peer-production, self-broadcasting, media attention-competition and other methods which, according to Joyce and Meier, can be feasibly executed by the fluent digital native.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">What is more, aside from coordinating offline activities, individuals can also exert civil disobedience on the online realm as demonstrated by Andrew Chadwick’s list of online defiance tactics in <em>Internet Politics</em>. Instances of <em>hacktivism</em>, denial-of-service boycotts and virtual sit-ins (Kavada, 20120) are a few examples of expressions of activism through non-cooperation that showcase the digital autonomy of netizens. For example, recently, the Vietnamese activist group Viet Tan launched a visible and creative online campaign showing citizens how to remove the block from the Facebook site, denouncing state’s censorship and advocating for freedom of expression through ethical hacking. Ultimately, non-violent resistance methods have never been as relevant as today, when citizens are recurring to new mechanisms of participation and contestation to claim their rights, reclaim citizenship and assert democratic freedoms through increased participation (Sharp, 2002; Khanna, 2012).</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">On the side of possibilities for enhanced collectivity, it is worth looking into the moral covenants present in social justice struggles. Gregg’s work, in spite of being written in 1935 and revised in 1960, provides a very up to date description of the power of information in network societies<em>: </em></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><em>“Although there have been violations of moral laws in the world, there has never been such clear, strong recognition on the part of the holders of power of the importance of public opinion […] shown by propaganda and censorship practiced by governments and the press”</em>.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Whether it comes from the state, civil society or the citizens; attempts to put justice, democracy and rightness at the forefront of all public discourse is today a norm, demonstrating the persuasive power of moral laws if put at the core of citizen action. Glasius and Pleyers also state that democracy, social justice and dignity are the main tenets of collective action enabling solidarity networks and the rise of a collective consciousness that transcends borders (2012). In this respect, it seems that connectivity and collectivity to engage in non-violent resistance is made more likely through technology, and although these tools remain ‘value neutral’, the processes of change will be defined by the consistency between methods and rhetoric brought forward by the citizen. This will also lead to a more complete model of citizenship as these individuals take ownership of the methods, content and the values cross-cutting both; not only for and during the protest, but as a value system defining coherent every day activities and the exercise of responsible democracy beyond the spectacle of mass protests (Pleyers, 2012; Shah, 2013).</p>
<h3 style="text-align: justify;">Conclusion</h3>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Gandhi’s implementation of civil disobedience methods and his adherence to Ahimsa were the result of a combination of religious and cultural factors, which coupled with education and experience, deemed his beliefs a lifestyle as opposed to a mere political strategy. This reflection puts the citizen on the spot light. Having non-violent and digitally facilitated methods of protest and participation on hand what is defining the political motivations and engagement of the digital native? Having the flexibility to adapt these methods to their skills and lifestyles, what is holding back the civic energy of the 21st century citizen? According to Gaventa and Barrett, confidence, awareness and self-identity are the pre-conditions for citizenship and action. The first two can be fostered by non-violence: Sharp argues that experience in applying effective non-violent struggles increases self-confidence, while Gregg explains how unity is a result of adding oneself to a mass civil movement. The latter: self-identity and how the citizen looks at its role in the larger discourse of social struggles, as well as other factors that enhance its civic engagement, sense of citizenship and creativity in political movements, is a question I will leave open to explore in my following blog posts.</p>
<hr />
<h3 style="text-align: justify;">Sources</h3>
<ul>
<li style="text-align: justify;">“198 Methods of Nonviolent Action” The Albert Einstein Institution <a href="http://www.aeinstein.org/organizations103a.html">http://www.aeinstein.org/organizations103a.html</a></li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">“iRevolution. From Innovation to Revolution” last updated April 26, 2012 <a href="http://irevolution.net/tag/gene/">http://irevolution.net/tag/gene/</a></li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Chapple, Christopher. <em>Nonviolence to animals, earth, and self in Asian traditions</em>. SUNY Press, 1993.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Gaventa, John, and Gregory Barrett. "So what difference does it make? Mapping the outcomes of citizen engagement." <em>IDS Working Papers</em> 2010, no. 347 (2010): 01-72.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Gregg, Richard Bartlett, and Mahatma Gandhi. <em>The power of non-violence</em>. Clarke, 1960.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Horgan, John. “<a title="Permanent Link to Egypt’s revolution vindicates Gene Sharp’s theory of nonviolent activism" href="http://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/2011/02/11/egypts-revolution-vindicates-gene-sharps-theory-of-nonviolent-activism/">Egypt’s revolution vindicates Gene Sharp’s theory of nonviolent activism</a>” Last updated February 11, 2010. Scientific American: <a href="http://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/2011/02/11/egypts-revolution-vindicates-gene-sharps-theory-of-nonviolent-activism/">http://blogs.scientificamerican.com/cross-check/2011/02/11/egypts-revolution-vindicates-gene-sharps-theory-of-nonviolent-activism/</a></li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Joyce, Mary C. ed. <em>Digital activism decoded: the new mechanics of change</em>. IDEA, 2010.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Joyce, Mary. Last updated November 29, 2012. “Webinar on Digital Nonviolence” Meta-Activism: Activism analysis for the digital age. <a href="http://www.meta-activism.org/2012/11/wedinar-on-digital-nonviolence/">http://www.meta-activism.org/2012/11/wedinar-on-digital-nonviolence/</a></li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Khanna, Akshay. "Seeing Citizen Action through an ‘Unruly’Lens."<em>Development</em> 55, no. 2 (2012): 162-172.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Meier, Patrick. Last updated April 25, 2012. “Civil Resistance 2.0: A new database of methods” Meta-Activism: Activism analysis for the digital age<em> </em><a href="http://www.meta-activism.org/2012/04/civil-resistance-2-0-a-new-database-of-methods/">http://www.meta-activism.org/2012/04/civil-resistance-2-0-a-new-database-of-methods/</a><em></em></li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Pleyers, Geoffrey. "Beyond Occupy: Progressive Activists in Europe." <em>Open Democracy: free thinking for the world</em> 2012 (2012): 5pages-8.</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Sharp, Gene. "The politics of nonviolent action, 3 vols." <em>Boston: Porter Sargent</em>(1973). </li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Sharp, Gene “From Dictatorship to Democracy: A conceptual framework for liberation” <em>The Albert Einstein Institution.</em>(2010)</li>
<li style="text-align: justify;">Travers, Will. “Civil disobedience for the digital age” Last updated December 23, 2010. <em>Waging NonViolence </em><a href="http://wagingnonviolence.org/feature/civil-disobedience-for-the-digital-age/">http://wagingnonviolence.org/feature/civil-disobedience-for-the-digital-age/</a><em></em></li></ul>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/digitally-enhanced-civil-resistance'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/digitally-enhanced-civil-resistance</a>
</p>
No publisherdenisseWeb PoliticsResearchers at WorkDigital Natives2015-04-17T10:46:50ZBlog EntryDigital Natives with a Cause? Thinkathon: Position Paper
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/publications/position-paper
<b>The Digital Natives with a Cause? research inquiry seeks to look at the potentials of social change and political participation through technology practices of people in emerging ICT contexts. In particular it aims to address knowledge gaps that exist in the scholarship, practice and popular discourse around an increasing usage, adoption and integration of digital and Internet technologies in social transformation processes. A conference called Digital Natives with a Cause? Thinkathon was jointly organised by CIS and Hivos in the Hague in December 2010. The Thinkathon aimed to reflect on these innovations in social transformation processes and its effects on development, and in particular to understand how new processes of social transformation can be supported and sustained, how they can inform our existing practices, and provide avenues of collaboration between Digital Natives and "Analogue Activists". </b>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/publications/position-paper'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/publications/position-paper</a>
</p>
No publisherpraskrishnaRAW PublicationsWeb PoliticsDigital NativesPublicationsResearchers at Work2015-05-08T12:22:29ZFileDigital Natives with a Cause?
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/dnrep
<b>Digital Natives With A Cause? - a product of the Hivos-CIS collaboration charts the scholarship and practice of youth and technology with a specific attention for developing countries to create a framework that consolidates existing paradigms and informs further research and intervention within diverse contexts and cultures.</b>
<p></p>
<p><img class="image-left" src="../dnr/image_preview" alt="Digital Natives Report" /><a href="https://cis-india.org/" class="external-link">The Centre for Internet and Society</a>, Bangalore and <a class="external-link" href="http://http://www.hivos.net/">Hivos</a> have assessed
the state of knowledge on the potential impact of youth for social
transformation and political engagement in the South. This report ‘<em>Digital Natives with a Cause?’</em>
charts the scholarship and practice of youth and technology and informs
further research and intervention within diverse contexts and cultures.</p>
<p>
The report displays that digital natives have a potential impact as
agents of change. It concludes that multidisciplinary theoretical
approaches venturing beyond the cause-and-effect model and providing
the necessary vocabulary and sensitivity are crucial to understanding
Digital Natives. The lament that youths are apolitical is a result of
insufficient attention to activities that do not conform to existing
notions of political and civil society formation. Digital Natives are
sensitive and thoughtful. It is time to listen to them and their ideas,
and to focus on their development as responsible and active citizens
rather than on their digital exploits or technologised interests.</p>
<p>The report specifically focuses on youth as e-agents of change within emerging information societies to explore questions of technology mediated identities, embedded conditions of social transformation and political participation, as well as potentials for sustained livelihood and education. It identifies the knowledge gaps and networks and further areas of intervention in the field of Digital Natives.</p>
<p>As a first step in working towards enabling Digital Natives for
social transformation and political engagement, Hivos and CIS will
organize a Multistakeholder Conference Fall 2010.</p>
<p>A summary of the report, as well as the detailed narrative are now available for discussion, debate, suggestions and ideas.</p>
<p class="Inleiding"> </p>
<p class="Inleiding">Digital Natives with a Cause? - Report Download Pdf document <a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/uploads/dnrep1" class="internal-link" title="Digital Natives with a Cause? - Report">Here</a></p>
<p class="Inleiding">Digital Natives with a Cause? - Report Summary Download Pdf document<a href="https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/uploads/dnsum" class="internal-link" title="Digital Natives with a Cause? - Summary of Report"> Here</a></p>
<p class="Inleiding"> </p>
<p class="Inleiding">The report is also available at <a class="external-link" href="http://http://www.hivos.net/Hivos-Knowledge-Programme/Themes/Digital-Natives-with-a-Cause/News/New-Publication-on-Digital-Natives">http://http://www.hivos.net/Hivos-Knowledge-Programme/Themes/Digital-Natives-with-a-Cause/News/New-Publication-on-Digital-Natives</a></p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/dnrep'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/dnrep</a>
</p>
No publishernishantRAW PublicationsDigital NativesWeb PoliticsFeaturedBooksDigital subjectivitiesResearchers at Work2015-05-15T11:31:14ZBlog EntryDigital Native
https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/indian-express-december-22-2013-nishant-shah-digital-native
<b>The end of the year is supposed to be a happy, feel-good space for families, friends, societies and communities to come together and count our blessings. It is the time to look at things that have gone by and look forward to what the New Year will bring.</b>
<hr />
<p style="text-align: justify;">The article was <a class="external-link" href="http://www.indianexpress.com/news/digital-native/1210347/0">originally published in the Indian Express</a> on December 22, 2013.</p>
<hr />
<p style="text-align: justify;">And yet, when I started writing this piece, my horizons seemed to be eclipsed by the amount of violence we have witnessed in the last year, and the inability of our governance systems to deal with them.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Around this time last year, the nation had woken up to the horrors a young woman suffered as a group of men raped her in a moving bus in Delhi. The inhumanity of the crime, her tragic death, and the fact that despite our collective anger and grief, the year has been dotted with violence of a gendered and sexual nature, should be enough to quell any celebrations. What happened to her and then to many other reported and invisible survivors of sexual violence in the country has seen a dramatic transformation of the digital public sphere.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Spurred by anger, frustration and the realisation that we are often the agents of change, people have taken to the streets and the information highway in unprecedented forms. Every reported incident of sexual violence — from the young intern who was molested by a former Supreme Court judge to the now infamous Tehelka case — sparked great ire on Twitter, Facebook, blogs and collaborative user-generated content sites. Hashtags have trended, videos have gone viral. Men and women have bonded together to speak against the increasingly unsafe spaces we seem to inhabit.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Responding to this public demonstration and outrage, we have seen some positive developments from the governments and judiciary systems which are morally, legally and constitutionally bound to look after us. And yet, we are quickly realising that much of this is not enough. While the law takes its course and tries to craft and enforce more efficient regulation to prevent and protect victims of such violent crimes, we have despaired at how it doesn't seem to change things materially.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The digital spaces that we have used to fight, to protest and to call for action, are also where we have shared the frustration at how little material reality has changed. Hashtags on Twitter have gone through life cycles of anger, protest and despair, as the complex structures of archaic laws, slow judiciary processes, prejudiced judges, and a populist politics which is often superficial, take their toll on processes to establish justice, equality and freedom for our societies.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">As tweets and Facebook updates have now clearly told us, through testimonies and witness accounts, these questions cannot be understood in isolation. The social media has consistently reminded us that the December 16 gang rape was not just about one woman. It was about the misogynist societies that we are constructing and the fundamental flaws in systems which encourage the idea that men have ownership of the bodies and lives of women in our country. Across the year, through campaigns by online intervention groups like the Blank Noise Project or through note-card viral memes like "I need feminism" have emphasised the need to acknowledge these not as "women's problems" or "exceptional" problems. These are problems that need to be understood in the larger context of human rights, and our rights to life, dignity, equality and freedom enshrined in our Constitution.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">And yet, as another year comes to an end, the social media is ablaze at a decision that has marked one of the darkest days in recent judicial history. On December 11, the Supreme Court of India repealed the landmark historical judgement issued by the Delhi High Court that read down Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code that criminalises same-sex relationships. Finding this in defiance of our constitutional rights, the well-weighed judgment was celebrated across social media — nationally and globally — for its recognition that the problem of discrimination is never just about one demography or section of the society. As the LGBTQ communities stood in shock, there was something else that happened on social media.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">For once, the comments of disbelief, anger and surprise turned into a roar for correcting such a verdict. And it is not only the LGBTQ identified people and activists who are joining this clamour. Straight people, people with families, families with LGBTQ children, are all coming out and finding a common bond of solidarity that works around hashtags and viral sharing of messages. The world of social media has shown how we have learned, that we cannot leave the underprivileged to fight for themselves. Because, if we ignore the discrimination against them, we will have nobody to support us when we are being treated as sub-human and irrelevant in a country that has often done poetic interpretations of what constitutional rights mean.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">I started writing this piece with despair. But I slowly realise that maybe there is something to be thankful about this year. That even when our archaic systems of justice are catching up with the accelerated transformations in our lives, the social media does act as a public space where those bound together in their belief for equality and justice can act in solidarity. On Twitter, this fateful day, everybody was queer. And they did not have to identify themselves as men or women, straight, gay or lesbian. Despite our bodies, our differences, our status and practices, we can claim to fight for those whose voices, bodies, lives and loves are being negated in our country. And if you cannot take to the streets to make your support felt, remember that the digital public sphere is active and buzzing. Those in power have no choice but to take into account the collective voice on the internet, which demands and shall build open, fair and equal societies.</p>
<p>
For more details visit <a href='https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/indian-express-december-22-2013-nishant-shah-digital-native'>https://cis-india.org/digital-natives/blog/indian-express-december-22-2013-nishant-shah-digital-native</a>
</p>
No publishernishantSocial mediaWeb PoliticsResearchers at WorkDigital Natives2015-04-17T10:40:02ZBlog Entry