Centre for Internet and Society

Rethinking Data Exchange & Delivery Models

Pallavi Bedi, Amber Sinha — 2021-04-08T06:36:06Z

Executive Summary

In 2020, reports of the government's proposal to create a social registry to update the Socio Economic Caste Census 2011 data started surfacing. Based on the limited information around these proposals in the public domain, it is imperative that adequate consideration be provided to develop such systems in a manner that protects the informational privacy of the individuals. Currently, the proposed Personal Data Protection Bill, 2019 is being deliberated by the Joint Parliamentary Committee and is expected to be tabled in the Monsoon Session of Parliament. The proposed data protection framework is a marked improvement over its predecessor, Section 43A of the Information Technology Act, 2000 and the Information Technology (Reasonable security practices and procedures and sensitive personal data or information) Rules 2011. One substantial change in the context of welfare delivery is that the scope of the application of the proposed framework extends to the personal data processing by the government and its agencies.

The objective of the white paper is to examine the application of the proposed data protection provisions on such a welfare delivery model (data exchange and delivery model) and suggest ways to operationalise key provisions. The scope of this white paper is limited to examining the personal data implications of the model and the effective governance of such platforms in India. The paper relies on publicly available details of India’s and other selected countries (Indonesia, Brazil, China, Malawi, Kenya, Estonia) digital infrastructure, proposals, schemes and legal frameworks in relation to welfare delivery in the country. International best practices around implementation of the principles of privacy and openness are analysed to suggest methods to operationalise these requirements in the context of the data exchange and delivery models and the proposed data protection framework of the country.

Based on the global experience of implementing data exchange and delivery models and the best practices for implementation of data protection provisions, following are some of the key recommendations (in addition to discussing ways to operationalise the data protection provisions) for such a platform in the Indian context:

Application of Data Protection Legislation: Due to the sensitive processing of personal data accompanied with harms arising from unlawful surveillance, such a data exchange and delivery model should not be deployed without an overarching data protection legislation. It is vital that the application of the legislation extends to the model. The Data Protection Authority of India should be able to exercise its investigative, corrective and advisory powers over the functioning and management of the model.

Independent Regulator: Oversight over the functioning of the platform should not be vested with the agency that is responsible for the maintenance of the platform to address potential conflict of interest issues. Additional sub - committees based on subject matter expertise for each individual scheme can be set up to assist the regulator, if required. The independent regulator should have strong investigative, corrective and advisory powers for effective oversight over the activities of the platform. Enforcement actions of the regulator should be transparent.

Governance: The data fiduciary responsible for the management and operation of the data exchange and delivery platform should be clearly identified. The platform should have valid legislative backing. In case of involvement of private actors, additional safeguards related to the privacy and confidentiality of the data in the platform should be implemented.

Data Protection Authority of India and Platform: There should be clear channels of communication between the data protection authority of India and the data fiduciaries managing and accessing the platform for guidance on data protection issues.
Grievance Redressal Mechanism: An accessible grievance redressal mechanism should be set up at different points of the service delivery and their existence should be publicised through different mediums. As the platform can act as a single point of failure for multiple schemes, an integration of the redressal mechanisms across multiple schemes should be considered based on existing institutional structures. Multiple channels for receiving complaints must be set up for the citizen’s convenience.

Read the full report here.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/rethinking-data-exchange-delivery-models

Rethinking Data Exchange & Delivery Models pdf

pranav — 2021-04-08T05:06:10Z

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/rethinking-data-exchange-delivery-models-pdf

Sameet Panda - Impact of the JAM Trinity on Pension & PDS in Odisha during COVID-19

sumandro — 2021-02-26T06:45:00Z

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/raw/sameet-panda-impact-of-the-jam-trinity-on-pension-pds-in-odisha-during-covid-19

Sameet Panda - Data Systems in Welfare: Impact of the JAM Trinity on Pension & PDS in Odisha during COVID-19

Sameet Panda — 2021-02-26T07:36:10Z

This study by Sameet Panda tries to understand the integration of data and digital systems in welfare delivery in Odisha. It brings out the impact of welfare digitalisation on beneficiaries through primary data collected in November 2020. The researcher is thankful to community members for sharing their lived experiences during course of the study. Fieldwork was undertaken in three panchayats of Bhawanipatna block of Kalahandi district, Odisha. Additional research support was provided by Apurv Vivek and Vipul Kumar, and editorial contributions were made by Ambika Tandon (Senior Researcher, CIS). This study was conducted as part of a project on gender, welfare, and surveillance, supported by Privacy International, UK.

Report: Download (PDF)

Extract from the Report

The COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated flaws in social institutions as never before - threatening food security, public health systems, and livelihood in the informal sector. At the time of writing this report, India is the second-worst affected country in the world with over 9.8 million confirmed cases and more than 1.4 hundred thousand deaths. Unemployment has been increasing at an alarming rate, from 6.67 to 7 percent in October...

Following the national lockdown, many families belonging to low-income groups and daily wage earners found themselves stranded without money, food or credit from their employers. During the strict lockdown of the economy between March to June 2020 lakhs of migrants faced starvation in cities and walked back home. The government responded with some urgent measures, although inadequate. To cope with the food and economic crisis the Government of India and state governments initiated several social protection schemes. In Odisha, The central government provided two kinds of support, cash transfer through Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) MGNREGS, Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana (PMJDY) and Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUJ), advance release of pension in cash to existing beneficiaries and cash support of Rs. 1000. The Odisha government provided cash support of Rs. 1000 to ration card holding families. Beneficiaries of the Public Distribution System also received free-of-cost food grain under the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana...

Over the last couple of years, along with making the Aadhaar mandatory, the government has also been working towards linking mobile numbers and bank accounts of beneficiaries. An increasing number of schemes are shifting to Direct Benefit Transfer from in-kind or cash benefits - 324 schemes under 51 ministries of the Government of India. Such schemes are relying on the linkage of Jan Dhan accounts, the Aadhaar, and mobile numbers (the “JAM trinity”) to facilitate access to Direct Benefit Transfers. The Economic Survey 2015-16 has pointed out that without improving mobile penetration and rural banking infrastructure making the JAM trinity mandatory would continue to lead to exclusions. The issues with each of the components of the JAM trinity worsened during the COVID-19 crisis with restrictions on physical movement, difficulties in topping up mobile phone accounts, and enrolling for the Aadhaar or addressing other technical issues.

This report assesses the role of the data system in welfare delivery. It focuses on the impact of the three components of the JAM trinity - Jan Dhan Account, mobile numbers and the Aadhaar on Direct Benefit Transfer, social security pension and the Public Distribution System. The objective of this study is to understand the challenges faced by beneficiaries in accessing PDS and pension as a result of digitisation processes. This includes failures in Direct Benefit Transfers and exclusions from databases, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study focuses on gender as a key component shaping the impact of digitisation on beneficiaries. The sample includes both men and women beneficiaries in order to identify such gendered differences. It will also identify infrastructural constraints in Odisha that impact the implementation of digital systems in welfare. Also, it will analyse policy frameworks at central and state levels, to compare their discourse with the impact on the ground.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/raw/sameet-panda-jam-trinity-pension-pds-odisha-covid-19

CIS Comments Revised NPD report

aman — 2021-03-22T05:39:03Z

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/cis-comments-revised-npd-report

Reclaiming the right to privacy: Researching the intersection of privacy and gender

Ambika Tandon and Aayush Rathi — 2021-01-25T10:42:51Z

It was our privilege to be supported by Privacy International, UK, during 2019-2020, to undertake a research project focusing on reproductive health and data surveillance, and to engage on related topics with national civil society groups. Our partner organisations who led some of the research as part of this project are grassroots actors - Domestic Workers Rights Union, Migrant Workers Solidarity Network, Parichiti, Samabhabona, Rainbow Manipur, and Right to Food Campaign. Here we are compiling the various works supported by this project co-led by Ambika Tandon, Aayush Rathi, and Sumandro Chattapadhyay at the Centre for Internet and Society, India.

Previous research conducted by CIS on the subject of sexual and reproductive health (SRH) services in India observes that there is a complex web of surveillance, or ‘dataveillance’, around each patient as they avail of SRH services from the state. [1] In this project on ‘researching the intersection of privacy and gender’, we aimed to map the ecosystem of surveillance around SRH services as their provision becomes increasingly ‘data-driven’, and explore its implications for patients and beneficiaries.

Through this project, we were interested in documenting the roles played by both the public and the private sector actors in this ecosystem of health surveillance. We understand the role of private sector actors as central to state provision of sexual and reproductive health services, especially through the institutionalisation of data-driven health insurance models, as well as through extensive privatisation of public health services.

We supported studies on a range of topics that constitute the experience of sexual and gender minorities and women when accessing public health and welfare systems, including the treatment of trans persons by law and welfare systems in India, access to abortion and maternity benefits for low income women, access to ART treatments by PLHIV, and so on.

We found that many respondents had no information about welfare schemes despite being eligible, while many others were excluded from them because they did not have Aadhaar cards and other ID documents, or because of errors and inconsistencies in the same. Direct benefit transfer schemes also required mobile phone linkage and active Aadhaar-seeded bank accounts, which added another layer of requirements and excluded vulnerable populations. We also found that respondents had very little information about the storage and sharing of their data, which raises questions about the possibility of implementing complex consent architectures for digitised health data as imagined by the Indian government through policies such as the Non Personal Data Governance Framework. We found that populations that carry stigma are most likely to be excluded from health and welfare access as a result of data collection, including trans groups, PLHIV, and single women or adolescent girls seeking abortion.

Please find below the various works undertaken as part of this project. We hope these works will be useful for civil society organisations, grassroots organisations, and reproductive rights organisations.

Article

Raina Roy. (July 18, 2020). Coronavirus: Kolkata’s trans community has been locked out of healthcare and livelihood. Scroll.in. https://scroll.in/article/968182/coronavirus-kolkatas-trans-community-has-been-locked-out-of-healthcare-and-livelihood

Rosamma Thomas. (November 02, 2020). Citizen data and freedom: The fears of people living with HIV in India. GenderIT. https://www.genderit.org/articles/citizen-data-and-freedom-fears-people-living-hiv-india

Sameet Panda. (November 25, 2020). One ration card, many left behind. Indian Express. https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/one-ration-card-many-left-behind/

Sameet Panda (January 11, 2020). One Nation One Ration Card in Odisha - Only Pain, No Gain. Sanchar, page 6. https://sancharodisha.com/

Santa Khurai. (June 18, 2020). 'I feel the pain of having nowhere to go': A Manipuri trans woman recounts her ongoing lockdown ordeal. Firstpost. https://www.firstpost.com/india/i-feel-the-pain-of-having-nowhere-to-go-a-manipuri-trans-woman-recounts-her-ongoing-lockdown-ordeal-8494321.html

Shreya Ila Anasuya. (December 21, 2020). How India’s Healthcare System Lets Down Trans Men. Go Mag. http://gomag.com/article/heres-what-its-like-to-be-a-trans-man-in-india/

Policy Response

Aayush Rathi, Aman Nair, Ambika Tandon, Pallavi Bedi, Sapni Krishna, and Shweta Mohandas. (September 13, 2020). Inputs to the Report on the Non-Personal Data Governance Framework. The Centre for Internet and Society. https://cis-india.org/raw/inputs-to-report-on-non-personal-data-governance-framework/

Report

Anchita Ghatak. (December 30, 2020). Domestic Workers’ Access to Secure Livelihoods in West Bengal. Parichiti. https://cis-india.org/raw/parichiti-domestic-workers-access-to-secure-livelihoods-west-bengal

Endnotes

[1] Aayush Rathi, Is India's Digital Health System Foolproof? (2019)
Aayush Rathi and Ambika Tandon, Data Infrastructures and Inequities: Why Does Reproductive Health Surveillance in India Need Our Urgent Attention? (2019)
Ambika Tandon, Feminist Methodology in Technology Research: A Literature Review (2018)
Ambika Tandon, Big Data and Reproductive Health in India: A Case Study of the Mother and Child Tracking System (2019)

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/raw/reclaiming-the-right-to-privacy-researching-the-intersection-of-privacy-and-gender

TIkTok: It’s time for Biden to make a decision on his digital policy with China

aman — 2021-01-22T06:11:43Z

As the United State's new president comes into office he is faced with creating a cohesive digital relations policy that corrects some of the damage done by his predecessor. This article is the first part of a series analysing his policies and challenges.

While on the campaign trail, now US president elect Joe Biden, made it clear to voters that he viewed Tik Tok as “a matter of genuine concern.” The statement came amidst a growing environment of hostility within the American government against the application. At the helm of the hostility was (now former) president Donald Trump’s passing of an executive order banning Tik Tok in the country and his attempts at forcing its parent company ByteDance to restructure the app under American ownership. Now, as the presidency passes hands, it is worth examining how the government got here and just how concerned the Biden administration should be with Tik Tok and how their strategy with the app could set the tone for digital relations with China going forward

The Road so far: The ban and forced sale of TikTok

America’s motivation to ban and sell the application can be explained by two contrasting factors: the cybersecurity risks that TikTok poses, and the country’s currently ongoing trade war with China. On the security side TikTok has faced immense scrutiny from governments around the world as to the amount of data that the application collects from its users as well as the potential links between Bytedance and the Chinese government. Furthermore there is a belief that due to the Chinese legislation that compels companies to assist the state on matters of national intelligence, there is little TikTok could do should the Chinese state decide to use it as an instrument of data collection. On the side of trade, the TikTok ban represents one of the more landmark blows dealt by the Trump government in its trade war with China. The US, since the start of his presidency has levied exclusive tariffs on specific Chinese commodities totalling to more than $550 billion. China has in response levied its own tariffs on certain American goods, with a total value of those estimated at $185 billion. Beyond these tariffs, the move to ban TikTok extends the trade war by creating clear hurdles for Chinese corporations to exist within the US market and firmly extended Trump’s protectionist trade policies into the digital sphere.

As such, on 6th August 2020, Trump released an executive order banning TikTok (as well as Chinese messaging and social media app Wechat). The ban has, however, since been indefinitely suspended as part of ongoing litigation on the matter at the federal level.

Shortly after the ban, came the attempts at forcing through the sale. While the deal has generally been referred to as ‘the TikTok sale’, it is not actually an outright purchase of the social media platform by an American company (Microsoft attempted such a purchase but was rejected by Byte Dance). Rather, the deal would see the establishment of a new US based subsidiary called TikTok global that would be partly owned (20%) by Oracle and Walmart, with Oracle becoming a trusted technology provider in order to ensure that US user’s data remains within the state. The agreement stipulates that the board of this new entity would have 4 out of 5 of the seats populated by US citizens, and that the company would go public as well. The current agreement would still see Bytedance retain ownership of the algorithms used by TikTok, which is in line with restrictions from the Chinese government preventing the sale of the algorithm to a foriegn owner without a state granted license.

How should the Biden administration handle this situation?

Dealing with the TikTok question must be one of the Biden administration’s top most priorities. The most obvious question they face is whether or not to reverse the ban and to continue to push through the sale between Bytedance and Oracle.

The case for enforcing the ban until the sale to American owners seems one that is straightforward enough. The cybersecurity concerns surrounding Bytedance’s proximity to the Chinese state and the influence of Chinese legislation are reasonable concerns. And any data gained from the application in the hands of a hostile state could be potentially harmful. This threat could be potentially reduced based on the role played by Oracle as a trusted technology partner. However with details of what exactly constitutes the functions of a ‘trusted technology partner’ it is impossible to say this with any great certainty. Simultaneously, there is a slight sense of irony in a Chinese based digital company protesting against another country’s protectionist stance to the internet.

Nonetheless these benefits are in many ways greatly over exaggerated, and in many ways allowing TikTok to return without requiring a sale could prove more beneficial in the long term. Not only would the app’s return be welcomed by its immense audience (estimated 100 million US users), it would also be a clear demonstration of America’s commitment to a less fragmented internet and more open digital economy. Furthermore, revoking the ban would also allow for the opportunity to reassess and reformulate the US’s economic and political strategy with regards to Chinese technology.

On the economic side, a retraction of the ban could signal the beginning of the end of the US-China trade war. Chinese investors are sure to see the shift from a radical republican president to a centrist democrat one as the perfect opportunity to increase foreign investment, which had been steadily declining recently. Such investment could prove significantly more substantial to the United States in a post covid-19 world as opposed to even in 2019. It is not unimaginable that Biden would look to maximise this opportunity to boost the economy.

On the political side, the government has to evaluate the success of sanctions levied against Chinese technology and whether that approach of blanket banning will translate effectively to the digital sphere. Not only has the US’s sanctions against certain chinese technologies proved unsuccessful, tools such as VPNs that can negate a ban make this strategy even less effective in the digital space.

The largest hurdle to revoking the ban would be the genuine cybersecurity concerns with a Chinese corporation having access American citizens’ data. However, dealing with these concerns through a simple ban of the application would only solve this one instance of excessive surveillance and data collection by a foreign app. Rather any solution must look to fix the issue at its root - that being the need for a more cohesive, detailed and overarching national data protection and cybersecurity policy. Such a policy could place clear limitations on data collection, stipulate data localisation policies for sensitive information and outline numerous other means of reducing the threat involved with allowing applications from states such as China to operate in the US.

Ultimately, Biden will be confronted with the reality of this situation the moment he enters office. The decision he makes on TikTok would set the tone for his term and for his government’s relationship with China. Whatever he decides to do, he needs to do it as soon as possible. The clock is ticking.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/tiktok-it2019s-time-for-biden-to-make-a-decision-on-his-digital-policy-with-china

icnl introduction revised

pranav — 2021-01-11T10:07:02Z

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/icnl-introduction-revised

Widening the Horizons of Surveillance - Lateral Surveillance Mechanisms

Mira Swaminathan & Shubhika Saluja — 2021-01-08T11:10:55Z

This paper sheds light on the issues and challenges associated with lateral surveillance mechanisms.

The pandemic has brought to light several fissures in existing patterns of governance-focussing on governmentality that snatches autonomy from the citizen and enmeshes it within existing power structures. Datafication through the phenomenon of lateral surveillance has been pushed across the globe as a way of combating human challenges in the 21st century, including those brought about by the pandemic.

Lateral surveillance is the act of ‘watching over’. Lateral surveillance differs from typical surveillance as the power dynamic between the one watching and the one being watched is not structural or hierarchical but more decentralized and balanced. The surveillance takes place between individuals themselves, without the involvement of any organizational entity such as the government. Looking back, the initiatives which encouraged lateral surveillance originated in the form of neighbourhood watch schemes and community policing initiatives in the United States and later spread across the world. These neighbourhood watch schemes enabled individuals to become the ‘eyes and ears’ of law enforcement agencies. With the advancements in technology, these neighbourhood watch and community building initiatives have transformed into easily accessible mobile applications, operated by law enforcement agencies or private entities, to mobilize citizens to monitor their surroundings or provide them with information sharing platforms to enable peer to peer or citizen communication. Though they aim to help in reducing the crime rates, improving the quality of life, building community pride and unity, they actually have many negative effects on people. This paper seeks to analyze the societal and legal implications of such technologies and provides recommendations to governments so that citizens’ rights are kept as a bare minimum threshold and not an option in a checklist.

While the essay released in May 2020 focused on the impact of lateral surveillance during COVID’19, this paper focuses largely on the history and evolution of lateral surveillance and the technologisation of the same. This paper also sheds light on the effects of lateral surveillance on the society and the challenges it poses to certain fundamental rights guaranteed under the Constitution.

Read the full paper here.

The research was submitted for review in May 2020 and accepted for publication in June 2020.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/widening-the-horizons-of-surveillance-lateral-surveillance-mechanisms

Widening the Horizons of Surveillance - Lateral Surveillance Mechanisms

Mira Swaminathan & Shubhika Saluja — 2021-01-08T11:01:06Z

This paper sheds light on the issues and challenges associated with lateral surveillance mechanisms.

Read the full paper here.

The research was submitted for review in May 2020 and accepted for publication in June 2020.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/widening-the-horizons-of-surveillance

Response to the Pegasus Questionnaire issued by the SC Technical Committee

Anamika Kundu, Digvijay, Arindrajit Basu, Shweta Mohandas and Pallavi Bedi — 2022-04-13T14:45:41Z

On March 25, 2022, the Supreme Court appointed Technical Committee constituted to examine the allegations of alleged unauthorised surveillance using the Pegasus software released a questionnaire seeking responses and comments from the general public.

The questionnaire had 11 questions and the responses had to be submitted through an online form- which was available here. The last date for submitting the response was March 31, 2022. CIS had submitted the following responses to the questions in the questionnaire. Access the Response to the Questionnaire

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/response-to-pegasus-questionnaire-issued-by-sc-technical-committee

CIS Seminar Series

Cheshta Arora — 2022-04-11T15:19:11Z

The CIS seminar series will be a venue for researchers to share works-in-progress, exchange ideas, identify avenues for collaboration, and curate research. We also seek to mitigate the impact of Covid-19 on research exchange, and foster collaborations among researchers and academics from diverse geographies. Every quarter we will be hosting a remote seminar with presentations, discussions and debate on a thematic area.

The first seminar series was held on 7th and 8th October on the theme of ‘Information Disorder: Mis-, Dis- and Malinformation’,

Theme for the Second Seminar (to be held online)

Moderating Data, Moderating Lives: Debating visions of (automated) content moderation in the contemporary

Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Machine Learning (ML) based approaches have become increasingly popular as “solutions” to curb the extent of mis-, dis- mal-information, hate speech, online violence and harassment on social media. The pandemic and the ensuing work from home policy forced many platforms to shift to automated moderation which further highlighted the inefficacy of existing models (Gillespie, 2020) to deal with the surge in misinformation and harassment. These efforts, however, raise a range of interrelated concerns such as freedom and regulation of speech on the privately public sphere of social media platforms; algorithmic governance, censorship and surveillance; the relation between virality, hate, algorithmic design and profits; and social, political and cultural implications of ordering social relations through computational logics of AI/ML.

On one hand, large-scale content moderation approaches (that include automated AI/ML-based approaches) have been deemed “necessary” given the enormity of data generated (Gillespie, 2020), on the other hand, they have been regarded as “technological fixtures” offered by the Silicon Valley (Morozov, 2013), or “tyrannical” as they erode existing democratic measures (Harari, 2018). Alternatively, decolonial, feminist and postcolonial approaches insist on designing AI/ML models that centre voices of those excluded to sustain and further civic spaces on social media (Siapera, 2022).

From the global south perspective, issues around content moderation foreground the hierarchies inbuilt in the existing knowledge infrastructures. First, platforms remain unwilling to moderate content in under-resourced languages of the global south citing technological difficulties. Second, given the scale and reach of social media platforms and inefficient moderation models, the work is outsourced to workers in the global south who are meant to do the dirty work of scavenging content off these platforms for the global north. Such concerns allow us to interrogate the techno-solutionist approaches as well as their critiques situated in the global north. These realities demand that we articulate a different relationship with AI/ML while also being critical of AI/ML as an instrument of social empowerment for those at the “bottom of the pyramid” (Arora, 2016).

The seminar invites scholars interested in articulating nuanced responses to content moderation that take into account the harms perpetrated by algorithmic governance of social relations and irresponsible intermediaries while being cognizant of the harmful effects of mis-, dis- mal-information, hate speech, online violence and harassment on social media.

We invite abstract submissions that respond to these complexities vis-a-vis content moderation models or propose provocations regarding automated moderation models and their in/efficacy in furthering egalitarian relationships on social media, especially in the global south.

Submissions can reflect on the following themes using legal, policy, social, cultural and political approaches. Also, the list is not exhaustive and abstracts addressing other ancillary concerns are most welcome:

Metaphors of (content) moderation: mediating utopia, dystopia, scepticism surrounding AI/ML approaches to moderation.
From toxic to healthy, from purity to impurity: Interrogating gendered, racist, colonial tropes used to legitimize content moderation
Negotiating the link between content moderation, censorship and surveillance in the global south
Whose values decide what is and is not harmful?
Challenges of building moderation models for under resourced languages.
Content moderation, algorithmic governance and social relations.
Communicating algorithmic governance on social media to the not so “tech-savvy” among us.
Speculative horizons of content moderation and the future of social relations on the internet.
Scavenging abuse on social media: Immaterial/invisible labour for making for-profit platforms safer to use.
Do different platforms moderate differently? Interrogating content moderation on diverse social media platforms, and multimedia content.
What should and should not be automated? Understanding prevalence of irony, sarcasm, humour, explicit language as counterspeech.
Maybe we should not automate: Alternative, bottom-up approaches to content moderation

Seminar Format

We are happy to welcome abstracts for one of two tracks:

Working paper presentation

A working paper presentation would ideally involve a working draft that is presented for about 15 minutes followed by feedback from workshop participants. Abstracts for this track should be 600-800 words in length with clear research questions, methodology, and questions for discussion at the seminar. Ideally, for this track, authors should be able to submit a draft paper two weeks before the conference for circulation to participants.

Coffee-shop conversations

In contrast to the formal paper presentation format, the point of the coffee-shop conversations is to enable an informal space for presentation and discussion of ideas. Simply put, it is an opportunity for researchers to “think out loud” and get feedback on future research agendas. Provocations for this should be 100-150 words containing a short description of the idea you want to discuss.

We will try to accommodate as many abstracts as possible given time constraints. We welcome submissions from students and early career researchers, especially those from under-represented communities.

All discussions will be private and conducted under the Chatham House Rule. Drafts will only be circulated among registered participants.

Please send your abstracts to workshops@cis-india.org.

Timeline

Abstract Submission Deadline: 18th April
Results of Abstract review: 25th April
Full submissions (of draft papers): 25th May
Seminar date: Tentative 31st May

References

Arora, P. (2016). Bottom of the Data Pyramid: Big Data and the Global South. International Journal of Communication, 10 (0), 19.

Gillespie, T. (2020). Content moderation, AI, and the question of scale. Big Data & Society, 7 (2), 2053951720943234. https://doi.org/10.1177/2053951720943234

Harari, Y. N. (2018, August 30). Why Technology Favors Tyranny. The Atlantic. https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2018/10/yuval-noah-harari-technology-tyranny/568330/

Morozov, E. (2013). To save everything, click here: The folly of technological solutionism (First edition). PublicAffairs.

Siapera, E. (2022). AI Content Moderation, Racism and (de)Coloniality. International Journal of Bullying Prevention, 4 (1), 55–65. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42380-021-00105-7

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-seminar-series

IRC22 Call for Sessions pdf

pranav — 2022-02-11T12:10:27Z

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/raw/irc22-call-for-sessions-pdf

Pandemic Technology takes its Toll on Data Privacy

Aman Nair and Pallavi Bedi — 2021-06-26T06:52:52Z

The absence of any legal framework has meant these tools are now being used for purposes beyond managing the pandemic.

The article by Aman Nair and Pallavi Bedi was published in the Deccan Herald on June 13, 2021.

People show Arogya Setu App installed in their phones while travelling by special New Delhi-Bilaspur train from New Delhi Railway Station. Credit: PTI File Photo

Jabalpur: A beneficiary shows his certificate on his mobile phone after receiving COVID-19 vaccine dose, at Gyan Ganga College in Jabalpur, Saturday, May 15, 2021. (PTI Photo)

At a time when technology is spawning smart solutions to combat Covid-19 worldwide, India’s digital response to the pandemic has stoked concerns that surveillance could pose threats to the privacy of the personal data collected. Be it apps or drones, there is widespread criticism that digital tools are being misused to share information without knowledge or consent. At the other end of the spectrum, the great urban-rural digital divide is hampering the already sluggish vaccination drive, exposing vulnerable populations to a fast-mutating virus.

Last year, the Centre, states and municipal corporations launched more than 70 apps relating to Covid-19, demonstrating the country’s digital-driven approach to handling the pandemic. Chief among these was the central government’s contact tracing app Aarogya Setu. Launched under the Digital India programme, the app quickly came under scrutiny over data privacy.

As per its privacy policy, Aarogya Setu collects personal details such as name, age, sex, profession and location. As there is no underlying legislation forming its basis, and in the absence of a personal data protection bill, serious privacy concerns regarding the collection, storage and use of personal data have been raised.

The government has attempted to mitigate these concerns with reassurances that the data will be used solely in tracing the spread of the virus. However, recent reports from the Kulgam district of Jammu and Kashmir point to the sharing of application data with police. This demonstrates how easy it is to use personal data for purposes other than which it was collected, and presents a serious threat to citizen privacy.

Though Aarogya Setu was initially launched as ‘consensual’ and ‘voluntary’, it soon became mandatory for individuals to download the app for various purposes such as air and rail travel (this order was subsequently withdrawn) and for government officials. Initially it was also mandatory for the private sector, but this was later watered down to state that employers should, on a ‘best effort basis', ensure that the app is downloaded by all employees having compatible phones. However, the ‘best effort basis’ soon translated into mandatory imposition for certain individuals, especially those working in the ‘gig economy’.

Several states had also launched apps for various purposes ranging from contact tracing of suspected Covid patients to monitoring the movement of quarantined patients. As a report by the Centre for Internet and Society observed, given the attention on Aarogya Setu, most of the apps launched by the state governments escaped scrutiny and public attention.Most of these apps either did not have a privacy policy or the policy was vague and often did not provide important details such as who was collecting the data, the time period for retaining the data and whether personal data could be shared with other departments, most notably, law enforcement.Apart from contact tracing apps, the pandemic also ushered in a wave of other apps and digital tools by the government. These include systems such as drones to check whether people are following Covid-19 norms and facial recognition cameras to report to the police whether someone has broken quarantine. Similar to Aarogya Setu, these tools have also largely been brought about in the absence of a legal and regulatory framework.
The absence of any legal framework has meant these tools are now being used for purposes beyond managing the pandemic.

The government is now planning to use facial recognition technology along with Aadhaar toauthenticate people before giving them vaccine shots.

Aarogya Setu is now linked with the vaccination process. Beneficiaries have been provided an option to register through Aarogya Setu. The pandemic has also provided a means for the government to bring in changes to health policies and introduce the National Health Data Management Policy for the creation of a Unique Health Identity Number for citizens.

Vaccination and digital platforms

The use of digital technology has extended to the vaccination process through the deployment of the Covid Vaccine Intelligence Network (Co-WIN) platform.During the first phase of inoculation, beneficiaries were required to register on the Co-WIN app while in the subsequent phases, registration was to be done on the Co-WIN website. The beneficiary is required to upload a photo identity proof.

While Aadhaar has been identified as one of the seven documents that can be uploaded for this, the Health Ministry has clarified that Aadhaar is not mandatory for registration either through Co-WIN or through Aarogya Setu. However, as per media reports, certain vaccination centres still seem to insist on Aadhaar identity even though beneficiaries may have used another identity proof to register on the Co-WIN website.

It is also pertinent to note that the website did not have a privacy policy till the Delhi High Court issued directions on June 2, 2021. The privacy policy hyperlinked on the Co-WIN app directed the user to the Health Data Policy of the National Health Data Management Policy, 2020.

The vaccination drive has been used as a means to push the health identity project forward as beneficiaries who have opted to provide Aadhaar identity proof have also been provided with a health identity number on their vaccination certificate. It is interesting to note that Co-WIN’s privacy policy now states that if the beneficiary uses Aadhaar as identity proof, it can 'opt' to get a Unique Health Id.However, as a recent report revealed, health identity numbers have already been generated for certain beneficiaries without obtaining consent from them for the purpose.

Have the apps been successful?

One could argue that privacy concerns are a worthwhile tradeoffin order to contain the spread of thepandemic. But it is worth examining how successful these technologies have been. In reality, the use of digital technology at every stage of combating the pandemic has clearly highlighted the extent of our digital divide. As per data from TRAI, there are around 750 million Internet subscribers in India,which is only a little more than half of India’s estimated 1.3 billion citizens — with this gap having a significant impact on the efficacy of the government’s strategies. Aarogya Setu has fallen far short of its goal, of having near universal adoption. It has limited adoption in much of the country. This has severely limited its efficacy in tracing the spread of the virus. Research from Maulana Azad Medical College has cited socio-economic inequalities,educational barriers and the lack of smartphone penetration as being the key causes behind the app’s limited success, pointing back to the digital divide. Moreover, the app has also brought with it a host of associated problems including lateral surveillance and function creep caused by the addition of new features. All of which, along with the previously mentioned privacy concerns, have served to hamper public trust and adoption.

A similar situation is seen in the case of vaccination and the Centre’s Co-WIN web portal. The need for registration, first on the Co-WIN app and later on the Co-WIN web portal, has disproportionately affected those who either have no or limited digital access. Many of them belong to vulnerable groups such as migrant and informal sector workers (mainly from disadvantaged castes), LGBTQIA + individuals, sex workers and both urban and rural poor. These issues have also been acknowledged by the Supreme Court, which raised serious concerns about the government being able to achieve its stated object of universal vaccination.

As the inoculation exercise opened up for the 18-45 age group, it increasingly favoured the urban population who possessed the technological and digital literacy to either create or access a host of tools. One need to only look at the wave of automated CO-WIN bots that arose as soon as the vaccination process was expanded to see how these dynamics manifested.

Ultimately, the digital-driven approach that the governments have adopted has resulted in a number of issues — most notably, data privacy and exclusion. Going forward, government strategies must actively account for these factors and ensure that citize rights are adequately protected.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/deccan-herald-aman-nair-and-pallavi-bedi-june-13-2021-pandemic-technology-takes-its-toll-on-data-privacy

Platforms, Power, and Politics Press Release pdf

pranav — 2021-06-29T13:06:22Z

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/raw/platforms-power-and-politics-press-release-pdf