Centre for Internet and Society

UN Questionnaire on Digital Innovation, Technologies and Right to Health

Pahlavi and Shweta Mohandas — 2022-11-21T16:10:06Z

The Centre for Internet & Society (CIS) contributed to the questionnaire put out by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, on digital innovation, technologies and the right to health. The responses were authored by Pahlavi and Shweta Mohandas, and edited by Indumathi Manohar.

Questionnaire

1. What are benefits of increased use of digital technologies in the planning and delivery of health information, services and care? Consider the use of digital technologies for healthcare services, the collection and use of health-related data, the rise of social media and mobile phones, and the use of artificial intelligence specifically to plan and deliver healthcare. Please share examples of how such technologies benefited specific groups. How have digital technologies contributed to availability, accessibility, acceptability and quality of healthcare? Has the use of artificial intelligence improved access to health information, services and care? Please comment on existing or emerging biases in health information, services and care.

The use of digital technologies and forms of digital health interventions has seen an increase in interest from governments, industries, as well as individuals since the beginning of the pandemic. The lockdowns, and other social distancing measures created a push towards telemedicine and online consultations. Digital health services provide a number of people the opportunity to seek medical help without traveling, which particularly help people with accessibility needs, the elderly, and anyone else that has difficulty in movement.1 Telemedicine can also help meet the challenges of healthcare delivery to rural and remote areas, in addition to serving as a means of training and education.2

The pandemic brought about a push towards telehealth and telemedicine and the telemedicine market has been reported to touch $5.4 Bn by 2025,3 with a number of applications working to make it more accessible to people in India. With respect to AI there has been some adoption of AI in India to help the most vulnerable group of people. For example: Microsoft has teamed up with the Government of Telangana to use cloud-based analytics for the Rashtriya Bal Swasthya Karyakram program by adopting MINE (Microsoft Intelligent Network for Eyecare), an AI platform to reduce avoidable blindness in children.4 Similarly Philips Innovation Campus (PIC) in Bengaluru, Karnataka is harnessing technology to make solutions for TB detection from chest x-rays, and a software solution (Mobile Obstetrics Monitoring) to identify and manage high-risk pregnancies.5 More recently IWill by ePsyClinic, a mental-health platform in India, has received a grant from Microsoft's 'AI for Accessibility' program to accelerate the building of a Hindi-based AI Mental Health conversational program.6

However the use of digital technologies and online medical interventions has also widened the increasing gap between those who can afford a smart phone and internet and those who cannot. A digital-only health intervention also results in excluding a wide number of people who do not have a smartphone, for example the Indian contact-tracing app, Aarogya Setu, which was a mandatory download to access public places during the lockdown was initially only available via a smartphone. Additionally, the app initially was not compatible with screen readers.7 The disparities in digital access and infrastructure is not limited to individuals— a report by the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology India highlighted that the government hospitals and dispensaries have very little ICT infrastructure with only some major public hospitals having computers and connectivity.8

As stated above, the adoption of digital health technologies is not uniform around the world, and the people who are not able to access these technologies missed being included in the data that is being collected by these systems, further excluding from the data set which might be used to train future interventions. In the same light, digital technologies such as AI based screening are based on historical data that have been proved to contain biases against

marginalised communities. Continuing to use these systems without addressing these biases and or including more diverse dataset results in the same people being marginalised and misdiagnosed further. For example, safety apps where data is provided by limited people could identify Dalit and Muslim areas as unsafe, reflecting the prejudices of the app’s middleand upper-class users.9 While this has not been revealed in healthcare apps, the growing use of CCTVs and subsequent use of facial recognition in only certain pockets of the city reveal the historical biases in the police system that lead to targeted surveillance.10

2. How has the rise of web platforms and social media increased access to health information and services, or conversely, increased risk of misdiagnosis or other harms? Please share examples of ways in which social media and web platforms facilitated innovation in access to evidence-based health information and services, or created new threats of discrimination, mental health harms, or online or offline violence.

Social media platforms have helped people immensely during the pandemic. For example, when people reached out to strangers for help for hospital beds and oxygen. However, the benefits of such were limited to people who were on social media and had the reach and networks to share such information.11Furthermore, social media and messaging apps such as Whatsapp also led to the spread of misinformation during the pandemic. For example a Whatsapp message claiming to be from the Ministry of Aayush which permitted homeopathy doctors to treat Covid19 spread significantly, leading to the official government channels clarifying that it is fake and cautioning people against it.12 It was also noted that at times when women shared requests for beds or oxygen during covid on social media, they were faced with fake calls, stalking and trolling on social media, making it harder for them to seek help.

3. How has the right to privacy been impacted by the use of digital technologies for health? Please share examples of ways in which data gathered from digital technologies have been used by States, commercial entities or other third parties to either benefit or harm groups regarding the right to health.

In 2006, the National e-Governance Plan (NeGP) was approved by the Indian State wherein a massive infrastructure was developed to reach the remotest corners and facilitate easy access of government services efficiently at affordable costs.13There has been a paradigm shift in the Indian state’s governance strategy, with severe implications for privacy and inclusion. However, this shift has been undertaken primarily through a series of administrative orders with no real legislative mandate and minimal judicial oversight. This digitisation began with services such as taxation, land record, passport details, but it soon extended its ambit, and it now covers most services for which the citizen is dependent upon the state— the latest being digital health.

In the Indian context, there have been a number of policies that have been published which dealt with digital health. The policies looked at creating a digital health ID, digitisation of health data, and the management of health data. However these policies are being introduced without the existence of a comprehensive data protection legislation. While there are certain safeguards mentioned in each policy, without privacy and data protection legislation it is impossible to ensure compliance and the rights of the data owners. This issue became a reality when during the vaccination for Covid, some vaccination centres created Health ID for people without their consent.14

4. What are current strengths or weaknesses of digital health governance at national, regional and global levels? Please provide examples of laws, regulations or other safeguards that has been put in place to protect and fulfill the rights to health, privacy, and confidentiality within the use of digital technologies for health? Do restrictive laws or law enforcement create any specific challenges for persons using digital technologies to access health information or services?

Digitisation of the healthcare system in India had started prior to the pandemic. However, the pandemic also saw a slew of digitisation policies being rolled out, the most notable being the National Digital Health Mission (re-designed as the Aayushman Bharat Digital Mission) which empowered and saw the government use the vaccination process to generate Health IDs for citizens, in several reported cases without their knowledge or consent.15 The entire digitisation process has been undertaken in the absence of any legislative mandate or judicial oversight. It has primarily been undertaken through issuance of executive notifications and resulting in absent or inadequate grievance redressal mechanisms.

The rollout of the NDHM also saw health IDs being generated for citizens. In several reported cases across states, this rollout happened during the Covid-19 vaccination process— without the informed consent of the concerned person. All of these developments took place in the absence of a data protection law and a law regulating the digital health sphere, raising critical concerns around citizens’ privacy and the governance and oversight mechanisms for digital health initiatives.

Valdez, R. S., Rogers, C. C., Claypool, H., Trieshmann, L., Frye, O., Wellbeloved-Stone, C., & Kushalnagar, P. (2021). Ensuring full participation of people with disabilities in an era of telehealth. Journal of the American Medical Informatics Association, 28(2), 389-392.
Paul, Hickok, Sinha, & Tiwari. (2018). Artificial Intelligence in the Healthcare Industry in India. Centre for Internet and Society India. Retrieved November 15, 2022, from https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/ai-and-healthcare-report/view
Dayalani, V., K., H., S., G., R., T., & M., L. (2021, February 15). 1mg Rises In Indian Telemedicine Space As Sector Set To Touch $5.4 Bn Market Size by 2025. Inc42 Media. Retrieved November 15, 2022, from https://inc42.com/datalab/telemedicine-a-post-covid-reality-in-india/
Government of Telangana adopts Microsoft Cloud and becomes the first state to use Artificial Intelligence for eye care screening for children - Microsoft Stories India. (2017, August 3). Microsoft Stories India. Retrieved November 15, 2022, from https://news.microsoft.com/en-in/governmenttelangana-adopts-microsoft-cloud-becomes-first-state-use-articial-intelligence-eye-care-screeningchildren/
D’Monte, L. (2017, February 15). How Philips is using AI to transform healthcare. Mint. Retrieved November 15, 2022, from https://www.livemint.com/Science/yxgekz1jJJ3smvvRLwmaAL/How-Philips-is-using-AI-to-transformhealthcare.html
PTI. (2022, November 11). Microsoft supports IWill with “AI for Accessibility” grant to develop AI CBT mental health program for 615 million Hindi users. Microsoft Supports IWill With “AI for Accessibility”Grant to Develop AI CBT Mental Health Program for 615 Million Hindi Users. Retrieved November 15,2022, from https://www.ptinews.com/pti/Microsoft-supports-IWill-with--AI-for-Accessibility--grant-todevelop-AI-CBT-mental-health-program-for-615-million-Hindi-users/58238.html
Nath. (2020, May 2). Coronavirus | Mandatory Aarogya Setu app not accessible to persons with disabilities.Coronavirus | Mandatory Aarogya Setu App Not Accessible to Persons With Disabilities - the Hindu. Retrieved November 15, 2022, from https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/coronavirus-mandatory-aarogya-setu-app-notaccessible-to-persons-with-disabilities/article31489933.ece
Sharma, N. C. (2018, July 16). Adoption of e-medical records facing infra hurdles: Report. Mint. Retrieved November 15, 2022, from https://www.livemint.com/Politics/CucBmKaoWLZuSf1Y9VaafM/Adoption-of-emedical-recordsfacing-infra-hurdles-Report.html
https://www.livemint.com/news/world/ai-algorithms-far-from-neutral-in-india-11613617957200.html
Vipra. (n.d.). The Use of Facial Recognition Technology for Policing in Delhi. Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy. Retrieved November 15, 2022, from https://vidhilegalpolicy.in/research/the-use-of-facial-recognition-technology-for-policingin-delhi/
Kalra, A., & Ghoshal, D. (2021, April 21). Twitter becomes a platform of hope amid the despair of India’s COVID crisis. Reuters. Retrieved November 15, 2022, from https://www.reuters.com/world/india/twitterbecomes- platform-hope-amid-despair-indias-covid-crisis-2021-04-21/
Times of India . (2020, April 29). WhatsApp message on Homeopathy and coronavirus treatment is fake- Times of India. The Times of India. Retrieved November 15, 2022, from https://timesondia.indiatimes.com/gadgets-news/whatsapp-message-on-homeopathy-and-coronavirustreatment-is-fake/articleshow/75425274.cms
Amber Sinha, Pallavi Bedi and Amber Sinha, “Techno-Solutinist Responses to Covid 19”, EPW, Vol LVI, No. 29, July 17, 2021 Retrieved from: https://www.epw.in/journal/2021/29/commentary/technosolutionist-responses-covid-19.html
Rana, C. (2021, October 1). COVID-19 vaccine beneficiaries were assigned unique health IDs without their consent.The Caravan. Retrieved November 15, 2022, from https://caravanmagazine.in/health/covid-19-vaccinebeneficiaries-were-assigned-unique-health-ids-without-their-consent

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/un-questionnaire-digital-innovation-technologies-right-to-health

Comments to the proposed amendments to The Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021

Divyansha Sehgal and Torsha Sarkar — 2023-02-07T15:21:47Z

This note presents comments by the Centre for Internet and Society (CIS), India, on the proposed amendments to the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 (“proposed amendments”). We thank Isha Suri for her review of this submission.

Preliminary

In these comments, we examine the constitutional validity of the proposed amendments, as well as whether the language of the amendments provide sufficient clarity for its intended recipients. This commentary is in-line with CIS’ previous engagement with other iterations of the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021.

General Comments

Ultra vires the parent act

Section 79(1) of the Information Technology (IT) Act states that the intermediary will not be held liable for any third-party information if the intermediary complies with the conditions laid out in Section 79(2). One of these conditions is that the intermediary observe “due diligence while discharging his duties under this Act and also observe such other guidelines as the Central Government may prescribe in this behalf.” Further, Section 87(2)(zg) empowers the central government to prescribe “guidelines to be observed by the intermediaries under sub-section (2) of section 79.”

A combined reading of Section 79(2) read with Section 89(2)(zg) makes it clear that the power of the Central Government is limited to prescribing guidelines related to the due diligence to be observed by the intermediaries while discharging its duties under the IT Act. However, the proposed amendments extend the original scope of the provisions within the IT Act.

In particular, the IT Act does not prescribe for any classification of intermediaries. Section 2(1) (w) of the Act defines intermediaries as “with respect to any particular electronic records, means any person who on behalf of another person receives, stores or transmits that record or provides any service with respect to that record and includes telecom service providers, network service providers, internet service providers, web-hosting service providers, search engines, online payment sites, online-auction sites, online-market places and cyber cafes”. Intermediaries are treated and regarded as a single monolithic entity with the same responsibilities and obligations.

The proposed amendments have now established a new category of intermediaries, namely online gaming intermediary. This classification comes with additional obligations, codified within Rule 4A of the proposed amendments, including enabling the verification of user-identity and setting up grievance redressal mechanisms. The additional obligations placed on online gaming intermediaries find no basis in the IT Act, which does not specify or demarcate between different categories of intermediaries.

The 2021 Rules have been prescribed under Section 87(1) and Section 87(2)(z) and (zg) of the IT Act. These provisions do not empower the Central Government to make any amendment to Section 2(w) or create any classification of intermediaries. As has been held by the Supreme Court in State of Karnataka and Another v. Ganesh Kamath & Ors that: “It is a well settled principle of interpretation of statutes that conferment of rule making power by an Act does not enable the rule making authority to make a rule which travels beyond the scope of the enabling Act or which is inconsistent therewith or repugnant thereto.” In this light, we argue that the proposed amendment cannot go beyond the parent act or prescribe policies in the absence of any law/regulation authorising them to do so.

Recommendation

We recommend that a regulatory intervention seeking to classify intermediaries and prescribe regulations specific to the unique nature of specific intermediaries should happen through an amendment to the parent act. The amendment should prescribe additional responsibilities and obligations of online gaming intermediaries.

A note on the following sections

Since the legality of classifying intermediaries into further categories is under question, our subsequent discussions on the language of the provisions related to online gaming intermediary are recommended to be taken into account for formulating any new legislations relating to these entities.

Specific comments

Fact checking amendment

Amendment to Rule 3(1)(b)(v) states that intermediaries are obligated to ask their users to not host any content that is, inter alia, “identified as fake or false by the fact check unit at the Press Information Bureau of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting or other agency authorised by the Central Government for fact checking”.

Read together with Rule 3(1)(c), which gives intermediaries the prerogative to terminate user access to their resources on non-compliance with their rules and regulations, Rule 3(1)(b)(v) essentially affirms the intermediary’s right to remove content that the Central government deems to be ‘fake’. However, in the larger context of the intermediary liability framework of India, where intermediaries found to be not complying with the legal framework of section 79 lose their immunity, provisions such as Rule 3(1)(b)(v) compel intermediaries to actively censor content, on the apprehension of legal sanctions.

In this light, we argue that Rule 3(1)(b)(v) is constitutionally invalid, inasmuch that Article 19(2), which prescribes grounds under which the government restrict the right to free speech, does not permit restricting speech on the ground that it is ostensibly “fake or false”. In addition, the net effect of this rule would be that the government would be the ultimate arbiter of what is considered ‘truth’, and every contradictions to this narrative would be deemed to be false. In a democratic system like India’s, this cannot be a tenable position, and would go against a rich jurisprudence of constitutional history on the need for plurality.

For instance, in Indian Express Newspapers v Union of India, the Supreme Court had held that ‘the freedom of the press rests on the assumption that the widest possible dissemination of information from diverse and antagonistic sources is essential to the welfare of the public.’ Applying this interpretation to the present case, it could be said that the government’s monopoly on directing what constitutes “fake or false” in the online space would prevent citizens from accessing dissenting voices and counterpoints to government policies .

This is problematic when one considers that in the Indian context, freedom of speech and expression has always been valued for its instrumental role in ensuring a healthy democracy, and its power to influence public opinion. In the present case, the government, far from facilitating any such condition, is instead actively indulging in guardianship of the public mind (Sarkar et al, 2019).

Other provisions in the IT Act which permit for censorship of content, including section 69A, permit the government to only do so when content is relatable to grounds enumerated in Article 19(2) of the Constitution. In addition, in the case of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India, where, the constitutionality of section 69A was challenged, the Supreme Court upheld the provision because of the legal safeguards inherent in the provision, including offering a hearing to the originator of the impugned content and reasons for censoring content to be recorded in writing.

In contrast, a fact check by the Press Information Bureau or by another authorised agency provides no such safeguards, and does not relate to any constitutionally recognized ground for restricting speech.

Recommendation

The proposed amendment to Rule 3(1)(b)(v) is unconstitutional, and should be removed from the final draft of the law.

Clarifications are needed for online games rules definitions

The definitions of an "online game" and "online gaming intermediary" are currently extremely unclear and require further clarification.

As the proposed amendments stand, online games are characterised by the user's “deposit with the expectation of earning winnings”. Both deposit and winnings can be “cash” or “in kind", which does not adequately draw a boundary on the type of games this amendment seeks to cover. Can the time invested by the player in playing a game be answered under the “in kind” definition of deposit? If the game provides a virtual in-game currency that can be exchanged for internal power ups, even if there are no cash or gift cards used as payout, is that considered to be an “in kind” winnings? The rules, as currently drafted, are vague in their reference towards “in kind” deposits and payouts.

This definition of online games also does not differentiate between single or multiplayer games, and traditional games like chess which have found an audience online such as Candy Crush (single player), Minecraft (multiplayer collaborative) or chess (traditional). It is unclear whether these games were intended to fall within the purview of these amendments to the rules, and if they are all subjected to the same due diligence requirements as pay-to-play games. This, in conjunction with the proposed rule 6A which allows the Ministry to term any other game as an online game for the purposes of the rules, also provides them with broad, unpredictable powers . This ambiguity hinders clear comprehension of the expectations among the target stakeholders, thus affecting the consistency and predictability of the implementation of the rules.

Similarly, "online gaming intermediaries" are also defined very broadly as "intermediary that offers one or more than one online game". As defined, any intermediary that even hosts a link to a game is classified as an online gaming intermediary since the game is now "offered" through the intermediary. As drafted, there does not seem to be a material distinction between an "intermediary" as defined by the act and "online gaming intermediary" as specified by these rules.

Recommendation

We recommend further clarification on the definitions of these terms, especially for “in kind” and “offers” which are currently extremely vague terms that provide overbroad powers to the Ministry.

Intermediaries and Games

"Online gaming intermediaries" are defined very broadly as "intermediary that offers one or more than one online game". Intermediaries are defined in the Act as "any person who on behalf of another person receives, stores or transmits that message or provides any service with respect to that message".

According to the media coverage (Barik, 2023) around these amendments, it seems that there is an effort to classify gaming companies as "online gaming intermediaries" but the language of the drafted amendments do not support this. An “intermediary” status is given to a company due to its functional role in primarily offering third party content. It is not a classification for different types of internet companies that exist and thus must not be used to make rules for entities that do not perform this function.

Not all gaming companies present a collection of games for their users to play. According to the drafted definition multiple platforms where games might be present like, an app stores where multiple game developers can publish their games for access by users, a website that lists links to online games, a social media platform that acts as an intermediary between two users exchanging links to games, as well as websites that host games for users to directly access may all be classified as an "online gaming intermediary" since they "offer" games to users. These are a rather broad range of companies and functions to be singularly classified an "online gaming intermediary".

Recommendation

We recommend a thoroughly researched legislative solution to regulating gaming companies that operate online rather than through amendments to intermediary rules. If some companies are indeed to be classified as “online gaming intermediaries”, there is a need for further reasoning on which type of gaming companies and their functions are intermediary functions for the purposes of these Rules.

Comments can be downloaded here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/comments-to-proposed-amendments-to-it-intermediary-guidelines-and-digital-media-ethics-code-rules

Digital Transition in Newspapers in India: A Pilot Study

zeenab — 2016-07-20T11:43:53Z

Introduction

This pilot study situates itself at the intersection of global trends in news and journalism, and emergent practises of legacy print media in India. Our aim is to explore how legacy print newspapers are transitioning to the online space. The study will address questions in two thematic clusters: 1) the work of journalism, and 2) how the emergence of the digital, both as a source of news, and the medium of distribution, is shaping the work of newspaper journalists, which has expanded to include various functions particular to the digital environment. And two, newsroom practices, which focus on the different modalities of convergence emerging in Indian newsrooms, and the organisational re-engineering that is being attempted in order to do journalism in a space where professional editors and journalists no longer have dominance with respect to the production and distribution of content.

News Culture in Transition

The influx of digital technology combined with advancements in the field of telecommunications has had a disruptive effect on the global news industry. This year’s World Press Trends survey, released last month, reports that at least 40 per cent of global internet users read newspapers online and that in most developed countries, readership on digital platforms has surpassed that in print(WAN-INFRA, 2016). However, while revenue from print is said to be declining, it still makes up for more than 92 per cent of all newspapers revenues. At the same time, circulation increased by 4.9 per cent globally, mostly owing to the 7.8 per cent growth in numbers from India, China and other parts of Asia which made up 62% of the global average daily print unit circulation in 2015. This growth, the report suggests, is a function of low prices and expanding literacy in these markets.

While newspapers are a thriving industry in India, newspaper organisations and journalists are adopting new technology in order to remain relevant in a fast changing environment (Chattopadhyay 2012, Panda 2014). One one hand, they are swept up in the disruptive shifts in the global media economy, while on the other, they are in a unique position to convert this disruption into an opportunity.

The WPT report also notes, perhaps to the relief of those struggling to find a sustainable revenue model for digital news, that revenue from paid digital circulation has increased 30 per cent in 2015 and that one in five readers from the countries studied are willing to pay for online news. Revenue from digital advertising on the other hand, is growing at the slower pace of 7.3 per cent.

The report points out that there is a huge opportunity in mobile growth, with more than 70 per cent of readers in countries like USA, UK, Australia and Canada reading newspapers via a mobile device. Similar trends can be seen in India, as internet usage here is increasingly shaped by mobile growth (Google India Report, 2015). The fact that many digital-born news sites are adopting a mobile-first strategy (Sen and Nielsen, 2016) reflects this. More recently, Hindustan Times has hired a mobile editor to build a team of over 700 journalists specialising in mobile journalism.

Earlier this year the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism released a report on digital news start-ups in India (Sen and Nielsen, 2016), which explores how digital-born news start-ups are developing new editorial priorities, funding models and distribution strategies for news in the Indian digital media market. The study, which included observing the practices of The Quint, Scroll, The Wire, Khabar Lahariya, Daily Hunt and InShorts, concluded that India was not short of noteworthy experiments in journalism and online news. It also found that more news publishers are adopting mobile-first approaches, given that internet use in India is increasingly through mobile devices. More relevant to this study, the report established that social media has emerged as a tool for distribution and also stated that digital news start-ups are turning their focus to Hindi and local language content, in order to serve new audiences.

Studying the Effects of Convergence

Their digital transition can be witnessed on two counts: publishing with digital and publishing for digital. The first involves a shift towards using the digital in the process of sourcing and publishing news. Workflow is managed by advanced content management systems, news articles contain multimedia and interactivity that require technical expertise, and the web and social media are increasingly becoming a reliable source of primary and secondary information for journalists. Second, publishing for the highly competitive comes with it’s own challenges. Distribution and consumption of news is increasingly being carried out on digital platforms, fostering a culture of interdependence that impacts news providers in previously unforeseen ways. As the decision to prioritise their digital products take hold, newsrooms themselves evolve to contain a diverse range of skill and expertise.

According to the 2015 Trends in Newsroom report, editors and senior reporters in newsrooms across the globe are experimenting with new ways of storytelling using podcasts, chat apps, automation, virtual reality and gamification, as well as dealing with new challenges with respect to source protection in the face of increased surveillance and intermediaries like Facebook and Google and reporting on culturally sensitive subjects(World Editors Forum, 2015).

The dynamics of these shifts in different countries may be shaped by several factors including the availability of human and financial resources, and pace of adoption of new technologies by the readers. In markets like Japan, complexities of the existing newspaper trade in the country act as a deterrent to technological change (Villi and Hayashi, 2014). Given the pace at which the media ecology of the web evolves; this transition is an ongoing process characterised by experiments in business, marketing and editorial strategies. A good example of such an experiment is last week’s decision by leading Indian newspapers, to make their content unavailable to those consumers who had ad-blocking software installed.

Such a shift also demands that we ask new questions of news in journalism. In his paper on studying computational and algorithmic journalism, C. W. Anderson tackles how sociologists and media scholars can frame inquiries related to journalism, given its computational turn (Anderson, 2012). He suggests using the added lens of ‘technology’ and ‘institutions and fields’ to Michael Schudson’s (Schudson, 2010) typology on the sociology of news which approaches the study of news from economic, political, cultural and organisational approaches. While most of these are self-explanatory, by institutions and fields, he refers to the ‘field of journalism’ as a whole and the different actors that shape it. This frame will examine the cultural power struggles that occur within the field and the way these struggles shape newsroom practises and news content (Anderson, 2012). Anderson adds that it is imperative to understand that the dynamics of the field of journalism are closely connected to nearby fields which now include computer science, web development and digital advertising.

We adopted a similar approach for our study. We began our inquiry by asking questions about how the emergence of digital technologies and the Internet are changing the process of producing news and how news organisations are rising up to the challenges posed by the digital space: what technologies and software are being used in the production and distribution of news in India, how are these technologies and softwares influencing the process of news production and distribution, how are the everyday practices and roles with respect to journalistic and editorial work transforming with their transition to digital, how do media agencies conceptualise and measure online viewership, and how do these metrics impact journalistic and editorial practices.

These questions led us to explore how leading legacy print newspapers across three language markets - English, Hindi and Malayalam - are making the transition from producing news stories exclusively for print to producing multimedia stories for the highly competitive and and diverse media ecology of the web.

Research Plan

As already mentioned, the study is divided into two thematic clusters: work of journalism and newsroom practises.

The former will include asking questions related to strategies and skills of information gathering and validation, methods and tools of communicating a news story in an online-first (or simultaneously print and online) environment, personal engagements with audiences via social media websites, new methods of performance assessment and sources and practices of learning and capacity building.

The latter will explore how choice/emphasis of content and reportage is being re-shaped by the digital environment by inquiring into changes in editorial responsibilities, dynamics of decision making, news-making workflows, technical diversity of the work force, and interaction between news producers within an increasingly convergent newsroom.

This being a pilot study, we will conduct intensive interviews with journalists, editors, and management personnel associated with one newspaper in each language market: 1) Hindustan Times in English, 2) Dainik Jagran in Hindi, and 3) Malayala Manorama in Malayalam. We selected these three languages due to their large market sizes and geographic distribution, and selected the newspapers for either their pioneering efforts in adopting digital technologies, or their dominant position in terms of circulation.

The research team includes Zeenab Aneez and Sumandro Chattapadhyay from CIS, and RISJ Director of Research Rasmus Kleis Nielsen. Vibodh Parthasarathi from CCMG, Jamia Millia Islamia, will contribute to the study as an advisor.

References

Anderson, Christopher W. 2013. ‘Towards a Sociology of Computational and Algorithmic Journalism’. New Media & Society 15 (7): 1005-1021.

Bajaj, Ambrish. 2016. “Indian news sites lost 100 million page views and $500K in three weeks - and had no clue why” http://factordaily.com/indian-news-sites-lost-100-million-page-views-500k-three-weeks-no-clue/.

Chattopadhyay, Saayan. 2012. ‘Online Journalism and Election Reporting in India’. Journalism Practice 6 (3): 337-48. doi:10.1080/17512786.2012.663596.

Coddington, Mark. 2014. ‘Defending Judgment and Context in “original Reporting”: Journalists’ Construction of Newswork in a Networked Age’. Journalism 15 (6): 678–95.

– 2015. ‘The Wall Becomes a Curtain: Revisiting Journalism’s News–business Boundary’. Boundaries of Journalism: Professionalism, Practices, and Participation. New York: Routledge. [forthcoming]. Accessed from http://markcoddington.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/CoddingtonFINAL.NewReferences.docx.

Diakopoulos, Nicholas, and Mor Naaman. 2011. ‘Towards Quality Discourse in Online News Comments’. In Proceedings of the ACM 2011 Conference on Computer Supported Cooperative Work, 133–42. ACM. http://dl.acm.org/citation.cfm?id=1958844.

Diakopoulos, Nicholas, Mor Naaman, and Funda Kivran-Swaine. 2010. ‘Diamonds in the Rough: Social Media Visual Analytics for Journalistic Inquiry’. In Visual Analytics Science and Technology (VAST), 2010 IEEE Symposium on, 115–22. IEEE. http://ieeexplore.ieee.org/xpls/abs_all.jsp?arnumber=5652922.

Hermida, Alfred. 2010. ‘Twittering the News: The Emergence of Ambient Journalism.’ Journalism Practice. Special Issue on the Future of Journalism. 4 (3): 297-308. doi:10.1080/17512781003640703.

Jalarajan, Sony, Rohini Sreekumar, and Nithin Kalorth. 2014. ‘“Tweeting” the News: Twitter Journalism as a New Age Crowd News Disseminator in India’. http://euacademic.org/UploadArticle/317.pdf.

Kilman, Larry. 2015. ‘World Press Trends: Newspaper Revenues Shift To New Sources - WAN-IFRA’. World Press Trends. June 1. http://www.wan-ifra.org/press-releases/2015/06/01/world-press-trends-newspaper-revenues-shift-to-new-sources.

K. J., Shashidar. 2016. ‘Hindustan Times has appointed a Mobile Editor’. Published online on Medianama.com. http://www.medianama.com/2016/07/223-hindustan-times-has-appointed-a-mobile-editor/.

Nielsen, Rasmus Kleis, Frank Esser, and David Levy. 2013. ‘Comparative Perspectives on the Changing Business of Journalism and Its Implications for Democracy’. The International Journal of Press/Politics 18 (4): 383-91. doi:10.1177/1940161213497130.

Örnebring, Henrik. 2010. ‘Technology and Journalism-as-Labour: Historical Perspectives.’ Journalism. February. 11 (1): 57-74. doi: 10.1177/1464884909350644.

Panda, Jayanta K. 2014. ‘Impact of Media Convergence on Journalism: A Theoretical Perspective’. Pragyaan, 14.

Paulussen, Steve and Pieter Ugille. 2008. ‘User Generated Content in the Newsroom: Professional and Organisational Constraints on Participatory Journalism.’ Westminster Papers in Communication and Culture. 5(2): 24-41.

Royal, Cindy. 2010. ‘The Journalist as Programmer: A Case Study of The New York Times Interactive News Technology Department.’ Presented at the International Symposium in Online Journalism, The University of Texas at Austin, April 20. Accessed from https://online.journalism.utexas.edu/2010/papers/Royal10.pdf.

Schudson, Michael. 2010. ‘Political Observatories, Databases * News in the Emerging Ecology of Public Information’. Daedalus. 139(2): 100–109. doi:10.1162/daed.2010.139.2.100.

Scott, Ben. 2005. ‘A Contemporary History of Digital Journalism.’ Television & New Media. February. 6(1): 89-126. doi: 10.1177/1527476403255824.

Sen, Arijit and Nielsen, Rasmus Kleis. 2016. Digital Journalism Start-Ups in India. Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. Accessed from: http://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/sites/default/files/Digital%20Journalism%20Start-ups%20in%20India_0.pdf.

‘Nine top #TrendsinNewsrooms’. 2015. WAN-IFRA blog. http://blog.wan-ifra.org/2015/06/02/nine-top-trendsinnewsrooms-of-2015.

Villi, M., and K. Hayashi. 2014. ‘“The Mission Is to Keep This Industry Intact”: Digital Transition in the Japanese Newspaper Industry’. In 64th Annual International Communication Association (ICA) Conference, Seattle, WA, 22-26 May.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/raw/digital-transition-in-newspapers-in-india-pilot-study

Talk on Game Studies by Dr. Souvik Mukherjee, July 28, 6 pm

sneha-pp — 2016-09-16T13:21:58Z

This talk will explore the story-telling aspects of game studies and how it relates to discussions of other digital media, Internet cultures and also traditional Humanities. As an introduction, it also aims to open up discussions for Game Studies in India.

Abstract

You are a CIA agent who has infiltrated the Russian mafia and the mafia bosses want you to shoot down innocent civilians in a crowded Moscow airport. What do you do - kill the civilians or blow your cover?

The above scenario is taken from the controversial ‘No Russian’ chapter in the videogame Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 2. Graphically realistic and often provoking us to explore deeper questions, videogames have changed from simplistic beat-em-ups to more thought-provoking media through which stories can be shaped and retold. Videogames are, therefore, storytelling media although traditional Humanities and Information Technology both struggle with this notion. This talk will explore how videogames tell stories and why traditional academia finds them problematic. It will also address how understanding this ‘new; storytelling could result in the creation of eminently more innovative and arguably, more marketable gaming software.

Coming back to the Call of Duty scenario, one notices a significant difference from most stories that we get in books or movies. The reader / player has a choice and this is a nontrivial choice that influences the furtherance of the story. The story therefore has multiple endings and is, in effect, constructed jointly by the affordances and mechanics created by the game designer and by the choices and the playing skill of the player. Further, the player can save and replay a game sequence over and over - each time the game plays out differently and the story changes, at least slightly. Moreover, the involvement of the player with the game environment can be very intense and create the feeling of being within the story-world. Finally, there is the issue of accepting that games, usually likened to the playful and the non-serious, can be instrumental in creating a thought-provoking narrative experience. Likewise, the idea of a computer program spinning out a story is equally unexpected and looked upon with suspicion.

For all the problems posed by game-narratives, the consideration that videogames tell stories and that some videogames tell very thought-provoking tales is an unavoidable one. Recent trends in Humanities criticism and in Computing recognise the synergy between the disciplines. Gaming is no longer all about creating Shooters such as Doom; videogames have changed in concept, have entered social networking platforms and are increasingly beginning to comment on real-world issues. In terms of software development, the storytelling game has made it imperative to study the player’s responses; how players interact with the game-world and how they innovate strategies are of key importance to designing successful gameplay sequences. As far as the Humanities are concerned, the game-narrative can provoke thought into philosophical problems such as the morality of killing civilians in the Call of Duty sequence; further the videogame-story also helps explore storytelling in a multiple and shared textual form and to think about inherent linkages between games, stories and machines.

The aim of this talk is to raise questions regarding the storytelling aspect of videogames rather than coming up with any set conclusions. Ultimately, such a discussion aims to lead to the development of some new pointers for rethinking the videogame industry, especially in terms of the global marketplace and in terms of how the story-experience in videogames is a key factor in shaping player interest. This talk is an introduction to the now slightly over a decade old field of Game Studies and how it relates to discussions of other digital media, Internet cultures and also traditional Humanities. As an introduction, it also aims to open discussions for Game Studies in India.

Speaker

Souvik Mukherjee is currently employed as Assistant Professor of English Literature at Presidency University (earlier Presidency College), Calcutta. Souvik has been researching videogames as an emerging storytelling medium since 2002 and has completed his PhD on the subject from Nottingham Trent University in 2009. Souvik has done his postdoctoral research in the Humanities faculty of De Montfort University, UK and as a research associate at the Indian Institute of Technology in New Delhi, India where he worked on digital media as well as narrative analysis.

Souvik's monograph Videogames and Storytelling: Reading Games and Playing Books was published by Palgrave Macmillan in 2015. His research examines their relationship to canonical ideas of narrative and also how videogames inform and challenge current conceptions of technicity, identity and culture, in general. His current interests involve the analysis of paratexts of videogames such as walkthroughs and after-action reports as well as the concept of time and telos in videogames. Besides Game Studies, his other interests are (the) Digital Humanities and Early Modern Literature. He also blogs about videogames research on Ludus ex Machina.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/raw/talk-on-game-studies-souvik-mukherjee-july-28-6-pm

Comments to the Draft Digital Competition Bill, 2024

Abhineet Nayyar, Isha Suri, and Pallavi Bedi (in alphabetical order) — 2024-06-11T10:13:22Z

This submission is a response by researchers at the Centre for Internet and Society India (CIS) to the draft Digital Competition Bill, 2024, published by the Committee on Digital Competition Law (CDCL), Ministry of Corporate Affairs (MCA), (hereafter “draft DCB” or “draft Bill”).

We would like to thank the Ministry of Corporate Affairs for soliciting public comments on this important legislation and are grateful for this opportunity.

At the outset, CIS affirms the Committee’s approach to transition from a predominantly ex-post to an ex-ante approach for regulating competition in digital markets. The Committee’s assessment of the ex-post regime being too time-consuming for the digital domain has been substantiated by frequent and expensive delays in antitrust disputes, a fact that has also recently drawn the attention of the Ministry of Corporate Affairs. And not just in India, the ex-post regime has been found to be too time-consuming in other jurisdictions as well, as a consequence of which many other countries are also moving towards an ex-post regime for digital markets. This also allows India to be in harmony with both developing and developed countries, which makes regulating global competition more consistent and efficient. In fact, “international cooperation between competition authorities” and “greater coherence between regulatory frameworks” are key in facilitating global investigations and lowering the cost of doing business.

Moreover, by adopting a principles-based approach to designing the law’s obligations, the draft Bill also addresses the concern that ex-ante regulations, due to their prescriptive nature, tend to be sector-agnostic. The fact that these principles are based on the findings of the Parliamentary Standing Committee’s (PSC) Report on ‘Anti-Competitive Practices by Big Tech Companies’ only lends them more evidence. The draft DCB empowers the Commission to clarify the Obligations for different services, and also provides CCI with the flexibility to undertake independent consultations to accommodate varying contexts and the needs of different core digital services. We do, however, have specific comments regarding implementing some of these provisions, which are elaborated in the accompanying document.

We would also like to emphasise that adequate enforcement of an ex-ante approach requires bolstering and strengthening regulatory capacity. Therefore, to minimise risks relating to underenforcement as well as overenforcement, CCI, its Digital Markets and Data Unit (DMDU), and the Director General’s (DG) office will have to substantially increase their technical capacity. A comparison of CCI’s current strength with its global counterparts that have adopted or are in the process of adopting an ex-ante approach to competition regulation reveals a stark picture. For example, the European Union (EU) had over 870 people in its DG COMP unit in 2022, and its DG CONNECT unit is expected to hire another 100 people in 2024 alone. Similarly, the United Kingdom’s Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) has a permanent staff of 800+, the Japan Fair Trade Commission (JTFC) has about 400 officials just for regulating anti-competitive conduct, and South Korea’s KFTC has about 600 employees. In contrast, CCI and DG, combined, have a sanctioned strength of only 195 posts, out of which 71 remain vacant. Bridging this capacity gap through frequent and high-quality recruitment is, therefore, the need of the hour. Most importantly, there is a need to create a culture of interdisciplinary coordination among legal, technical, and economic domains.

Moreover, as we come to rely on an increasingly digitised economy, most technology companies will work with critical technology components such as key infrastructure, algorithms, and Artificial Intelligence to business models that are based on data collection and processing practices. Consequently, there will be a need to bolster CCI’s capacity in the technical domain by hiring and integrating new roles including technologists, software and hardware engineers, product managers, UX designers, data scientists, investigative researchers, and subject matter experts dealing with new and emerging areas of technology.21 Therefore, we recommend CCI to ensure that the proposed DMDU has the requisite diversity of skills to effectively use existing tools for enforcement and is also able to keep pace with new and emerging technological developments.

Along with this overall observation of CCI's capacity, we have also submitted detailed comments on specific clauses of the draft DCB. These submissions are structured across the following six categories: i) Classification of Core Digital Services; ii) Designation of a Systemically Significant Digital Enterprise (SSDE) and Associate Digital Enterprise (ADE); iii) Obligations on SSDEs and ADEs; iv) Powers of the Commission to Conduct an Inquiry; v) Penalties and Appeals; and vi) Powers of the Central Government. In addition to these suggestions, the detailed comments and their summarised version focus on three important gaps in the draft DCB – limited representation from workers’ groups and MSMEs, exclusion of merger and acquisition (M&A) from the discussions, and lack of a formalised framework for interregulatory coordination.

For our full comments, click here

For a detailed summary of our comments, click here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/comments-to-the-draft-digital-competition-bill

Deployment of Digital Health Policies and Technologies: During Covid-19

pallavi — 2022-07-21T14:49:56Z

In the last twenty years or so, the Indian government has adopted several digital mechanisms to deliver services to its citizens.

Digitisation of public services in India began with taxation, land record keeping, and passport details recording, but it was soon extended to cover most governmental services - with the latest being public health. The digitisation of healthcare system in India had begun prior to the pandemic. However, given the push digital health has received in recent years especially with an increase in the intensity of activity during the pandemic, we thought it is important to undertake a comprehensive study of India's digital health policies and implementation. The project report comprises a desk-based research review of the existing literature on digital health technologies in India and interviews with on-field healthcare professionals who are responsible for implementing technologies on the ground.

The report by Privacy International and the Centre for Internet & Society can be accessed here.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/deployment-of-digital-health-policies-and-technologies-during-covid-19

Who Owns Your Phone?

nishant — 2016-09-18T16:18:35Z

The capacity of companies to defy standards that work tells an alarming story of what we lose when we lose control of our devices.

The article was published in Indian Express on September 18, 2016.

We have a conflicted relationship with our digital devices. On the one hand, everything we own is cutting-edge — your regular smartphone does computation that is more advanced and powerful than the computers currently functioning on the space probe on Mars. On the other, everything that we own, is almost on the verge of becoming old — by the time you are used to your phone, a new model with a different letter or a number is in the market. The TV screen which was the crowning glory of your house now feels old because it is not thin enough, sleek enough or big enough; waiting to be replaced by the Next Big Thing.

Strangely, the Next Big Thing is never really big enough for it to have longevity. The next phone that you buy, the new laptop you covet, the app that you update, will already feel temporary. Patricia Fitzpatrick, a historian of new media, calls this phenomenon “Planned Obsolescence”. It means that private corporations think of their digital products as fast-moving and ready to die. They might sell the phone with a 10-year guarantee, but the only guarantee that exists is that in 10 years, they will have discontinued all support for that phone, and you will have forgotten that you owned that device. Planned Obsole-scence is a marketing strategy, where everything that is introduced as a technological innovation has a limited shelf-life and is made to be replaced by something new.

What is interesting about this strategy is that it doesn’t mean that your device has become redundant. In fact, even as you desire the new, you know perfectly well that your existing device has many years of functionality. Hence, the companies often produce the new as path-breaking, innovative and futuristic. They want you to feel primitive or out-of-touch by introducing features that you don’t need, transforming the familiar and the habitual device with something that becomes alien, enchanting and mystical.

While planned obsolescence has its value — it propels innovation and pushes at the boundary of what is possible — it also needs to be understood as a marketing strategy that keeps us consuming as part of our digital habits. One of the best examples to understand this trend is Apple’s latest announcement that it has removed the standard earphone jack from its new iPhone7 and is presenting us with wireless earplugs that work with the new phone. Apple insists that this is the future, and in its hyperbolic presentation, announced that by removing one of the most enduring industry standard for audio hardware, they are revolutionising the future of music listening.

This comes particularly as a shock because ever since the 1990s, Apple’s iconic presence in the music industry has been the white dangling ear-bud wire against black silhouettes, marking the Apple music device as a sign of privacy, maturity, creativity, and elite affordability. By replacing recognisable image with a new one is the company’s way of signalling that every Apple device you now own is ready for trash. It is letting you know that your older Apple music player now needs to be replaced by a new one that uses the wireless ear buds. That the only way you can now listen to music on an Apple iPhone is on Apple’s own standards, so that the regular industry hardware will no longer work with this unique phone that eschews universal standards and seeks to create private monopolies.

The missing headphone jack in the iPhone 7 is a resounding testimony to what happens when we make our digital hardware subject to closed development and production. Instead of building phones that are more durable, more efficient, more connected, more affordable, and more versatile, Apple just showed us how a private company can arrogantly define the future, by turning almost every existing device into “primitive” or “incompatible” with the new phones that it is making. The capacity of companies like Apple to defy standards that work and build their own unique hardware tells an alarming story of what we lose when we lose control of our devices. The digital cultures scholar Wendy Chun had once sagaciously written, “the more our devices turn transparent, the more opaque they become”. And Apple’s move towards making your new iPhone seamless and without holes, mimics how the phone is being designed to both kill fast and die early, promoting corporate ambitions over public interest.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/raw/indian-express-nishant-shah-september-18-2016-who-owns-your-phone

IT companies in Bengaluru on high alert over WannaCry ransomware

praskrishna — 2017-05-19T09:05:46Z

In the wake of the ransomware attack triggered by WannaCry virus, IT firms in Bengaluru are racing against time to updating their security systems. At some firms, employees have been asked to stay away from work for a few hours, while many other companies have declared holiday for a day or two for their employees.

The article by Kiran Parashar K M & Shruthi H M was published in the New Indian Express on May 17, 2017. Pranesh Prakash was quoted.

Sources said IT teams in many firms are working overtime to ensure such attacks do not harm their systems. Employees have been communicated to be aware of unsolicited emails and were asked to stay away from work at a few places where the security systems update was in progress.

A network engineer of a secondary source software firm, who provides security solutions, said, “We were asked to work on weekend and monitor the servers. The monitoring process is likely to continue. Some of the outsourcing companies have declared holiday as network engineers are flooded with work.”
“Recent developments have affected work at IT firms but there is no report of any company getting affected,” a techie said.

Wipro Ltd officials told Express: “Wipro has not seen any impact. However, we remain vigilant and have strengthened security controls at all layers to detect and mitigate any such threat.”

Companies providing financial technology are struggling to ensure that all ATMs are running on updated software. “We are in touch with the original equipment manufacturers for the patches that may be required to be rolled out on the ATMs running on Windows XP and Windows 7, to make them additionally secure,” said Radha Rama Dorai (Country Head - ATM & Allied Services), FIS, a financial technology provider.
“Fortunately ATMs in India have not been affected by WannaCry ransomware,” said Dorai.

Sudesh Shetty, Partner, Forensics, KPMG in India, said: “Banks need to apply the patch which Windows has released for outdated operating systems. Organisations need to make use of it.”

WannaCry under reported

The Indian Cyber Army sources said that there has been under reporting of such incidents as many individuals use pirated version of the Windows software. Also, people have no idea whom to report if they fall prey to WannaCry.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/new-indian-express-kiran-parashar-km-and-shruthi-hm-it-companies-in-bengaluru-on-high-alert-over-wannacry-ransomware

Comments to the draft amendments to the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021

Anamika Kundu, Digvijay Chaudhary, Divyansha Sehgal, Isha Suri and Torsha Sarkar — 2022-07-07T02:39:28Z

The Centre for Internet & Society (CIS) presented its comments on the draft amendments to the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 (‘the rules’), which were released on 6 June, 2022 for public comments.

These comments examine whether the proposed amendments are in adherence to established principles of constitutional law, intermediary liability and other relevant legal doctrines. We thank the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MEITY) for allowing us this opportunity. Our comments are divided into two parts. In the first part, we reiterate some of our comments to the existing version of the rules, which we believe holds relevance for the proposed amendments as well. And in the second part, we provide issue-wise comments that we believe need to be addressed prior to finalising the amendments to the rules.

To access the full text of the Comments to the draft amendments to the Information Technology (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021, click here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/comments-to-draft-amendments-to-the-it-rules-2021

Only digital sex, please

praskrishna — 2015-06-15T01:38:12Z

Many Indian men are getting so dependent on digital sex and online pornography that they can’t handle real relationships. And a new book says this is happening the world over. Prasun Chandhuri and Avijit Chatterjee turn the spotlight on the trend

The article was published in the Telegraph on May 31. Rohini is quoted.

P. Sharath doesn't know how to handle women. The 31-year-old software engineer, who works for a multinational company in Bangalore, thinks he doesn't need them either. The man who grew up in Hubli in Karnataka and now earns an eight-figure annual salary has his virtual world. That gives him his sexual satisfaction.

Socially awkward, Sharath did try to date a woman, but the relationship broke within a few months because he found that she was getting to be "clingy" and "boring". An attempt by his family to fix a marriage with a woman failed when he groped her in a cinema hall. His online women, on the other hand, need no pampering, and do not complain.

Sharath, however, is not happy. "He no longer gets any gratification from online sex and has been suffering from anxiety and depression," says Dr Ali Khwaja, a Bangalore-based psychologist and founder of the Banjara Academy, a counselling centre.

Increasingly, counsellors in urban India are coming across such cases of people who are so used to digital sex that they can't cope with real relationships any more. Khwaja refers to them as "hollow men" - people who go through despair after relations fail because of their dependence on digital pornography.

"Almost every week I meet a young man addicted to porn," says Mumbai-based counsellor Shefali Batra, author of the recently published book Teen Matters.

It's a pattern that many counsellors have noticed. As teenagers, young boys get hooked on to digital sex. "But it becomes a vicious addiction over time, playing havoc with their social and sexual development," Batra says. The women they meet do not match up to the large breasted and oversexed digital women - and the boys become men who cannot sustain marriages and relationships.

Pornography has always existed, and some counsellors do not believe that it is always harmful. But the spread of the Internet, the easy availability of smartphones and the profusion of sophisticated sex games and other platforms have led to a situation where men merely log on for sexual satisfaction.

The Internet is bursting at the seams with sex sites. There are various types of sex games, including cartoon sex games, 3D sex games, virtual reality sex games and so on where the viewer can indulge in sex with three or four imaginary characters. Some online games offer virtual simulation sex. In a new genre of digital porn, users can enjoy 3D porn with a special virtual reality headset that allows them to step inside their favourite games and completely immerse themselves in a sexual fantasy.

And this is happening across the world. In a recently released book, Men (Dis)Connected: How technology has sabotaged what it means to be male, psychologist Philip Zimbardo holds that "masculinity" is being destroyed by online pornography and gaming technology.

"We have surveyed over 20,000 young people in many countries. Even though we don't have data on Indian men, we assume that the impact of freely available porn is creating a new breed of addicts in every country," he says in an email interview. "These men prefer to masturbate to visual images than have live sexual relations with real women."

Nikita Coulombe, co-author of Men (Dis)Connected, adds that it is an "endless novelty" and a "virtual harem" for the men. "In 10 minutes you can see more 'mates' than your ancestors would have seen in their lifetime."

There was a time when people shrugged and said, it's just a phase. But Zimbardo believes that this addiction has gone beyond that and will have a "permanent negative impact" on young men everywhere because the porn industry is big business.

The professor emeritus at Stanford discovered this phenomenon when he found that many of his male students were shy and spent too much time poring over screens. Closer home, academic and writer Shiv Visvanathan had a similar experience while teaching at the O.P. Jindal University in Haryana.

"Many of these guys do not know how to talk to a girl - they'd rather convey their feelings through text messages or through social networks or mobile phones. Sometimes you'll even see two people sitting close together but talking over the phone, just to avoid a face-to-face conversation," Visvanathan says.

What this means is that young men are not just wary of getting into relationships - they are not missing them either. "Porn gives them instant gratification which can be repeated, say, 200 times. Moreover, the virtual body seems more transformable than the actual body and it's fast," Visvanathan points out.

It is an addiction that draws men more than women, primarily because the majority of Internet porn is male-centric and, more than teenage women, boys are addicted to computer games and associated thrills. "Research has affirmed that this is truer for the male brain in comparison to the female brain," explains Batra. "The male brain is more thrill and pleasure seeking and these exciting virtual realities provide an immense rush of pleasure in the brain."

Zimbardo's survey underlines this. It found that three out of five men expressed a "lack of interest in pursuing and maintaining a romantic relationship" while three out of four women between the ages of 18 and 30 said they were concerned about the "emotional immaturity or the unavailability" of men.

While the celebrated psychologist plans to conduct a similar survey in India, concerns are already rising because the lack of sex education in schools and colleges - coupled with repressed backgrounds and exaggerated pornographic images - gives the young a warped idea of sex and relationships.

"In a society where talking about sex is taboo, their only avenue to satisfy sexual curiosities becomes porn," says Rohini Lakshane, researcher, Centre for Internet and Society, Bangalore.

This is why sexologist Prakash Kothari often encounters young men who yearn for a "14-inch organ" and suffer from performance anxiety and depression. "Proper sex education can teach them just two inches and oodles of erotic love are enough to satisfy your female partner," says Kothari.

The experts stress that they are not against pornography. "One should not shoot the messenger," contends Audrey D'Mello, programme director, Majlis, a legal counselling centre in Mumbai. "If used properly it can be an aphrodisiac," Kothari adds.

But many of the images that the young today see are violent and bestial. "These twisted forms of sex are being consumed by young men and boys through smartphones across the country," laments Ira Trivedi, author of India in Love. Lakshane believes that easy access to violent pornography "degrades and objectifies women", giving men and boys a "skewed view of sex and intimacy".

Calcutta-based Subhrangshu Aditya counselled a woman who wanted a divorce because her husband forced her to replicate all that he watched on porn. "It was torture for her, devoid of romantic love or eroticism," Aditya says.

Indeed, the effect on men has an impact on women as well. Trivedi points out that as men devote themselves to porn, women go for measures such as vaginal beautification to attract men.

Or women go off sex altogether.

"These women have an extreme phobia about sex," says Aindri Sanyal, an infertility specialist at a Calcutta-based fertility centre. "Some haven't even got their marriage consummated. So they want to conceive through artificial insemination."

Is there a way out? Experts such as Khwaja are doing what they can. "I am trying to help Sharath socialise in mixed groups, then spend a few minutes at a time doing a favour for a woman, or showing a gesture. I want him to focus on understanding the emotions that girls go through and eventually make him understand how to interact with another flesh-and-blood person who has her own romantic and sexual needs," he says. "The process will take quite a long time."

Zimbardo, 82, wants the "socially crippled generation" to hit the Escape button on their digital devices. He wants to remind them that real sex involves communicating with a real person, feeling their pain, earning their trust and making a real connection to their heart. Like people did, once upon a time.

If it’s May, it’s got to be India

Some porn stats

In 2014, India ranked among the highest consumers of pornographic content in the world, according to Pornhub, an online video hub
Around 25 per cent of Indian visitors on Pornhub.com were women, 2 per cent higher than the worldwide average of 23 per cent
Indians seek out pornography most in May and least in October
More Indians surf porn on their smartphones than on desktops
On an average, Indians spend 8 minutes and 22 seconds per visit to Pornhub, 30 seconds less than the rest of the world
Of all states, people from Andhra Pradesh spend the least time on Pornhub — 6 min and 40 sec; people from West Bengal spend 9 min and 5 sec; people from Assam spend 9 min and 55 sec
Sunny Leone is India’s favourite porn star
In most places in the world, porn is viewed most on Monday, but in India, it’s on Saturday
Porn viewing in India dips by over 25 per cent on Diwali, Dussehra, New Year’s Eve and Gandhi Jayanti.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/the-telegraph-may-31-2015-only-digital-sex-please

Nanny state rules porn bad for you

praskrishna — 2015-08-05T01:39:28Z

The article by Anahita Mukherji was published in the Times of India on August 4, 2015. Pranesh Prakash gave his inputs.

Half a century ago, India banned the DH Lawrence classic, Lady Chatterley's Lover. The ban, though lambasted for its Victorian view of modesty and obscenity, was fair and square; the matter was debated in the Supreme Court, which upheld the ban. Over 50 years later, a diverse spectrum of civil society has slammed a much more insidious and far less transparent ban on internet pornography.

For starters, the 857 sites that vanished from India's internet sphere haven't been officially banned, they just don't show up when you type the url. The order blocking them isn't public. For a list of the 857 sites, one must rely on leaked documents put out on Twitter by Pranesh Prakash, policy director, Centre for Internet and Society. "The ban on Lady Chatterley's Lover was public. As for the blocked websites, the government has gone out of its way to hide the list of sites pulled down. A secret order banning material violates all principles of transparency in a democracy," says Prakash.

The document, with 'Restricted' written on it, is a letter from the department of telecom asking ISPs to disable 857 sites as they bear content related to "morality" and "decency," violating Article 19 (2).

Strangely, the order's been issued under Sec 79 (3)(b) of the IT Act dealing with intermediaries having to remove material used to commit unlawful acts. "Watching porn isn't illegal in India. Disseminating 'obscene' content can be illegal, but for that, the government must file a case against the sites, and they must be allowed a representation," says Prakash.

"Sec 79 (3)(b) of the IT act isn't the section under which governments can block sites. It should use Sec 69 that has a review process," says Nikhil Pahwa, a champion of internet freedom.

The government drew up its list of 857 sites even as SC is in the process of hearing a petition to ban porn and is yet to pass an order. It includes playboy.com that, says Prakash, is a legitimate adult site. Pahwa points to the ban's "bizarrely moralistic undertones".

"As society evolves, government and regulatory regime are stuck in medieval ages," he says, adding a ban on websites will be rendered ineffective, pushing users to VPNs, a black hole for government monitoring mechanisms.

"A government that hasn't succeeded with Make in India is trying to prevent Make out in India," says venture capitalist Mahesh Murthy, who earlier backed net neutrality.

"The government is blocking websites to keep Rightwing lunatic fringes happy after its unsuccessful bid to pass the land bill," says Murthy.

"It isn't merely looking at blocking porn, but is trying to bring back Sec 66A (IT Act), ruled unconstitutional by the SC," he adds. "It's part of the bid to restrict individual freedom, create an artificial separation between Indian culture and anything erotic, driven by a diktat from Hindutva forces. It's ironic as Modi came to power as someone looking to activate individual agency. Now he's wary about where that leads to," says Subir Sinha, professor at the School of Oriental and African Studies (London). Murthy and Sinha believe the issue stems from a refusal to accept Indian culture in totality. "Victorian morality is considered Hindu, Khajuraho isn't," says Murthy.

"The government seems to be acting in a more high-handed manner than previous ones. The press and public opinion should wake up to this," says sociologist Andre Beteille.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/the-times-of-india-august-4-2015-anahita-mukherji-nanny-state-rules-porn-bad-for-you

The Zen of Pad.ma: 10 Lessons Learned from Running Open Access Online Video Archives in India and beyond

sneha-pp — 2016-01-28T08:25:18Z

Sebastian Lütgert and Jan Gerber, the co-initiators of, and the artists/programmers behind the pad.ma (Public Access Digital Media Archive) project will deliver a lecture at CIS on Wednesday, February 03, 6 pm, on their experiences of learnings from running open access online video archives in Germany, India, and Turkey. Please join us for coffee and vada at 5:30 pm.

The Zen of Pad.ma

Eight years after the launch of Pad.ma and three years since the inception of Indiancine.ma, Sebastian Lütgert will take a closer look at some of the strategies -- decisions and decision making processes, foundational principles and accidental discoveries -- that may have helped make these projects sustainable. While most of the lessons begin with concrete questions related to software and technology, most of them will end up pointing beyond that: towards a general theory of collaboration, towards strategies against premature separation of labor, and towards a few practical proposals for successful self-organization on the Internet.

Biographies

Sebastian Lütgert, media artist, programmer, filmmaker and writer, lives and works in Berlin. Co-founder of Bootlab, textz.com, Pirate Cinema Berlin, Pad.ma and Indiancine.ma. Lecturer at the Academy of the Sciences in Berlin, various publications on cinema, copyright, radical subcultures and the politics of technology.

Jan Gerber, video artist and softwate developer, lives and works in Berlin. Co-initiator of Pirate Cinema Berlin, Pad.ma and Indiancine.ma, author of numerous Open Source software projects, most recently Open Media Library. Involved in a variety of open-access archive projects around the world.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/raw/the-zen-of-padma

Indian Newspapers' Digital Transition

zeenab — 2016-12-09T07:12:53Z

This report examines the digital transition underway at three leading newspapers in India, the Dainik Jagran in Hindi, English-language Hindustan Times, and Malayala Manorama in Malayalam. Our focus is on how they are changing their newsroom organisation and journalistic work to expand their digital presence and adapt to a changing media environment. The report comes out of a collaboration between the CIS and the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, University of Oxford, and was supported by the latter. The research was undertaken by Zeenab Aneez, with contributions from Rasmus Kleis Nielsen, Vibodh Parthasarathi, and Sumandro Chattapadhyay.

Download: PDF.

Cross-posted from the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism (December 08, 2016).

Executive Summary

This report examines the digital transition underway at three leading newspapers in India, the Dainik Jagran in Hindi, English-language Hindustan Times, and Malayala Manorama in Malayalam. Our focus is on how they are changing their newsroom organisation and journalistic work to expand their digital presence and adapt to a changing media environment.

The background for the report is the rapid and continued growth in digital media use in India. Especially since 2010, internet use has grown at an explosive pace, driven by the spread of mobile web access, also outside large urban areas and the more affluent and highly educated English-language minority that have historically represented a large part of India’s internet users. Some analysts estimate more than 30% of Indians had some form of internet access by the end of 2015 (IAMAI-IMRB, 2015). With this growth has come a perceptible shift of audience attention and advertising investment away from legacy media like print and television and towards digital media. This shift has been accompanied by the launch of a number of new digital media start-ups in India and, especially, the growing role of large international technology companies investing in the Indian market.

These developments present Indian newspapers with new challenges and opportunities. Print circulation and advertising is still growing in India, but more slowly than in the past, and especially the English-language market seems saturated and ripe for the shift towards digital media that has happened elsewhere. From 2014 to 2015, the Indian advertising market grew by 13%. Print grew 8%, but English-language newspaper advertising only half of that. Digital advertising, in contrast, grew by 38%, and is projected to continue to grow for years to come as digital media become more central to India’s overall media environment (KPMG-FICCI, 2016).

If they want to secure their long-term future and continued editorial and commercial success, Indian newspapers have to adapt to these changes. The three case studies in this report represent three different examples of how major newspapers are navigating this transition.

Based on over 30 interviews conducted with senior management, editors, and rank-and-file reporters from three major newspapers, as well as other senior journalists and researchers who have wider experience in the Indian news industry, plus secondary sources including industry reports and academic research, we show the following.

All three newspapers are proactively investing in digital media technology and expertise, and adapting their editorial priorities, parts of their daily workflow, distribution strategies, and business model to the rise of digital media. Tools like Chartbeat are now commonplace; search engine optimisation, social media optimisation, and audience analytics are part of everyday work; and some are experimenting with new formats (Hindustan Times was a launch partner for Facebook Instant Articles; Manorama Online has produced both Virtual Reality and 360 videos, an Apple watch app, and is on Amazon Echo).
Given that the print newspaper industry is still growing in India, especially in Indian-language markets, these newspapers are innovating from a position of relative strength in comparison to their North American and European counterparts. However, this is done with the awareness that that print is becoming a relatively less important part of the Indian media environment, and digital media more important. Short-term, reach and profits come from print, but longer term, all have to build a strong digital presence to succeed editorially and commercially.
All three newspapers aim to do this by building on the assets they have as legacy media organisations, and trying to leverage their brand reputation, audience reach, and editorial resources to maintain an edge over digital news start-ups and international news providers. Their legacy, however, offers not only assets, but also liabilities. As successful incumbents, all of them struggle with the inertia that comes from established organisational structures and professional cultures. To change their organisation and culture, and thus more effectively combine new technologies and skills with existing core competences, each newspaper is not only investing in digital media and personnel, but also trying to change at least parts of the existing newspaper to adapt to an increasingly digital media environment.
They do this in different ways. At Dainik Jagran and Malayala Manorama, the focus has been on building up separate digital operations at Jagran.com and Manorama Online, apart from the printed newspaper itself. At the Hindustan Times, in contrast, the aim has been to integrate print and digital in a joint operation working across platforms and channels. Dainik Jagran and Malayala Manoroma have thus focused mostly on building up new digital assets, whereas the Hindustan Times has been transforming existing assets to work across platforms. At Dainik Jagran and Malayala Manorama, much of the push for change has come from management, whereas there has been a stronger editorial involvement at the Hindustan Times, and a greater attempt to engage rank-and-file reporters through training sessions and other initiative designed to demonstrate not only the commercial importance, but also the editorial potential, of digital media.
All three newspapers have found that expanding their digital operations requires investment of money in new technologies and in staff with new skills. But it is also clear that this is not enough. Investment in technology has to be accompanied by a change in organisation and culture to effectively leverage existing assets in a digital media environment. In their attempts to do this, the most significant barriers have been a perceived cultural hierarchy, deeply ingrained especially in the newsroom, that print journalism is somehow inherently superior to digital journalism, and a lack of effective synergy between editorial leaders and managers, often combined with a lack of technical know-how. Money can buy new tools and bring in new expertise, but it cannot on its own change culture, ensure synergy, or align the organisation with new priorities. This requires leadership and broad-based change. Long-term, senior editors, management, and rank-and-file reporters will have to work and change together to secure Indian newspapers’ role in an increasingly digital media environment.

Digital media thus present Indian newspapers with challenges and opportunities similar to those newspapers have faced elsewhere. Only they face these from a position of greater strength, because of the continued growth in their print business, and with the benefit of having seen how things have developed in more technologically developed markets. We hope this report will help them navigate the digital transition ahead.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/raw/indian-newspapers-digital-transition

State of Consumer Digital Security in India

pranav — 2021-07-05T11:07:24Z

This report attempts to identify the existing state of digital safety in India, with a mapping of digital threats, which will aid stakeholders in identifying and addressing digital security problems in the country. This project was funded by the Asia Foundation.

Since 2006, successive Union governments in India have shown increased focus on digital governance. The National e-Governance Plan was launched by the UPA government in2006, and several digital projects led by the state such as digitisation of the filing of taxes, appointment process for passports, corporate governance, and the Aadhaar programme(India’s unique digital identity system that utilises biometric and demographic data) arose under it, in the form of mission mode projects (projects that are part of a broader National e-governance initiative, each focusing on specific e-Governance aspects, like banking, land records, or commercial taxes). In 2014, when the NDA government came to power, the National e-Governance Plan was subsumed under the government’s flagship project of Digital India, and several mission mode projects were added. In the meantime, the internet connectivity, first in the form of wire connectivity, and later in the form of mobile connectivity has increased greatly. In the same period, use of digital services, first in new services native to the Internet such as email, social networking, instant messaging, and later the platformization and disruption of traditional business models in transportation, healthcare, finance and virtually every sector, has led to a deluge of digital private service providers in India.

Currently, India has 500 million internet users — over a third of its total population — making it the country with the second largest number of Internet users after China. The uptake of these technological services has also been accompanied by several kinds of digital threats that an average digital consumer in India must regularly contend with. This report is a mapping of consumer-facing digital threats in India and is intended to aid stakeholders in identifying and addressing digital security problems. The first part of the report categorises digital threats into four kinds, Personal Data Threats, Online Content Related Threats, Financial Threats, and Online Sexual Harassment Threats. Threats under each category are then defined, with detailed consumer-facing consequences, and past instances where harm has been caused because of these threats.

Read the full report here.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/state-of-consumer-digital-security-in-india

WhatsApps with fireworks, apps with diyas: Why Diwali needs to go beyond digital

nishant — 2015-11-23T13:27:37Z

The idea of a 'digital' Diwali reduces our social relationships to a ledger of give and take. The last fortnight, I have been bombarded with advertisements selling the idea of a “Digital Diwali”. We have become so used to the idea that everything that is digital is modern, better and more efficient.

The article was published in the Indian Express on November 22, 2015.

I have WhatsApp messages with exploding fireworks, singing greeting cards that chant mystic sounding messages, an app that turns my smartphone into a flickering diya, another app that remotely controls the imitation LED candles on my windows, an invitation to Skype in for a puja at a friend’s house 3,000 km away, and the surfeit of last minute shopping deals, each one offering a dhamaka of discounts.

However, to me, the digitality of Diwali is beyond the surface level of seductive screens and one-click shopping, or messages of love and apps of light. Think of Diwali as sharing the fundamental logic that governs the digital — the logic of counting. As we explode with joy this festive season, we count our blessings, our loved ones, the gifts and presents that we exchange. If we are on the new Fitbit trend, we count the calories we consume and burn as we make our way through parties where it is important to see and be seen, compare and contrast, connect with all the people who could be thought of as friends, followers, connectors, or connections.

While there is no denying that there is a sociality that the festival brings in, there is also a cruel algebra of counting that comes along with it. It is no surprise that as we celebrate the victory of good over evil and right over wrong, we also simultaneously bow our heads to the goddess of wealth in this season.

Look beyond the glossy surface of Diwali festivities, and you realise that it is exactly like the digital. Digital is about counting. It is right there in the name — digits refers to numbers. Or digits refer to fingers — these counting appendages which we can manipulate and flex in order to achieve desired results. At the core of digital systems is the logic of counting, and counting, as anybody will tell us, is not a benign process. What gets counted, gets accounted for, thus producing a ledger of give and take which often becomes the measure of our social relationships.

I remember, as a child, my mother meticulously making a note of every gift or envelope filled with money that ever came our way from the relatives, so that there would be precise and exact reciprocation. I am certain that there is now an app which can keep a track of these exchanges. I am not suggesting that these occasions of gifting are merely mercenary, but they are embodiments of finely calibrated values and worth of relationships defined by proximity, intimacy, hierarchy and distance. The digital produces and works on a similar algorithm, which is often as inscrutable and opaque as the unspoken codes of the Diwali ledger.

There is something else that happens with counting. The only things that can have value are things that have value. I don’t know which ledger counts the coming together of my very distributed family for an evening of chatting, talking, sharing lives and laughter. I don’t know how anybody would reciprocate that one late night when a cousin came to our home and spent hours with my younger brother making a rangoli to surprise the rest of us. I have no idea how they will ever reciprocate gifts that one of the younger kids made at school for all the members of the family.

Diwali is about the things, but like the digital system, these are things that cannot be counted. And within the digital system, things that cannot be counted are things that get discounted. They become unimportant. They become noise, or rubbish. Our social networks are counting systems that might notice the low frequency of my connections with my extended family but they cannot quantify the joy I hear in the voice of my grandmother when I call her from a different time-zone to catch up with her. Digital systems can only deal with things with value and not their worth.

I do want to remind myself that there is more to this occasion than merely counting. And for once, I want to go beyond the digital, where my memories of the past and the expectations of the future are not shaped by the digital systems of counting and quantifying. Instead, I want Diwali to be analogue. I shall still be mediating my collectivity with the promises of connectivity, but I want to think of this moment as beyond the logics and logistics of counting that codify our social transactions and take such a central location in our personal functioning. This Diwali, I am rooting for a post-digital Diwali, that accounts for all those things that cannot be counted, but are sometimes the only things that really count.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/the-indian-express-nishant-shah-november-22-2015-whatsapps-with-fireworks-apps-with-diyas-why-diwali-needs-to-go-beyond-digital