Centre for Internet and Society

Hacker steals 17 million Zomato users’ data, briefly puts it on dark web

praskrishna — 2017-05-20T05:57:14Z

Records of 17 million users were stolen from online restaurant search platform Zomato, the company said in a blog post on Thursday.

The article by Kim Arora and Digbijay Mishra with inputs from Ranjani Ayyar in Chenna was published in the Times of India on May 19, 2017. Pranesh Prakash was quoted.

According to information security blog and news website HackRead, the data was being peddled online on the "dark web" for about $1,000. The company, also a food delivery platform, advised users to change passwords. However, late on Thursday night, Zomato claimed it had contacted the hacker and persuaded him/her to not only destroy all copies of the data, but also to take the database off the dark web marketplace. The company said it will post an update on how the breach happened once they "close the loopholes".

In an official blog updated with this information, Zomato said, "The hacker has been very cooperative with us. He/she wanted us to acknowledge security vulnerabilities in our system and work with the ethical hacker community to plug the gaps. His/her key request was that we run a healthy bug bounty program for security researchers." Bug bounties are a standard program among tech companies, where they reward outsiders to highlight bugs and flaws in their software systems.

The number of user accounts compromised was pegged at 17 million earlier in the day. In the late night update, Zomato said password hashes (passwords in a scrambled, encrypted form) of 6.6 million users was compromised. It wasn't immediately clear whether this 6.6 million was part of the 17 million records stolen.

Zomato tried assuring users that payment information was safe. "Please note that only 5 data points were exposed - user IDs, names, usernames, email addresses, and password hashes with salt- that is, passwords that were encrypted and would be unintelligible. No other information was exposed to anyone (we have a copy of the 'leaked' database with us). Your payment information is absolutely safe, and there's no need to panic," said the late night update.

However, the information security community raised concerns over the technique used for "hashing" or encrypting the passwords. A screenshot of the vendor's sale page for stolen data posted on HackRead identifies the hashing algorithm as "MD5", which experts say is "outdated" and "insecure". The research team at infySEC -- a cyber security company from Chennai -- tried to access user information in Zomato's database, as part of its bug bounty program. "We were able to access user names, email IDs, addresses and history of transactions. We highlighted this to Zomato but we have not heard from them," said Karthick Vigneshwar, director, infySEC.

Zomato joins a long list of tech-enabled businesses that have recently had user data stolen. Such data can ostensibly be used by malicious actors to send phishing mails, or even by hackers to carry out cyber attacks. In February 2017, content delivery network CloudFlare's customer data was leaked. The data leaked had not just password hashes, but even customers' IP addresses and private messages. In June 2015, online password management service LastPass was hacked and had its data leaked online.

"We hash passwords with a one-way hashing algorithm, with multiple hashing iterations and individual salt per password. This means your password cannot be easily converted back to plain text. We, however, strongly advise you to change your password for any other services where you are using the same password," Zomato's chief technology officer Gunjan Patidar said in the blog which was updated twice through the day. Affected users have been logged out of the website and the app.

Password "hashing" is an encryption technique usually used for large online user databases. The strength of the encryption depends on the algorithm employed to do the same. "Salting" is the addition of a string of characters to the passwords when stored on such a database, which adds another layer of difficulty in cracking them.

In an email to TOI, a company spokesperson said, "Over the next couple of days, we'll be actively working to improve our security systems — we'll be further enhancing security measures for all user information stored within our database, and will also add a layer of authorisation for internal teams having access to this data to avoid any human breach."

HackRead, a security blog and news website, found the stolen Zomato database of 17 million users for sale on what is called the "dark web". This can be described as a portion of the content available on the World Wide Web, away from the public internet. This content is not indexed on search engines like Google, and can only be accessed using software that can route around the public internet to get there.

According to the screenshots of the sale posted on HackRead, the Zomato database used a hashing technique called "MD5", which security experts say is inappropriate for encrypting passwords. "If MD5 was used, it shows bad security practices were in place. It isn't industry standard to use this algorithm for password hashing. Algorithms like bcrypt, scrypt, are more secure," says Pranesh Prakash, policy director at Bengaluru's Centre for Internet and Society.

What if a user does not use an exclusive Zomato account to sign into the service, but signs in through a Google or Facebook account? "In that case, just to be safe, you can delink your Zomato from the account you use to sign in, although your password will not be at risk," says Prakash. Zomato says, 60% of its users use such third party authorisation, and they are at "zero risk."

Would Zomato be liable to compensate end users for loss of sensitive data? Supreme Court advocate Pavan Duggal says, "Such players, referred to as intermediaries under the IT Act hold sensitive data and are expected to have reasonable security protocols in place. Should an end user face any loss/damage due to a data breach, they can sue Zomato and seek compensation." While most players have end user agreements and disclaimers in place, Duggal adds that the IT Act will prevail over any other law or contract to the extent it is inconsistent.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/the-times-of-india-may-19-2017-kim-arora-and-digbijay-mishra-hacker-steals-17-million-zomato-users-data-briefly-puts-it-on-dark-web

Hack exposes Zomato's weak protection of customer data, say Cyber experts

praskrishna — 2017-05-19T09:11:40Z

Online restaurant aggregator says it will beef up security after 17 million user details were stolen.

The article by Alnoor Peermohamed was published in the Business Standard on May 19, 2017. Pranesh Prakash was quoted.

After details of over 17 million users was stolen and sold online, restaurants discovery and food ordering service Zomato has vowed to beef up security measures, including adding a layer of authentication for its own employees to access user data.

The company in a blog post claimed that the leak appeared to be an internal (human) security breach with an employee's development account getting compromised.

However, cyber security experts pointed out that Zomato was clearly lacking in its technique to protect customer data from unwanted elements .

Sajal Thomas, a cyber security consultant, claimed on Twitter that he verified the sample data being sold on the dark web and found that Zomato had used MD5 to hash passwords. MD5 is neither encryption nor encoding, and was known to be easily cracked by attacks and suffered from major vulnerabilities.

Further, he said Zomato had not used salting, a technique where random data was used as additional input to make cracking a hashed password much harder. Thomas said that it took just a few seconds to crack the hashed passwords to turn them into plain text.

Zomato in its blog post, however, claimed that it protected "passwords with a one-way hashing algorithm, with multiple hashing iterations and individual salt per password."

It said that this was to ensure that passwords could not be easily converted back to plain text. The firm claimed no credit or debit card information of users were leaked.

While Zomato says it has reset passwords of all the affected accounts, experts say that users whose data were leaked are still under threat.

"If you had a password for Zomato that you used elsewhere (on facebook or email), immediately change that password across all those accounts," tweeted Pranesh Prakash, policy director at the Centre for Internet and Society.

If you had a password for Zomato that you used elsewhere, then IMMEDIATELY change that password across ALL those accounts. Use a pw manager! https://t.co/CbhtxCwlnD
— Pranesh Prakash (@pranesh) May 18, 2017

According to Prakash, a statement by Zomato misled people on how serious the security breach was by providing a false sense of security.

Subsequently, the company reworded its blog post to prompt users to change passwords of other services where they might have used the same password as their Zomato account.

The leak was first detected by security blog HackRead when it came across an online handle going by the name of "nclay" claiming to have hacked Zomato's database and selling its data on the dark web. Upon testing some of the data made public by the hacker, HackRead found that each account actually existed on Zomato.

"The database includes emails and password hashes of registered Zomato users while the price set for the whole package is $1,001.43 (BTC 0.5587). The vendor also shared a trove of sample data to prove that the data is legit," HackRead wrote in its post.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/business-standard-alnoor-peermohamed-may-19-2017-hack-exposes-zomatos-weak-protection-of-customer-data-say-cyber-experts

Habeas Data in India

Vipul Kharbanda and edited by Elonnai Hickok — 2016-12-10T04:01:40Z

Habeas Data is a latin word which can be loosely translated to mean “have the data”. The right has been primarily conceptualized, designed, ratified, and implemented by various nation-states in the background of a shared common history of decades of torture, terror, and other repressive practices under military juntas and other fascist regimes.

Download the Paper (PDF)

Introduction

The writ of habeas data was a distinct response to these recent histories which provided individuals with basic rights to access personal information collected by the state (and sometimes byprivate agencies of a public nature) and to challenge and correct such data, requiring the state to safeguard the privacy and accuracy of people's personal data.[1]

The origins of Habeas Data are traced back, unsurprisingly, to the European legal regime since Europe is considered as the fountainhead of modern data protection laws. The inspiration for Habeas Data is often considered to be the Council of Europe's 108th Convention on Data Protection of 1981.[2] The purpose of the Convention was to secure the privacy of individuals regarding the automated processing of personal data. For this purpose, individuals were granted several rights including a right to access their personal data held in an automated database.[3]

Another source or inspiration behind Habeas Data is considered to be the German legal system where a constitutional right to information self-determination was created by the German Constitutional Tribunal by interpretation of the existing rights of human dignity and personality. This is a right to know what type of data is stored on manual and automatic databases about an individual, and it implies that there must be transparency on the gathering and processing of such data.[4]

Habeas Data is essentially a right or mechanism for an individual complaint presented to a constitutional court, to protect the image, privacy, honour, information self-determination and freedom of information of a person. [5]

A Habeas Data complaint can be filed by any citizen against any register to find out what information is held about his or her person. That person can request the rectification, update or even the destruction of the personal data held, it does not matter most of the times if the register is private or public.[6]

Habeas Data in different jurisdictions

Habeas Data does not have any one specific definition and has different characteristics in different jurisdictions. Therefore, in order to better understand the right, it will be useful to describe the scope of Habeas Data as it has been incorporated in certain jurisdictions in order to better understand what the right entails:[7]

Brazil

The Constitution of Brazil grants its citizens the right to get a habeas data “a. to assure knowledge of personal information about the petitioner contained in records or data banks of government agencies or entities of a public character; b. to correct data whenever the petitioner prefers not to do so through confidential judicial or administrative proceedings;[8]

The place or tribunal where the Habeas Data action is to be filed changes depending on who is it presented against, which creates a complicated system of venues. Both the Brazilian constitution and the 1997 law stipulate that the court will be:

The Superior Federal Tribunal for actions against the President, both chambers of Congress and itself;
The Superior Justice Tribunal for actions against Ministers or itself;
The regional federal judges for actions against federal authorities;
State tribunals according to each state law;
State judges for all other cases.[9]

Paraguay
The Constitution of Paraguay grants a similar right of habeas data in its constitution which states:

"All persons may access the information and the data that about themselves, or about their assets, [that] is [obren] in official or private registries of a public character, as well as to know the use made of the same and of their end. [All persons] may request before the competent magistrate the updating, the rectification or the destruction of these, if they were wrong or illegitimately affected their rights."[10]

Compared to the right granted in Brazil, the text of the Paraguay Constitution specifically recognises that the citizen also has the right to know the use his/her data is being put to.

Argentina

Article 43 of the Constitution of Argentina grants the right of habeas data, though it has been included under the action of “amparo”,[11] the relevant portion of Article 43 states as follows:

"Any person may file an amparo action to find out and to learn the purpose of data about him which is on record in public registries or data banks, or in any private [registers or data banks] whose purpose is to provide information, and in case of falsity or discrimination, to demand the suppression, rectification, confidentiality, or updating of the same. The secrecy of journalistic information sources shall not be affected."[12]

The version of Habeas Data recognised in Argentina includes most of the protections seen in Brazil and Paraguay, such as the right to access the data, rectify it, update it or destroy it, etc. Nevertheless, the Argentinean constitution also includes certain other features such as the fact that it incorporates the Peruvian idea of confidentiality of data, being interpreted as the prohibition to broadcast or transmit incorrect or false information. Another feature of the Argentinean law is that it specifically excludes the press from the action, which may be considered as reasonable or unreasonable depending upon the context and country in which it is applied.[13]

Venezuela
Article 28 of the Constitution of Venezuela established the writ of habeas data, which expressly permits access to information stored in official and private registries. It states as follows:

"All individuals have a right to access information and data about themselves and about their property stored in official as well as private registries. Secondly, they are entitled to know the purpose of and the policy behind these registries. Thirdly, they have a right to request, before a competent tribunal, the updating, rectification, or destruction of any database that is inaccurate or that undermines their entitlements. The law shall establish exceptions to these principles. By the same token, any person shall have access to information that is of interest to communities and groups. The secrecy of the sources of newspapers-and of other entities or individuals as defined by law-shall be preserved."[14]

The Venezuelan writ of habeas data expressly provides that individuals "are entitled to know the purpose of and the policy behind these registries." Also, it expresses a right to "updating, rectification, or destruction of any database that is inaccurate or that undermines their entitlements." Article 28 also declares that the “secrecy of the sources of newspapers and of other entities or individuals as defined by law-shall be preserved."[15]

Philippines

It is not as if the remedy of Habeas Data is available only in Latin American jurisdictions, but even in Asia the writ of Habeas Data has been specifically granted by the Supreme Court of the Philippines vide its resolution dated January 22, 2008 which provides that “The writ of habeas data is a remedy available to any person whose right to privacy in life, liberty or security is violated or threatened by an unlawful act or omission of a public official or employee, or of a private individual or entity engaged in the gathering, collecting or storing of data or information regarding the person, family, home and correspondence of the aggrieved party.” According to the Rule on Writ of Habeas Data, the petition is to be filed with the Regional Trial Court where the petitioner or respondent resides, or which has jurisdiction over the place where the data or information is gathered, collected or stored, at the option of the petitioner. The petition may also be filed with the Supreme Court or the Court of Appeals or the Sandiganbayan when the action concerns public data files of government offices.[16]

Two major distinctions are immediately visible between the Philippine right and that in the latin jurisdictions discussed above. One is the fact that in countries such as Bazil, Argentina and Paraguay, there does not appear to be a prerequisite to filing such an action asking for the information, whereas in Philippines it seems that such a petition can only be filed only if an individual’s “right to privacy in life, liberty or security is violated or threatened by an unlawful act or omission”. This means that the Philippine concept of habeas data is much more limited in its scope and is available to the citizens only under certain specific conditions. On the other hand the scope of the Philippine right of Habeas Data is much wider in its applicability in the sense that this right is available even against private individual and entities who are “engaged in the gathering, collecting or storing of data or information regarding the person, family, home and correspondence”. In the Latin American jurisdictions discussed above, this writ appears to be available only against either public institutions or private institutions having some public character.

Main features of Habeas Data

Thus from the discussion above, the main features of the writ of habeas data, as it is applied in various jurisdictions can be culled out as follows: [17]

It is a right to the individual or citizen to ask for his/her information contained with any data registry;
It is available only against public (government) entities or employees; or private entities having a public character;[18]
Usually it also gives the individuals the right to correct any wrong information contained in the data registry;
It is a remedy that is usually available by approaching any single judicial forum.

Since the writ of Habeas Data has been established and evolved primarily in Latin American countries, there is not too much literature on it available freely in the English language and that is a serious hurdle in researching this area. For example, this author did not find many article mentioning the scope of the writ of habeas data, for example whether it is an absolute right and on what grounds can it be denied. The Constitution of Venezuela, for example, specifies that the law shall establish exceptions to these principles and infact mentions the secrecy of sources for newspapers as an exception to this rule.[19]

Similarly in Argentina, there exists a public interest exception to the issuance of the writ of Habeas Data.[20]

That said, although little literature on the specific exceptions to habeas data is freely available in English, references can still be found to exceptions such as state security (Brazil), secrecy of newspaper sources (Argentina and Venezuela), or other entities defined by law (Venezuela).[21]

This suggests that the, as would be expected, the right to ask for the writ of habeas data is not an absolute right but would also be subject to certain exceptions and balanced against other needs such as state security and police investigations.

Habeas Data in the context of Privacy

Data protection legislation and mechanisms protect people against misuse of personal information by data controllers. Habeas Data, being a figure for use only by certain countries, gives the individuals the right to access, correct, and object to the processing of their information.

In general, privacy is the genus and data protection is the species, data protection is a right to personal privacy that people have against the possible use of their personal data by data controllers in an unauthorized manner or against the requirements of force. Habeas Data is an action that is brought before the courts to allow the protection of the individual’s image, privacy, honour, self-determination of information and freedom of information of a person. In that sense, the right of Habeas Data can be found within the broader ambit of data protection. It does not require data processors to ensure the protection of personal data processed but is a legal action requiring the person aggrieved, after filing a complaint with the courts of justice, the access and/or rectification to any personal data which may jeopardize their right to privacy.[22]

Habeas Data in the Indian Context

Although a number of judgments of the Apex Court in India have recognised the existence of a right to privacy by interpreting the fundamental rights to life and free movement in the Constitution of India,[23]

the writ of habeas data has no legal recognition under Indian law. However, as is evident from the discussion above, a writ of habeas data is very useful in protecting the right to privacy of individuals and it would be a very useful tool to have in the hands of the citizens. The fact that India has a fairly robust right to information legislation means that atleast some facets of the right of habeas data are available under Indian law. We shall now examine the Indian Right to Information Act, 2005 (RTI Act) to see what facets of habeas data are already available under this Act and what aspects are left wanting. As mentioned above, the writ of habeas data has the following main features:

It is a right to the individual or citizen to ask for his/her information contained with any data registry;
It is available only against public (government) entities or employees; or private entities having a public character;[24]
Usually it also gives the individuals the right to correct any wrong information contained in the data registry;
It is a remedy that is usually available by approaching any single judicial forum.

We shall now take each of these features and analyse whether the RTI Act provides any similar rights and how they differ from each other.

Right to seek his/her information contained with a data registry

Habeas data enables the individual to seek his or her information contained in any data registry. The RTI Act allows citizens to seek “information” which is under the control of or held by any public authority. The term information has been defined under the RTI Act to mean “any material in any form, including records, documents, memos, e-mails, opinions, advices, press releases, circulars, orders, logbooks, contracts, reports, papers, samples, models, data material held in any electronic form and information relating to any private body which can be accessed by a public authority under any other law for the time being in force”.[25]

Further, the term “record” has been defined to include “(a) any document, manuscript and file; (b) any microfilm, microfiche and facsimile copy of a document; (c) any reproduction of image or images embodied in such microfilm (whether enlarged or not); and (d) any other material produced by a computer or any other device”. It is quite apparent that the meaning given to the term information is quite wide and can include various types of information within its fold. The term “information” as defined in the RTI Act has been further elaborated by the Supreme Court in the case of Central Board of Secondary Education v. Aditya Bandopadhyay,[26]

where the Court has held that a person’s evaluated answer sheet for the board exams held by the CBSE would come under the ambit of “information” and should be accessible to the person under the RTI Act.[27]

An illustrative list of items that have been considered to be “information” under the RTI Act would be helpful in further understanding the concept:

Asset declarations by Judges;[28]
Copy of inspection report prepared by the Reserve Bank of India about a Co-operative Bank;[29]
Information on the status of an enquiry;[30]
Information regarding cancellation of an appointment letter;[31]
Information regarding transfer of services;[32]
Information regarding donations given by the President of India out of public funds.[33]

The above list would indicate that any personal information relation to an individual that is available in a government registry would in all likelihood be considered as “information” under the RTI Act.

However, just because the information asked for is considered to come within the ambit of section 2(h) does not mean that the person will be granted access to such information if it falls under any of the exceptions listed in section 8 of the RTI Act. Section 8 provides that if the information asked falls into any of the categories specified below then such information shall not be released in an application under the RTI Act, the categories are:

"(a) information, disclosure of which would prejudicially affect the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security, strategic, scientific or economic interests of the State, relation with foreign State or lead to incitement of an offence;
(b) information which has been expressly forbidden to be published by any court of law or tribunal or the disclosure of which may constitute contempt of court;
(c) information, the disclosure of which would cause a breach of privilege of Parliament or the State Legislature;
(d) information including commercial confidence, trade secrets or intellectual property, the disclosure of which would harm the competitive position of a third party, unless the competent authority is satisfied that larger public interest warrants the disclosure of such information;
(e) information available to a person in his fiduciary relationship, unless the competent authority is satisfied that the larger public interest warrants the disclosure of such information;
(f) information received in confidence from foreign Government;
(g) information, the disclosure of which would endanger the life or physical safety of any person or identify the source of information or assistance given in confidence for law enforcement or security purposes;
(h) information which would impede the process of investigation or apprehension or prosecution of offenders;
(i) cabinet papers including records of deliberations of the Council of Ministers, Secretaries and other officers:
Provided that the decisions of Council of Ministers, the reasons thereof, and the material on the basis of which the decisions were taken shall be made public after the decision has been taken, and the matter is complete, or over:
Provided further that those matters which come under the exemptions specified in this section shall not be disclosed;
(j) information which relates to personal information the disclosure of which has no relationship to any public activity or interest, or which would cause unwarranted invasion of the privacy of the individual unless the Central Public Information Officer or the State Public Information Officer or the appellate authority, as the case may be, is satisfied that the larger public interest justifies the disclosure of such information:
Provided that the information which cannot be denied to the Parliament or a State Legislature shall not be denied to any person."

The above mentioned exceptions seem fairly reasonable and infact are important since public records may contain information of a private nature which the data subject would not want revealed, and that is exactly why personal information is a specific exception mentioned under the RTI Act. When comparing this list to the recognised exceptions under habeas data, it must be remembered that a number of the exceptions listed above would not be relevant in a habeas data petition such as commercial secrets, personal information, etc. The exceptions which could be relevant for both the RTI Act as well as a habeas data writ would be (a) national security or sovereignty, (b) prohibition on publication by a court, (c) endangering the physical safety of a person, (d) hindrance in investigation of a crime. It is difficult to imagine a court (especially in India) granting a habeas data writ in violation of these four exceptions.

Certain other exceptions that may be relevant in a habeas data context but are not mentioned in the common list above are (a) information received in a fiduciary relationship; (b) breach of legislative privilege, (c) cabinet papers; and (d) information received in confidence from a foreign government. These four exceptions are not as immediately appealing as the others listed above because there are obviously competing interests involved here and different jurisdictions may take different points of view on these competing interests.[34]

Available only against public (government) entities or entities having public character.

A habeas corpus writ is maintainable in a court to ask for information relating to the petitioner held by either a public entity or a private entity having a public character. In India, the right to information as defined in the RTI Act means the right to information accessible under the Act held by or under the control of any public authority. The term "public authority" has been defined under the Act to mean “any authority or body or institution of self-government established or constituted—

(a) by or under the Constitution;
(b) by any other law made by Parliament;
(c) by any other law made by State Legislature;
(d) by notification issued or order made by the appropriate Government, and includes any— (i) body owned, controlled or substantially financed; (ii) non-Government organisation substantially financed, directly or indirectly by funds provided by the appropriate Government;"[35]

Therefore most government departments as well as statutory as well as government controlled corporations would come under the purview of the term "public authority". For the purposes of the RTI Act, either control or substantial financing by the government would be enough to bring an entity under the definition of public authority.[36]

The above interpretation is further bolstered by the fact that the preamble of the RTI Act contains the term “governments and their instrumentalities".[37]

Right to correct wrong information
While certain sectoral legislations such as the Representation of the People Act and the Collection of Statistics Act, etc. may provide for correction of inaccurate information, the RTI Act does not have any such provisions. This stands to reason because the RTI Act is not geared towards providing people with information about themselves but is instead a transparency law which is geared at dissemination of information, which may or may not relate to an individual.

Available upon approaching a single judicial forum
While the right of habeas data is available only upon approaching a judicial forum, the right to information under the RTI Act is realised entirely through the bureaucratic machinery. This also means that the individuals have to approach different entities in order to get the information that they need instead of approaching just one centralised entity.

Conclusion

There is no doubt that habeas data, by itself cannot end massive electronic surveillance of the kind that is being carried out by various governments in this day and age and the excessive collection of data by private sector companies, but providing the citizenry with the right to ask for such a writ would provide a critical check on such policies and practices of vast surveillance.[38]

An informed citizenry, armed with a right such as habeas data, would be better able to learn about the information being collected and kept on them under the garb of law and governance, to access such information, and to demand its correction or deletion when its retention by the government is not justified.

As we have discussed in this paper, under Indian law the RTI Act gives the citizens certain aspects of this right but with a few notable exceptions. Therefore, if a writ such as habeas data is to be effectuated in India, it might perhaps be a better idea to approach it by amending/tweaking the existing structure of the RTI Act to grant individuals the right to correct mistakes in the data along with creating a separate department/mechanism so that the applications demanding access to one’s own data do not have to be submitted in different departments but can be submitted at one central place. This approach may be more pragmatic rather than asking for a change in the Constitution to grant to the citizens the right to ask for a writ in the nature of habeas data.

There may be calls to also include private data processors within the ambit of the right to habeas data, but it could be challenging to enforce this right. This is because it is still feasible to assume that the government can put in place machinery to ensure that it can find out whether information about a particular individual is available with any of the government’s myriad departments and corporations, however it would be almost impossible for the government to track every single private database and then scan those databases to find out how many of them contain information about any specific individual. This also throws up the question whether a right such as habeas data, which originated in a specific context of government surveillance, is appropriate to protect the privacy of individuals in the private sector. Since under Indian law section 43A and the Rules thereunder, which regulate data protection, already provide for consent and notice as major bulwarks against unauthorised data collection, and limit the purpose for which such data can be utilised, privacy concerns in this context can perhaps be better addressed by strengthening these provisions rather than trying to extend the concept of habeas data to the private sector.

[1]. González, Marc-Tizoc, ‘Habeas Data: Comparative Constitutional Interventions from Latin America Against Neoliberal States of Insecurity and Surveillance’, (2015). Chicago-Kent Law Review, Vol. 90, No. 2, 2015; St. Thomas University School of Law (Florida) Research Paper No. 2015-06. Available at SSRN:http://ssrn.com/abstract=2694803

[2]. Article 8 of the Convention for the Protection of Individuals with regard to Automatic Processing of Personal Data, 1981, available at https://www.coe.int/en/web/conventions/full-list/-/conventions/rms/0900001680078b37

[3]. Guadamuz A, 'Habeas Data: The Latin-American Response to Data Protection',2000 (2) The Journal of Information, Law and Technology (JILT).

[4]. Id.

[5]. Speech by Chief Justice Reynato Puno, Supreme Court of Philippines delivered at the UNESCO Policy Forum and Organizational Meeting of the Information for all Program (IFAP), Philippine National Committee, on November 19, 2007, available at http://jlp-law.com/blog/writ-of-habeas-data-by-chief-justice-reynato-puno/

[6]. Guadamuz A, 'Habeas Data: The Latin-American Response to Data Protection',2000 (2) The Journal of Information, Law and Technology (JILT).

[7]. The author does not purport to be an expert on the laws of these jurisdictions and the analysis in this paper has been based on a reading of the actual text or interpretations given in the papers that have been cited as the sources. The views in this paper should be viewed keeping this context in mind.

[8]. Article 5, LXXII of the Constitution of Brazil, available at https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Brazil_2014.pdf

[9]. Guadamuz A, 'Habeas Data vs the European Data Protection Directive', Refereed article, 2001 (3) The Journal of Information, Law and Technology (JILT).

[10]. Article 135 of the Constitution of Paraguay, available at https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Paraguay_2011.pdf?lang=en

[11]. The petition for a writ of amparo is a remedy available to any person whose right to life, liberty and security is violated or threatened with violation by an unlawful act or omission of a public official or employee, or of a private individual or entity.

[12]. Article 43 of the Constitution of Argentina, available at https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Argentina_1994.pdf?lang=en

[13]. https://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/law/elj/jilt/2001_3/guadamuz/

[14]. Article 28 of the Venezuelan Constitution, available at http://www.venezuelaemb.or.kr/english/ConstitutionoftheBolivarianingles.pdf

[15]. González, Marc-Tizoc, ‘Habeas Data: Comparative Constitutional Interventions from Latin America Against Neoliberal States of Insecurity and Surveillance’, (2015). Chicago-Kent Law Review, Vol. 90, No. 2, 2015; St. Thomas University School of Law (Florida) Research Paper No. 2015-06. Available at SSRN:http://ssrn.com/abstract=2694803

[16]. Rule on the Writ of Habeas Data Resolution, available at http://hrlibrary.umn.edu/research/Philippines/Rule%20on%20Habeas%20Data.pdf

[17]. The characteristics of habeas data culled out in this paper are by no means exhaustive and based only on the analysis of the jurisdictions discussed in this paper. This author does not claim to have done an exhaustive analysis of every jurisdiction where Habeas Data is available and the views in this paper should be viewed in that context.

[18]. Except in the case of the Philippines and Venezeula. This paper has not done an analysis of the writ of habeas data in every jurisdiction where it is available and there may be jurisdictions other than the Philippines which also give this right against private entities.

[19]. González, Marc-Tizoc, ‘Habeas Data: Comparative Constitutional Interventions from Latin America Against Neoliberal States of Insecurity and Surveillance’, (2015). Chicago-Kent Law Review, Vol. 90, No. 2, 2015; St. Thomas University School of Law (Florida) Research Paper No. 2015-06. Available at SSRN:http://ssrn.com/abstract=2694803

[20]. The case of Ganora v. Estado Nacional, Supreme Court of Argentina, September 16, 1999, cf.http://www.worldlii.org/int/journals/EPICPrivHR/2006/PHR2006-Argentin.html

[21]. González, Marc-Tizoc, ‘Habeas Data: Comparative Constitutional Interventions from Latin America Against Neoliberal States of Insecurity and Surveillance’, (2015). Chicago-Kent Law Review, Vol. 90, No. 2, 2015; St. Thomas University School of Law (Florida) Research Paper No. 2015-06. Available at SSRN:http://ssrn.com/abstract=2694803

[22]. http://www.oas.org/dil/data_protection_privacy_habeas_data.htm

[23]. Even the scope of the right to privacy is currently under review in the Supreme Court of India. See “Right to Privacy in Peril”, http://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/right-to-privacy-in-peril

[24]. Except in the case of the Philippines. This paper has not done an analysis of the writ of habeas data in every jurisdiction where it is available and there may be jurisdictions other than the Philippines which also give this right against private entities.

[25]. Section 2(f) of the Right to Information Act, 2005.

[26]. 2011 (106) AIC 187 (SC), also available at http://judis.nic.in/supremecourt/imgst.aspx?filename=38344

[27]. The exact words of the Court were: “The definition of `information' in section 2(f) of the RTI Act refers to any material in any form which includes records, documents, opinions, papers among several other enumerated items. The term `record' is defined in section 2(i) of the said Act as including any document, manuscript or file among others. When a candidate participates in an examination and writes his answers in an answer-book and submits it to the examining body for evaluation and declaration of the result, the answer-book is a document or record. When the answer-book is evaluated by an examiner appointed by the examining body, the evaluated answer-book becomes a record containing the `opinion' of the examiner. Therefore the evaluated answer-book is also an `information' under the RTI Act.”

[28]. Secretary General, Supreme Court of India v. Subhash Chandra Agarwal, AIR 2010 Del 159, available at https://indiankanoon.org/doc/1342199/

[29]. Ravi Ronchodlal Patel v. Reserve Bank of India, Central Information Commission, dated 6-9-2006.

[30]. Anurag Mittal v. National Institute of Health and Family Welfare, Central Information Commission, dated 29-6-2006.

[31]. Sandeep Bansal v. Army Headquarters, Ministry of Defence, Central Information Commission, dated 10-11-2008.

[32]. M.M. Kalra v. DDA, Central Information Commission, dated 20-11-2008.

[33]. Nitesh Kumar Tripathi v. CPIO, Central Information Commission, dated 4-5-2012.

[34]. A similar logic may apply to the exceptions of (i) cabinet papers, and (ii) parliamentary privilege.

[35]. Section 2 (h) of the Right to Information Act, 2005.

[36]. M.P. Verghese v. Mahatma Gandhi University, 2007 (58) AIC 663 (Ker), available at https://indiankanoon.org/doc/1189278/

[37]. Principal, M.D. Sanatan Dharam Girls College, Ambala City v. State Information Commissioner, AIR 2008 P&H 101, available at https://indiankanoon.org/doc/1672120/

[38]. González, Marc-Tizoc, ‘Habeas Data: Comparative Constitutional Interventions from Latin America Against Neoliberal States of Insecurity and Surveillance’, (2015). Chicago-Kent Law Review, Vol. 90, No. 2, 2015; St. Thomas University School of Law (Florida) Research Paper No. 2015-06. Available at SSRN:http://ssrn.com/abstract=2694803

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/habeas-data-in-india

Guidelines for the Protection of National Critical Information Infrastructure: How Much Regulation?

jon — 2013-08-01T04:48:01Z

July has been a busy month for cyber security in India. Beginning with the release of the country’s first National Cyber Security Policy on July 2 and followed just this past week by a set of guidelines for the protection of national critical information infrastructure (CII) developed under the direction of the National Technical Research Organization (NTRO), India has made respectable progress in its thinking on national cyber security.

Yet the National Cyber Security Policy, taken together with what little is known of the as-yet restricted guidelines for CII protection, raises troubling questions, particularly regarding the regulation of cyber security practices in the private sector. Whereas the current Policy suggests the imposition of certain preferential acquisition policies, India would be best advised to maintain technology neutrality to ensure maximum security.

According to Section 70(1) of the Information Technology Act, Critical Information Infrastructure (CII) is defined as a “computer resource, the incapacitation or destruction of which, shall have debilitating impact on national security, economy, public health or safety.” In one of the 2008 amendments to the IT Act, the Central Government granted itself the authority to “prescribe the information security practices and procedures for such protected system[s].” These two paragraphs form the legal basis for the regulation of cyber security within the private sector.

Such basis notwithstanding, private cyber security remains almost completely unregulated. According to the Intermediary Guidelines [pdf], intermediaries are required to report cyber security incidents to India’s national-level computer emergency response team (CERT-In). Other than this relatively small stipulation, the only regulation in place for CII exists at the sector level. Last year the Reserve Bank of India mandated that each bank in India appoint a chief information officer (CIO) and a steering committee on information security. The finance sector is also the only sector of the four designated “critical” by the Department of Electronics and Information Technology (DEIT) Cyber Security Strategy to have established a sector-level CERT, which released a set of non-compulsory guidelines [pdf] for information security governance in late 201

The new guidelines for CII protection seek to reorganize the government’s approach to CII. According to a Times of India article on the new guidelines, the NTRO will outline a total of eight sectors (including energy, aviation, telecom and National Stock Exchange) of CII and then “monitor if they are following the guidelines.” Such language, though vague and certainly unsubstantiated, suggests the NTRO may ultimately be responsible for enforcing the “[mandated] security practices related to the design, acquisition, development, use and operation of information resources” described in the Cyber Security Policy. If so, operators of systems deemed critical by the NTRO or by other authorized government agencies may soon be subject to cyber security regulation—with teeth.

To be sure, some degree of cyber security regulation is necessary. After all, large swaths of the country’s CII are operated by private industry, and poor security practices on the part of one operator can easily undermine the security of the rest. To quote security expert Bruce Schneier, “the externalities in cybersecurity are so great that even the freest free market would fail.” In less academic terms, networks are only as secure as their weakest links. While it is true that many larger enterprises take cyber security quite seriously, small and medium-sized businesses either lack immediate incentives to invest in security (e.g. no shareholders to answer to) or more often lack the basic resources to do so. Some form of government transfer for cyber security related investments could thus go a long way toward shoring up the country’s overall security.

Yet regulation may well extend beyond the simple “fiscal schemes and incentives” outlined in section IV of the Policy and “provide for procurement of indigenously manufactured ICT products that have security implications.” Such, at least, was the aim of the Preferential Market Access (PMA) Policy recently put on hold by the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO). Under pressure from international industry groups, the government has promised to review the PMA Policy, with the PMO indicating it may strike out clauses “regarding preference to domestic manufacturer[s] on security related products that are to be used by private sector.” If the government’s aim is indeed to ensure maximum security (rather than to grow an infant industry), it would be well advised to extend this approach to the Cyber Security Policy and the new guidelines for CII protection.

Although there is a national security argument to be made in favor of such policies—namely that imported ICT products may contain “backdoors” or other nefarious flaws—there are equally valid arguments to be made against preferential acquisition policies, at least for the private sector. First and foremost, it is unlikely that India’s nascent cyber security institutions will be able to regulate procurement in such a rapidly evolving market. Indeed, U.S. authorities have been at pains to set cyber security standards, especially in the past several years. Secondly, by mandating the procurement of indigenously manufactured products, the government may force private industry to forgo higher quality products. Absent access to source code or the ability to effectively reverse engineer imported products, buyers should make decisions based on the products’ performance records, not geo-economic considerations like country of origin. Finally, limiting procurement to a specific subset of ICT products likewise restricts the set of security vulnerabilities available to hackers. Rather than improve security, however, a smaller, more distinct set of vulnerabilities may simply make networks easier targets for the sorts of “debilitating” attacks the Policy aims to avert.

As India broaches the difficult task of regulating cyber security in the private sector, it must emphasize flexibility above all. On one hand, the government should avoid preferential acquisition policies which risk a) overwhelming limited regulatory resources, b) saddling CII operators with subpar products, and/or c) differentiating the country’s attack surface. On the other hand, the government should encourage certain performance standards through precisely the sort of “fiscal schemes and incentives” alluded to in the Cyber Security Policy. Regulation should focus on what technology does and does not do, not who made it or what rival government might have had their hands in its design. Ultimately, India should adopt a policy of technology neutrality, backed by the simple principle of trust but verify. Only then can it be truly secure.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/guidelines-for-protection-of-national-critical-information-infrastructure

GSMA Research Outputs

elonnai — 2015-04-06T14:18:18Z

This is a collection of research under our GSMA project that we have undertaken in collaboration with Privacy International. The research has sought to understand different legal and regulatory aspects of security and surveillance in India and consists of blog entries and reports. Any feedback or comment is welcome.

Indian Law and the Necessary Proportionate Principles

The presentation shows that there are no comprehensive provisions for the principles of legitimate aim, competent judicial authority, proportionality, transparency, etc. whereas these are partially present for the principles of legality, necessity, adequacy, public oversight, safeguards for international cooperation, etc. The presentation also looks at the Indian intelligence agencies and shows us that there are nine agencies authorized to intercept communications along with at least eleven additional agencies. It further dwelves into the establishment and structure of Indian intelligence agencies and whom they report to, the sharing of information internationally as well as nationally. It shows us that India has MLAT agreements with 36 countries and request to CBI can be initiated informally or formally through court order. It then lists out the various regulatory and important bodies responsible for national security. Some cases of unlawful interception / leaks have been discussed along with examples of arrests based on digital evidence. The various government schemes, the telecommunication companies in India, telecom licenses requirements, government developed security and surveillance solutions, private security companies, security expos, export, import and selling of security and surveillance equipment, and the way forward are also discussed.

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Security, Surveillance and Data Sharing Schemes and Bodies in India

Following the 2008 Mumbai terrorist attacks, India had implemented a wide range of data sharing and surveillance schemes. Though developed under different governments the purpose of these schemes has been to increase public safety and security by tackling crime and terrorism. As such, two data sharing schemes have been proposed - the National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID) and the Crime and Criminal Tracking Network & Systems (CCTNS), as well as several surveillance systems, such as the Lawful Intercept and Monitoring (LIM) system, the Network Traffic Analysis system (NETRA), state Internet Monitoring Systems and the Central Monitoring System (CMS). This chapter details the various schemes and provides policy recommendations for their improvement, with regards to the protection of the right to privacy and other human rights.

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Export and Import of Security Technologies in India: QA

The write-up examines in question-answer format the standards regulating the export of technologies that can be used for surveillance purposes, the department and legislation that governs exports and imports of security technologies in India, the procedure for obtaining an export licence for the export of SCOMET items, what is ITC (HS) and why is it important, and examples of ITC codes for technologies that can facilitate security or surveillance. The research finds answers to all these queries.

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Regulation of CCTV’s in India

In light of the increasing use and installation of CCTV’s in cities across India, and the role that CCTVs play in the Home Ministry's plans for implementing "Mega Policing Cities", this blog seeks to review various attempts to regulate the use of CCTV's in India, review international best practices, and provide preliminary recommendations for the regulation of CCTV's in India.

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Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties (MLATs) and Cross Border Sharing of Information in India

It is unclear the exact process that intelligence agencies in India share information with other agencies internationally. India is a member of Interpol and the Central Bureau of Investigation, which is a Federal/Central investigating agency functioning under the Central Government, Department of Personnel & Training is designated as the National Central Bureau of India.

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Composition of Service Providers in India

Telecom, at present, is one of the fastest-growing industries in India. As of January 2014, according to the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) there are 922 million wireless and over the wire subscribers in India, and 56.90 million broadband subscribers including wired, wireless and wimax subscribers. India’s overall wireless teledensity was quoted as having 893.31million subscribers, with a 0.79% (7.02 million) monthly addition.

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The Surveillance and Security Industry in India - An Analysis of Indian Security Expos

The ‘Spy Files’, a series of documents released by whistleblower website WikiLeaks over the last few years, exposed the tremendous growth of the private surveillance industry across the world – a multi-billion dollar industry thriving on increasing governmental and private capabilities for mass surveillance of individuals. These documents showed how mass surveillance is increasingly made possible through new technologies developed by private players, often exploiting the framework of nascent but burgeoning information and communication technologies like the internet and communication satellites.

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An Analysis of News Items and Cases on Surveillance and Digital Evidence in India

In a technologically advanced era, with preponderance of electronic communications in both professional and social interactions and the ability to store such information in digital form, digital evidence has gained significance in civil as well as criminal litigation in India. In order to match the pace with the progressive technology, the Indian Courts have embarked on placing more and more reliance on the digital evidence and a portion of such digital evidence is obtained through electronic surveillance.

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Policy Recommendations for Surveillance Law in India and an Analysis of Legal Provisions on Surveillance in India and the Necessary & Proportionate Principles

The Government of India has created a legal framework which supports the carrying out of surveillance by authorities through its various laws and license agreements for service providers. The Centre for Internet and Society (CIS) acknowledges that lawful, warranted, targeted surveillance can potentially be a useful tool in aiding law enforcement agencies in tackling crime and terrorism. However, current Indian laws and license agreements appear to overextend the Government's surveillance capabilities in certain cases, while inadequately safeguarding individuals' right to privacy and data protection.

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The Surveillance Industry in India

India has the world's second largest population, an expanding middle class and undoubtedly a huge market which attracts international investors. Some of the world's largest corporations have offices in India, such as Google Incorporated and BlackBerry Limited. In the Information Age, the market revolves around data and companies which produce technologies capable of mining such data are on the rise. Simultaneously, companies selling surveillance technologies appear to be on the peak too, especially since the global War on Terror requires law enforcement agencies around the world to be equipped with the latest surveillance gear.

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State of Cyber Security and Surveillance in India: A Review of the Legal Landscape

The issue of cyber security and surveillance, especially unauthorised surveillance, though traditionally unprioritised, has recently gained much traction due to the increasing number of news reports regarding various instances of unauthorised surveillance and cyber crimes. In the case of unauthorised surveillance, more than the frequency of the instances, it is their sheer magnitude that has shocked civil society and especially civil rights groups. In the background of this ever increasing concern regarding surveillance as well as increasing concerns regarding cyber security due to the increased pervasiveness of technology in our society, this paper tries to discuss the legal and regulatory landscape regarding surveillance as well as cyber security.

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For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/gsma-research-outputs

Govt to keep Aadhaar record for 7 years, activists worried

praskrishna — 2016-10-17T01:53:24Z

The government will keep for seven years a record of all the services and benefits availed using the Aadhaar number, say new rules, prompting fears that the database could be used for surveillance.

The article by Aloke Tikku was published in the Hindustan Times on October 17, 2016. Sunil Abraham was quoted.

The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), which issues the 12-digit biometric identity to all Indian residents, will be required to preserve its record of verification of an Aadhaar number for the duration.

“This is an unprecedented centralised data retention provision,” said Sunil Abraham, director of the Bengaluru-based think tank, Centre for Internet and Society.

UIDAI chief executive officer ABP Pandey said the concerns were exaggerated. The agency was keeping records in case a dispute arose over a transaction.

The information will be retained online for two years and another five years in the offline archives, say the rules notified in September.

Users will be able to check the records but only for two years.

This restriction won’t apply to security agencies. Pandey, however, said the records would not be available to them without a district judge’s permission.

But, HT found that the rules allow designated joint secretary-level officers at the Centre to order access to information on the grounds of national security.

“Once Aadhaar becomes mandatory for all services, it can be used by benign and malignant actors to conduct a 360-degree surveillance on any individual,” Abraham said.

This is how the system, which will need millions of fingerprint-reading machines, works.

Every time a person fingerprints and quotes the Aadhaar number, the agency concerned sends the data to UIDAI to crosscheck the particulars.

The UIDAI authenticates about five million Aadhaar numbers, which are quoted to avail LPG subsidy, cheap ration and even passport, a day against a capacity to verify 100 million requests daily.

“You can think of it as Natgrid Plus,” Abraham said, a reference to the National Intelligence Grid being built by the government.

A one-stop database for counter-terrorism agencies, Natgrid will collate information real time from databases of various agencies such as bank, rail and airline networks.

“…we do not record the purpose for which an authentication request was received but only the details of the agency that sent it,” UIDAI’s Pandey said.

But seven years is a long time. Only a select category of government files are kept for longer than five years.

Asked about two-year deadline for users, Pandey said it would have been a logistic nightmare to let people access the records once the information was offline.

The Supreme Court has a ruled that Aadhaar is not a must for availing welfare schemes and is to decide if collecting biometric data for the 12-digit number infringed an individual’s privacy.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/hindustan-times-aloke-tikku-october-17-2016-govt-to-keep-aadhaar-record-for-seven-years-activitsts-worried

Govt panel wants curbs on phone taps

praskrishna — 2012-10-22T09:57:05Z

A government-appointed panel on Thursday recommended several measures, including guidelines on interception of telephonic conversations, video and audio recordings, use and storage of data as well as setting up of dispute resolution entities at Centre and state-level to protect the privacy of individuals.

Read the original published in the Times of India on October 19, 2012.

The group led by former Delhi High Court chief justice A P Shah was set up by the Planning Commission to identify privacy issues and prepare a document to facilitate the proposed Privacy Act.

The group was set after concerns were raised about the impact on privacy of individuals with the emergence of several national programmes such as Unique Identification number, NATGRID, DNA profiling, Reproductive Rights of Women, privileged communications and brain mapping, most of which will be implemented through information and communication technology (ICT) platforms.

The panel recommended that reasons for interception must be specified and be recorded in writing and the provisions establish conditions for authorization by the competent authority. It said that all interceptions can be in force for 60 days and renewed for not more than 180 days. The panel said records of interception be destroyed by the security agencies after six months or nine months and service providers must destroy records after two months or six months. It also said that intermediaries must provide an internal check to ensure the security, confidentiality and privacy of intercepted material, and intermediaries would be held legally responsible for any unauthorized access or disclosure of intercepted materials.

The panel said the proposed Act should extend the right of privacy to individuals and bring under its regulation data controllers, which includes all corporates, public/ governmental bodies and organizations. Minister of State for Planning Ashwani Kumar said, "The group has evaluated what is happening in the other country and what is the constitutional position in India... how imperatives of national security and right to privacy of individual can be harmonized."

It said the Act should clarify that publication of personal data for artistic and journalistic purposes in public interest, use of personal information for household purposes and disclosure of information as required by the RTI Act should not constitute an "infringement of privacy".

The proposed Privacy Act should also articulate national privacy principles. The principles will extend and be binding to all private/ public data controllers. It said the principles must establish safeguards and procedures over the collection, processing, storage, retention, access, disclosure, destruction of sensitive personal information, personal identifiable information and identifiable information.

The Act should establish the Central office of the privacy commissioner, regional level privacy commissioner, self regulating organizations at the industry level and data controllers and privacy officers if required at the organization level, the report recommended.

The panel also recommended that the infringement of any provision under the Act should constitute as an "offence" and individuals may seek "compensation" from organizations/ bodies held accountable.

The group agreed that any proposed framework for privacy legislation must be technologically neutral and interoperable with international standards. "Specifically, the Privacy Act should not make any reference to specific technologies and must be generic enough such that principle and enforcement mechanisms adaptable to changes in society, the market place, technology and government," the report said.

Note: The Centre for Internet & Society was part of the expert committee even though not explicitly mentioned.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/times-of-india-october-19-2012-govt-panel-wants-curbs-on-phone-taps

Govt narrative on Aadhaar has not changed in the last six years: Sunil Abraham

praskrishna — 2016-03-16T16:37:19Z

The bill is basically the same as the UPA version, with some cosmetic changes, and some tokenism towards the right to privacy, says Abraham.

Shreeja Sen interviewed Sunil Abraham. The article was published in Livemint on March 8, 2016.

The government’s bid to push financial inclusiveness and access to government services has received a fresh boost, with finance minister Arun Jaitley introducing a proposed law to give legislative backing to Aadhaar, being implemented by the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI).

This project, which uses a person’s biometric data like fingerprints and iris scans to authenticate identity of people receiving subsidies and other state benefits, will move India towards a cashless economy and help digital initiatives such as biometric attendance, Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana, digital certificates, pension payments and the proposed introduction of payments banks.

Sunil Abraham, 42

Abraham is executive director of Centre for Internet and Society, a Bengaluru-based think tank focusing on accessibility, access to knowledge, telecom and Internet governance. He has written extensively on the UID scheme, and the intersection of privacy and security. He founded Mahiti—an enterprise that aims to reduce the cost and complexity of information and communications technology for the voluntary sector by using free software.

The Aadhaar project has faced its share of roadblocks with cases challenging it pending before the Supreme Court. A constitution bench of the court will decide whether the right to privacy is a fundamental right and if Aadhaar violates it.

Sunil Abraham, the executive director of Centre for Internet and Society, a Bengaluru-based policy research institute, is a critic of Aadhaar for several reasons. He explained his concerns in an interview. Edited excerpts:

Have any of the concerns regarding the Aadhaar project since its inception in 2009 been addressed?

Whatever we complained about six or seven years ago, whatever complaints were made by the civil society...all of those complaints remain in the exact same situation.

Nothing has changed.

What kind of concerns?

The first thing to remember is that privacy and security are just two sides of the same coin. You cannot have one without the other.

Our first concern with the project is centralization. Whenever you build an information system, and you create a central point of failure, then it will fail because the possibility of failure exists. The Internet has no central point of failure. That is why it is so difficult for you to bring the Internet down. Complaint number 2 is the opaque technology.

UIDAI keeps saying that “we have built a technology using a free software and open standard stack”. The first is a de-duplication software and the second one is the authentication software—those are the most important pieces of software.

This software is proprietary and nobody knows how they work and nobody can independently audit them.

The third complaint is the use of an irrevocable and non-consensual authentication factor. In the UID scheme, the biometrics serve two purposes: it can be used to identify a citizen and it can be used to authenticate a transaction. Authentication factors, commonly known as passwords, should always be revocable. That means if the password is compromised, you should be able to change the password or at least say that this password is no longer valid. The use of biometrics eliminates those two important requirements.

Further, in most other authentication, the process of authentication ensures that you are consenting. For example, PIN (personal identity number) authentications. But suppose I am authenticating you through your irises, then as long as your eyes are open, the machine will think you’re authenticating. There’s no way of saying I don’t want to authenticate. Or if you’re sleeping, somebody can hold your fingers over a biometric reader and open your iPhone. So that’s complaint number three.

The fourth complaint from the privacy perspective is: there is a very important database that they don’t talk about. I call it the transactions database. Suppose there is somebody who is using the UIDAI service to authenticate a transaction, then UIDAI should keep a record of that successful or unsuccessful transaction authentication. That means you have been registered into the database.

You go to a fair price shop to purchase subsidized grain and at that fair price shop or ration shop, you use your finger on the biometric reader, and then the UIDAI system says “yes you are indeed who you say you are”.

So, at that point, later the shop should not be able to say X never came here, or X came twice. So, in order for them to not say all those things, a record should be made on the UID database, that on this day, from this geographical location, this particular biometric reader sent us X’s biometric template and asked if the template matched against X’s UID number...the transaction database can be used for profiling. They never talk about it.

They never tell us what that database holds and how long they’re keeping all those records. None of that is clear.

Does Aadhaar bill help assuage your doubts about the project?

The government narrative has not changed in the last six years; the bill is basically the same as the UPA (United Progressive Alliance) version, with some cosmetic changes, and some tokenism towards the right to privacy. The proof that the technology is fallible is in the bill.

If the technology was infallible, as the UIDAI would like us to believe, then the bill would not criminalize the following: (1) impersonation at the time of enrolment; (2) unauthorized access to the Central Identities Data Repository.

Imagine that the bill admits that every Indian’s biometric can be stolen from one single centralized database. Now why don’t we have a similar offence for stealing all private keys from the Internet—we don’t because that is technical impossibility thanks to decentralization.

Therefore we don’t need a law to make (it) illegal. We’ve suggested changes to both the technology and the law. We’ve written seven open letters to the UIDAI, and we’ve never gotten any response. Very few of our concerns have been addressed. We’ve seen dogs getting UID, various other things getting UID, so there’s a lot of evidence that the system does not work. From Kerala we have stories of one person getting several UIDs, so we have no idea about technological feasibility of the project.

One of our distinguished fellows, Hans Varghese Mathews, has published an academic paper in the latest EPW (Economic and Political Weekly), by extrapolating UIDAI field trial data to national scale. He predicts that by the time the number crosses 1 billion, every time UIDAI tries to register someone new, they will match with about 850 people already in the database positively. So, the unique identification capability of the UIDAI will not scale above the billion. The consequence of the technology failing is not trivial. If someone replaces your biometrics in the central database, then the onus is on you to prove that you are a resident of India.

Previously, human beings determined the answer to this question, and they had to find proof that you were not a resident. Now, a fallible technology will be asked to answer this important question.

Isn’t the basic function of the Aadhaar project to ensure that benefits reach the person they are meant for, and it’s easier for people to get an identity proof for those who have no other ID, like migrant workers?

Two responses: is it good anti- corruption technology? Unfortunately not, because it is intended at retail fraud. The person under surveillance is very poor. But the person responsible for corruption is not poor. So, I believe you should be surveilling those responsible for corruption.

What I had said is UID should be first given to every single bureaucrat and every single politician in the country. From Delhi till the Panchayat office, till the ration shop in the village, that supply chain must be monitored and documented using cryptography, so that nobody can deny anything. We need non-repudiatable audit trail from New Delhi to the village because according to all analyses, that is where the theft is happening—in the supply chain. The villager who is taking false benefits, that is called retail fraud.

The bulk of the fraud is actually wholesale fraud. Please tackle wholesale fraud using non-repudiatable public audit trail from New Delhi to the village first, before you start surveilling the poor.

The second point is that people find it easy to get the UID. That is fine, but there is a problem; that it’s not uniquely identifying anybody. So, people will keep registering and the UID system will keep giving them more and more UIDs because there are no human checks and balances. Because you’ve gone with a pure technological solution, it’s very easy to fool (the system).

So, the ease of registration has not served the purpose.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/livemint-march-8-2016-shreeja-sen-govt-narrative-on-aadhaar-has-not-changed-in-last-six-years-sunil-abraham

Govt mulls advisory on privacy issues related to Google, Facebook

praskrishna — 2013-07-02T14:31:48Z

The Government is set to harden its stand against foreign Internet firms in asking them to comply with Indian laws.

The article by Thomas K Thomas was published in the Hindu Business Line on June 10, 2013. Sunil Abraham is quoted.

According to a top Government source, an advisory may be issued in the interest of general public to make them aware of the privacy issued while using services offered by foreign Internet companies such as Google and Facebook.

This follows an international media expose on how US agencies were getting access to user data from Internet companies such as Google and Facebook.

Final Strategy Soon

Top official in the Ministry of Telecom and IT told Business Line that the National Security Advisor, under the Prime Minister’s Officer, is discussing the issue and will outline the final strategy on Wednesday.

The key concern is that the US security agencies may have collected data from key Indian accounts using services from any of the Internet companies. A number of Government officials also use email service from Google and MS Outlook, which may have been accessed by the US agencies.

The other major concern is that Indian security agencies have also been seeking access to data from these foreign companies but so far they have not obliged on grounds that they do not come under the purview of Indian laws.

“If the US Government can get access to data from these companies, why can’t the Indian Government be given access,” posed a top functionary of the telecom ministry.

While Google and other companies have denied knowledge to how the US agencies got access to their networks, industry experts said that it’s time India starts taking concrete steps to address the issue.

B.K. Syngal, Former Chairman, Videsh Sanchar Nigam Ltd, said, “If we believed that our privacy is sacred then we would have taken effective domestic measures, years ago, to ensure that the information of our citizens remains private. To now say that multiple US companies have betrayed our trust is meaningless.”

Double Standards

Syngal said that there are double standards in the way organisations and Government is handling the issue. “As a start, lets stop giving too much time and space to the so called “Foreign Funded NGOs” teaching us on privacy. Our problem is that we are not China. We are so ill equipped that the third party interests aided and abetted by these NGOs would prevail,” said Syngal.

According to Sunil Abraham, Executive Director, Centre for Internet and Society, companies such as Google and Facebook are foes when it comes to privacy issues and friends when it comes to freedom of speech. “An Indian consumer using any of these foreign websites has no privacy rights whatsoever. The Indian Government also cannot force these companies to follow Indian laws,” said Abraham.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/hindu-businessline-thomas-k-thomas-june-10-2013-govt-mulls-advisory-on-privacy-issues-related-to-google-facebook

Govt may have made 135 million Aadhaar numbers public: CIS report

praskrishna — 2017-05-03T15:43:37Z

CIS report says Aadhaar numbers leaked through government databases could be 100-135 million and bank accounts numbers leaked about 100 million.

The article by Komal Gupta was published in Livemint on May 2, 2017.

A central government ministry and a state government may have made public up to 135 million Aadhaar numbers, according to a research report issued by Bengaluru-based think tank Centre for Internet and Society (CIS) late on Monday.

The report titled Information Security Practices of Aadhaar (or lack thereof): A documentation of public availability of Aadhaar numbers with sensitive personal financial information studied four government databases.

The first two belong to the rural development ministry—the National Social Assistance Programme (NSAP)’s dashboard and the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act’s (NREGA) portal.

The other two databases deal with Andhra Pradesh—the state’s own NREGA portal and the online dashboard of a government scheme called “Chandranna Bima”.

“Based on the numbers available on the websites looked at, the estimated number of Aadhaar numbers leaked through these four portals could be around 130-135 million and the number of bank account numbers leaked at around 100 million from the specific portals we looked at,” said Amber Sinha and Srinivas Kodali, the authors of the research report.

The report claims these government dashboards and databases revealed personally identifiable information (PII) due to a lack of proper controls exercised by the departments.

“While the availability of aggregate information on the Dashboard may play a role in making government functioning more transparent, the fact that granular details about individuals including sensitive PII such as Aadhaar number, caste, religion, address, photographs and financial information are only a few clicks away suggest how poorly conceived these initiatives are,” said the report.

The report said the NSAP portal lists 94,32,605 bank accounts and 14,98,919 post office accounts linked with Aadhaar.

“While the UIDAI (Unique Identification Authority of India) has been involved in proactively pushing for other databases to get seeded with Aadhaar numbers, they take little responsibility in ensuring the security and privacy of such data,” said the report.

UIDAI did not respond to an email from Mint seeking comments.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/livemint-may-2-2017-komal-gupta-govt-may-have-made-135-million-aadhaar-numbers-public-cis-report

Govt asks CBI to probe Cambridge Analytica in data breach case

Admin — 2018-07-29T01:47:01Z

Centre directs social media platforms to take prompt action against fake messages

The article by Komal Gupta was published in Livemint on July 27, 2018. Pranesh Prakash was quoted.

The government has written to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) seeking an enquiry into London-based political consultancy Cambridge Analytica, and asked all social media platforms to take prompt action against fake messages, including tracing their origin. Cambridge Analytica is at the centre of a Facebook data breach row, including those of around 562,000 Indian users.

“It is suspected that Cambridge Analytica may have been involved in illegally obtaining data of Indians which could be misused. The government has entrusted this issue to be investigated by the CBI for possible violation of Information Technology Act, 2000 and IPC,” said Ravi Shankar Prasad, electronics and IT minister in response to a calling attention motion in the Rajya Sabha on “Misuse of social media platforms and propagation of fake news causing unrest and violence.”

Media platforms have been directed to work with Indian officials to receive grievance in real time and also inform law enforcement agencies.

“They (social media platforms) will have to ensure that their platforms do not become vehicles of promoting hatred, terrorism money laundering, mob violence and rumour mongering,” said Prasad.

Over the last couple of months, there have been several instances of data breach and fake messages being circulated through social media platforms.

In March, after the data of Indians was allegedly compromised through Facebook by Cambridge Analytica, the government issued notices to the two companies and sought their response. According to Prasad, Facebook responded that it will streamline its internal processes on handling of personal data and Cambridge Analytica violated its platform policies. Cambridge Analytica had said that data of Indians was not breached but this was not in conformity with what was reported by Facebook.

After initial responses, Cambridge Analytica stopped responding to letters from the IT ministry after which the government ordered a CBI probe into the matter. Over the last month, a spate of mob lynchings has been reported from several states, including Assam, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Tripura, Jharkhand and West Bengal, following fake messages spread through Facebook-owned messaging service WhatsApp.

According to Prasad, the government is initiating measures to increase awareness about fake news with the support of all stakeholders.

On 19 July, the government directed WhatsApp to come out with more effective solutions that can bring in accountability and facilitate enforcement of law in addition to their efforts to label forwards and identify fake news. After this, the social media giant limited forward messages to five chats at once instead of multiple chats at once.

“It now plans to the remove forward button (icon) adjacent to a video or audio message. They also plan to bring fact checking and fake news verification mechanism,” added Prasad.

Earlier this month, WhatsApp rolled out a new feature that would clearly mark forwarded messages in a move aimed at curbing the spread of rumours.

As of March, there were more than 460 million Indian users of social media platforms, including Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and WhatsApp.

The ministry of home affairs (MHA) has issued a number of advisories on incidents of lynching by mobs fuelled by rumours of lifting/kidnapping of children and cyber crime prevention and control. It has also constituted a group of ministers and a high level committee to formulate appropriate measures to address mob violence and lynchings in the country.

“The government doesn’t seem to have understood the meaning of ‘abetment’ under the IPC, nor does it seem to understand the protections afforded to intermediaries like messaging platforms under section 79 of the Information Technology Act. Messaging platforms like WhatsApp cannot legally be held to be abettors, plain and simple,”said Pranesh Prakash, fellow at the Centre for Internet and Society, a Bengaluru-based think tank.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/livemint-july-27-2018-komal-gupta-govt-asks-cbi-to-probe-cambridge-analytica-in-data-breach-case

Government washes hands of Google's new privacy policy

praskrishna — 2012-04-10T09:40:55Z

The government has more or less washed its hands of internet giant Google's new privacy policy that is being criticised in Europe and elsewhere, but wants Indian residents to watch out for themselves, writes Jayadevan in this article published in the Economic Times on April 10, 2012.

Google's new privacy policy provides information on how personal information is collected, processed and secured, as required by relevant Indian laws. "The end users, however, need to fully understand the privacy policy of Google, the consequences of sharing their personal information and their privacy rights before they start using online services," Sachin Pilot, India's minister for information technology, stated in Rajya Sabha on March 30.

Ever since Google came out with a unified privacy policy in January, it has been facing criticism from many users and privacy advocates, especially in Europe where privacy is a fundamental right. The new policy unified separate privacy polices relating to nearly 60 of Google's services.

The new policy also lets the separate Google services, such as Gmail, Google Search or Youtube, share data among each other. In Europe, Google is facing potential sanctions or even fine over its new privacy policy.

Section 43A of the India's amended Information Technology Act (2000) has established a legal framework for data privacy protection in the country. The rules notified last year explain security practices to be followed and the need for guarding sensitive personal information. The Act also requires Indian corporations to publish a privacy policy.

"Google has published a Privacy Policy on their website," said the minister. "Any change in the privacy policy is not within the purview of amended Information Technology Act 2000," Pilot added. Venkatesh Hariharan (Venky), head of public policy and government affairs at Google India, has left the company last month and did not want to comment.

According to the Pilot, while France's independent privacy watchdog, the CNIL (nationale de I'informatique et des libertes) has said that the changes to Google's privacy policy do not comply with the European law, rectification of conflict between Google, an American company and European directive on data protection is not within the purview of the Indian government.

CNIL, the data protection watchdog in France had asked Google to answer 69 questions including what it does with the data collected from users and how long it is retained to better understand the consequences of the new policy for Google users.

Experts agree Google privacy policy is in compliance with Sec 43A of IT Act but cautioned that it may not be enough. "Section 43A does not have all the privacy safeguards that exist for citizen in developed countries," said Sunil Abraham, executive director at the Centre for Internet and Society.

Abraham advocates the creation of a privacy commissioner. "It is important to have a independent and autonomous regulator who can respond on a proactive basis when confronted with evidence of abusive practices," he said.

Legal provisions will have to enable the creation of such a regulator, says cyber law expert Vakul Sharma. "You can not create a regulator out of thin air. You should have legislation for privacy. In India we do not have any such legislation," said Sharma.

The IT act classifies information into two - personal information and sensitive personal information. Safeguards under the section 43A and rules apply to sensitive personal information which includes biometric information, information related to health, passwords, sexual orientation and financial information among others.

"Users must be aware that Google's new policy does not have room for categorization according to Indian laws," says Sharma. "It is a plain vanilla document. The users need more," he added.

Read the original published in the Economic Times on April 10, 2012. Sunil Abraham is quoted in it.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/govt-washes-hands-of-google-privacy-policy

Government gives free publicity worth 40k to Twitter and Facebook

Akriti Bopanna — 2018-04-27T09:52:26Z

We conducted a 2 week survey of newspapers for links between government advertisement to social media giants. As citizens, we should be worried about the close nexus between the Indian government and digital behemoths such as Facebook, Google and Twitter. It has become apparent to us after a 2 week print media analysis that our Government has been providing free publicity worth Rs 40,000 to these entities. There are multiple issues with this as this article attempts at pointing out.

We analyzed 5 English language newspapers daily for 2 weeks from March 12^th to 26^th, one week of the newspapers in Lucknow and the second week in Bangalore. Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and Alphabet backed services such as Youtube and Google Plus were part of our survey. Of a total of 33 advertisements (14 in Lucknow+19 in Bangalore), Twitter stands out as the most prominent advertising platform used by government agencies with 30 ads but Facebook at 29 was more expensive. In order to ascertain the rates of publicity, current advertisement rates for Times of India as our purpose was to solely give a rough estimation of how much the government is spending.

Advertising of this nature is not merely an inherent problem of favoring some social media companies over others but also symptomatic of a bigger problem, the lack of our native e-governance mechanisms which cause the Government to rely and promote others. Where we do have guidelines they are not being followed. By outsourcing their e-governance platforms to Twitter such as TwitterSeva, a feature created by the Twitter India team to help citizens connect better with government services, there is less of an impetus to construct better websites of their own.

If this is so because we currently do not have the capacity to build them ourselves then it is imperative that this changes. We should either be executing government functions on digital infrastructure owned by them or on open and interoperable systems. If anything, the surveyed social media platforms can be used to enhance pre-existing facilities. However, currently the converse is true with these platforms overshadowing the presence of e-governance websites. Officials have started responding to complaints on Twitter, diluting the significance of such complaint mechanisms on their respective department’s portal. Often enough such features are not available on the relevant government website. This sets a dangerous precedent for a citizen management system as the records of such interactions are then in the hands of these companies who may not exist in the future. As a result, they can control the access to such records or worse tamper with them. Posterity and reliability of such data can be ensured only if they are stored within the Government’s reach or if they are open and public with a first copy stored on Government records which ensures transparency as well. Data portability is an important facet to this issue as well as being a right consumers should possess. It provides for support of many devices, transition to alternative technologies and lastly, makes sure that all the data like other public records will be available upon request through the Right to Information procedure. The last is vital to uphold the spirit of transparency envisioned through the RTI process since interactions of government with citizens are then under its ambit and available for disclosure for whomsoever concerned.

Secondly, such practices by the Government are enhancing the monopoly of the companies in the market effectively discouraging competition and eventually, innovation. While a certain elite strata of the population might opt for Twitter or Facebook as their mode of conveying grievance, this may not hold true for the rest of the online India population.

Picking players in a free market is in violation of technology and vendor neutrality, a practice essential in e-governance to provide a level playing field for all and competing technologies. Projecting only a few platforms as de facto mediums of communication with the government inhibits the freedom of choice of citizens to air their grievances through a vendor or technology they are comfortable with. At the same time it makes the Government a mouthpiece for such companies who are gaining free publicity and consolidating their popularity. Government apps such as the SwachBharat one which is an e-governance platform do not offer much more in terms of functionality but either reflect the website or are a less mature version of the same. This leads to the problem of fracturing with many avenues of complaining such as the website, app, Twitter etc. Consequently, the priority of the people dealing with the complaints in terms of platform of response is unsure. Will I be responded to sooner if I tweet a complaint as opposed to putting it up on the app? Having an interoperable system can solve this where the Government can have a dashboard of their various complaints and responses are then made out evenly. Twitter itself could implement this by having complaints from Facebook for example and then the Twitter Seva would be an equal platform as opposed to the current issue where only they are favored.

Recent events have illustrated how detrimental the storage of data by these giants can be in terms of privacy. Data security concerns are also a consequence of such leaks. Not only is this a long overdue call for a better data protection law but at the same time also for the Government to realize that these platforms cannot be trusted. The hiring of Cambridge Analytica to influence voters in the US elections, based on their Facebook profiles and ancillary data, effectively put the governance of the country on sale by exploiting these privacy and security issues. By basing e-governance on their backbone, India is not far from inviting trouble as well. It is unnecessary and dangerous to have a go-between for matters that pertain between an individual and state.

As this article was being written, it was confirmed by the Election Commission that they are partnering with Facebook for the Karnataka Assemby Elections to promote activities such as encourage enrollment of Voter ID and voter participation. Initiatives like these tying the government even closer to these companies are of concern and cementing the latter’s stronghold.

Note: Our survey data and results are attached to this post. All research was collected by Shradha Nigam, a Vth year student at NLSIU, Bangalore.

Survey Data and Results

This report is based on a survey of government advertisements in English language newspapers in relation to their use of social media platforms and dedicated websites (“Survey”). For the purpose of this report, the ambit of the social media platforms has been limited to the use of Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Google Plus and Instagram. The report was prepared by Shradha Nigam, a student from National Law School of India University, Bangalore. Read the full report here.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/government-giving-free-publicity-worth-40-k-to-twitter-and-facebook

Google’s privacy policy raises hackles

praskrishna — 2012-01-30T03:58:57Z

Have you ever used Google to search for a restaurant while you were logged in its network using your Google id? Or shared information about your trip to Goa with your friends on Google +? Or watched belly dance on YouTube? Or looked for Sunny Leone pictures on Google images? If yes, Google knows about it. Javed Anwer wrote on article on this. It is published in the Times of India on 26 January 2012.

And according to its new privacy policy it is going to put this information to some use.

The web giant says the new privacy policy will allow it to offer better services, including more relevant search results. But web experts have raised concerns over potential misuse of data and breach of privacy. According to Google's new privacy policy that will come into effect from March 1, the company is "getting rid of over 60 different privacy policies across Google services and replacing them with one that's shorter, easier to read" and something that will enable it to "create intuitive experience across Google" . Unlike in the past when Google had allowed users to choose personalized services, this time there is no option to opt out.

For an end-user this means that whatever information he shares through Google searches, Gmail, Google +, Picassa etc will be used to customize Google services for him. That the move is significant can be gauged from the fact that Google has provided a link to the new policy directly under its search engine on main page, something that the company rarely does. Google users will also be notified about the policy change through an email. "Our new privacy policy makes clear that, if you're signed in, we may combine information you've provided from one service with information from other services. In short, we'll treat you as a single user across all our products, which will mean a simpler, more intuitive Google experience," said Alma Whitten, Google's director of privacy, in a post on the company's official blog.

Whitten gave some example of how this information will be used. "We can make search better - figuring out what you really mean when you type in Apple, Jaguar or Pink. We can provide more relevant ads too," she wrote. "We can provide reminders that you're going to be late for a meeting based on your location , your calendar and an understanding of what the traffic is like that day. Or ensure that our spelling suggestions, even for your friends' names, are accurate because you've typed them before."

The privacy policy from Google is at the heart of its new business strategy as it works to keep the search engine relevant and its services fresh in the face of social networking websites like Twitter and Facebook. It is also prompted by the proliferation of devices like smartphones and tablets. However, privacy experts are not amused. Sunil Abraham, director of Centre for Internet and Society, said the new changes are not good for a consumer's privacy.

"I understand that Google collects the data so that it can build a 360 degree profile of a user and based on the information serve relevant advertisements . But there is no reason for them to store this data for long. Storing data makes it prone to misuse by authorities as well as corporations," said Abraham. Another, problem, he said is that different services are used for different purposes. "I don't want my bakery shop owner to know what kind of medicines Ibuy from the nearby medical store," said Abraham.

Are you being watched?

What |

For an end-user the new policy means that whatever information he shares through Google searches, Gmail, Google+, Picassa, etc will be used to customize Google services for him

Why |

The privacy policy is at the heart of Google's business strategy as it tries to keep the search engine relevant in the face of social networking websites like Twitter and Facebook

Concerns |

It's instrusive as online activity is tracked; storing data makes it prone to misuse by authorities as well as corporations

The original was published in the Times of India. Sunil Abraham has been quoted in it.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/google2019s-privacy-policy-raises-hackles

Google to change privacy policy to use personal info of users

praskrishna — 2012-01-30T05:03:55Z

It is a warning for users of Google and other Social Networking sites. Who are using these sites for searching anything they want to know and sharing their personal life with friends, colleagues and relatives. If you have ever used Google for searching any place, restaurant or shared information about your personal life with your friends on Google and other social networking sites, or you have watched adult stuff on YouTube, if your answer is yes, Google knows about it. And according to its new privacy policy Google is going to put this information to some use. Sheetal Ranga's article was published in Punjab Newsline on 27 January 2012.

It is claimed by the web enormous that according to new privacy policy, better service will be provided to its users, including more relevant search results. And other side the web experts have expressed their concerns over potential misuse of data and defy of privacy. Google's new privacy policy will come into effect from 1 March 2012, said by Google.

Google provide service which will be shorter and easier to read and something that will enable it to create spontaneous experience across Google. Google had allowed users to choose personalized services; “unlike” this time there is no option to pick for the users.

The new policy of Google has made some people anxious over their privacy issues. The new policy is being adopted by Google, SafeGov monitors security issues for federal, state and local government is not happy with it.

A security analyst, Jeff ( SafeGov) said, "Google should not be data-mining information in e-mails, text messages, searches and documents that workers are putting into Google services. It’s a matter of not making government workers unnecessarily exposed to hackers and to inadvertent disclosures of information."

The Vice President of Google ,Amit Singh claims that Google’s new privacy policy for consumer data is antiquated by data privacy provisions in contracts with government agencies and other organization that use the paid version of Google Apps. Google will maintain our endeavor customers’ data in conformity with the confidentiality and security obligations provided to their domain, he said.

The new policy of Google has made some people edgy over their privacy issues. SafeGov monitors security issues for federal, state and local government agencies are very unhappy with the new policy of Google. It is also said by Sunil Abraham, director of Centre for Internet and Society that the new changes are not good for a consumer's privacy.

Director of privacy Alma Whitten has given some example of how this information will be used. "We can make search better - figuring out what you really mean when you type in Apple, Jaguar or Pink. We can provide more relevant ads too," she wrote. "We can provide reminders that you're going to be late for a meeting based on your location, your calendar and an understanding of what the traffic is like that day. Or ensure that our spelling suggestions, even for your friends' names, are accurate because you've typed them before."

Other side after the cross-checked the contract between Google and the city of Los Angele by Gould, claimed that he didn’t think through the consequences for government users.

Punjab Newsline published this story. Sunil Abraham was quoted in it.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/google-to-change-privacy-policy