Centre for Internet and Society

How The U.K. Got A Better Deal From Facebook Than India Did

praskrishna — 2016-11-18T01:56:49Z

The U.K.’s Information Commissioner’s Office (ICO) and India’s Karmanya Sareen shared a similar concern – how messenger application WhatsApp’s decision to share user data with parent Facebook is a violation of the promise of privacy.

The blog post by Payaswini Upadhyay was published in Bloomberg Quint on November 17, 2016. Sunil Abraham was quoted.

Last week, Facebook agreed to address the concerns of the ICO; in India, it didn’t have to.

WhatsApp: New Privacy Policy

In August 2016, WhatsApp issued a revised privacy policy that allowed it to share user information with parent company Facebook. Any user who didn’t want her information to be shared with Facebook had a 30-day period to opt out of the policy. Opting out meant that a user’s account information would not be shared with Facebook to improve ads and product experiences. But, there was a caveat.

The Facebook family of companies will still receive and use this information for other purposes such as improving infrastructure and delivery systems, understanding how our services or theirs are used, securing systems, and fighting spam, abuse, or infringement activities.
WhatsApp Support Team statement on its website

Facebook’s Commitment To ICO

The ICO decided to delve deeper into what Facebook intended to do with the WhatsApp user data. Elizabeth Denham, Information Commissioner, ICO stated in her blog that users haven’t been given enough information about what Facebook plans to do with the information, and WhatsApp hasn’t got valid consent from users to share the information.

I also believe users should be given ongoing control over how their information is used, not just a 30-day window.
Elizabeth Denham, Information Commissioner, ICO

Denham further elaborated ICO’s stand - that it’s important users have control over their personal information, even if services don’t charge them a fee.

We’ve set out the law clearly to Facebook, and we’re pleased that they’ve agreed to pause using data from U.K. WhatsApp users for advertisements or product improvement purposes.
Elizabeth Denham, Information Commissioner, ICO

The ICO has now asked Facebook and WhatsApp to sign an undertaking committing to better explaining to users how their data will be used, and to giving users ongoing control over that information. Additionally, the ICO also wants WhatsApp to give users an unambiguous choice before Facebook starts using that information and for them to be given the opportunity to change that decision at any point in the future. Facebook and WhatsApp are yet to agree to this, Denham stated.

If Facebook starts using the data without valid consent, it may face enforcement action from my office.
Elizabeth Denham, Information Commissioner, ICO

In the U.K., protections in the European Data Protection Directive have been incorporated into local law via the Data Protection Act 1998. The ICO is both the privacy regulator and the transparency (right to information) regulator, Sunil Abraham, executive director at the Centre for Internet and Society pointed out. The regulator can issue enforcement notices and also fine errant actors in the market place, he said.

This is a regulator with expertise, experience and teeth. Come May 25, 2018, the General Data Protection Regulation will come into force and this will give more comprehensive powers to the regulator to investigate and remedy cases like this. The regulator will take each principle from the Directive or Regulation and examine Facebook’s actions comprehensively before deciding on a response.
Sunil Abraham, Executive Director, Centre for Internet and Society

For example, if the regulator determines that the principle of choice and consent has not been complied with, it can force Facebook to reverse its decisions and provide greater transparency and clearer choices, Abraham added.

Karmanya Sareen’s Grievance

Back home in India, just two months ago, Karmanya Sareen, a WhatsApp user, argued before the Delhi High Court against the company’s new privacy policy. The argument was that WhatsApp’s August 2016 notice to its users about the proposed change in the privacy policy violated the fundamental rights of users under Article 21 of the Constitution. Article 21 promises protection of life and personal liberty.

Proposed change in the privacy policy of WhatsApp would result in altering/changing the most valuable, basic and essential feature of WhatsApp i.e. the complete protection provided to the privacy of details and data of its users.
Karmanya Sareen vs Union of India

The Delhi High Court struck down the Article 21 argument saying that the Supreme Court was still deliberating over including right to privacy as a fundamental right. It also pointed to WhatsApp’s 2012 Privacy Policy that allowed the company to transfer user information in case of an acquisition or merger with a third party. The 2012 policy also allowed WhatsApp to change the terms periodically.

Consequently, the Delhi High Court held that it is not open to the users now to contend that WhatsApp should be compelled to continue the same terms of service. However, the court gave WhatsApp two directions to protect users.

WhatsApp to delete from its servers and not share with Facebook or its group companies any information belonging to users who delete their account.

Users who continue to be on WhatsApp, their existing information up to September 25, 2016 cannot be shared with Facebook or any of its group companies.

Did The Delhi High Court Go Easy On Facebook And WhatsApp?

Apar Gupta, an advocate specializing in information technology, points out that the directions given by the Delhi High Court to WhatsApp did not contemplate any additional protection to a user than what was already provided by WhatsApp.

The Delhi Court essentially reproduced WhatsApp’s privacy policy. It did not compel or provide any additional safeguard.
Apar Gupta, Lawyer

Apar attributes this to the absence of a regulatory framework.

The lack of substantive safeguard and enforcement framework in India led to the Delhi High Court upholding WhatsApp’s new privacy policy.
Apar Gupta, Lawyer

Abraham added that the court did not examine the privacy policy from the perspective of data protection principles as would have been the case in EU or any other jurisdictions with a proper data protection law.

The court too admitted this in its order that there existed a regulatory vacuum in India and asked TRAI to look into the matter. Facebook did not respond to BloombergQuint’s query on whether it would implement its U.K. commitments in India as well.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/bloomberg-quint-november-17-2016-payaswini-upadhyay-how-the-uk-got-a-better-deal-from-facebook-than-india-did

Conference on the Digitalization of the Indian Legal System

Leilah Elmokadem — 2016-11-16T15:34:36Z

On Legal Services Day, November 9, 2016, LegalDesk.com collaborated with iSPIRT to host a conference on the “Digitalization of the Indian Legal System”. The event invited prominent speakers to present their organizations’ work and to participate in a panel discussion followed by a Q&A period for the audience.

The co-founder of DAKSH Society of India, Kishore Mandyam, opened the event with a thought-provoking presentation on the efficiency levels of the current legal system and the kinds of progress that can be brought about by technological reforms. Members of LegalDesk.com then presented their ideas and then introduced their newest white paper on Legal Digitalization, providing a brief overview of the study and summarizing the most relevant sections. The panel discussion then proceeded, moderated by Sanjay Khan Nagra, a policy expert at iSPIRT Foundation. He facilitated an insightful and conducive discussion around the advantages, disadvantages, risks and incentives of digitalizing the Indian legal system. On the discussion panel was Kishore Mandyam from DAKSH Society and Prabhuling K Navadgi, the Additional Solicitor General of India.

The objectives to the conference, as per its website, were to: (1) examine the current legal framework and the possibility of amendments in laws to facilitate digitalization of the system, (2) asses the potential of India Stack in digitalizing the legal system, (3) to identify statutes which require amendment, (4) identify the hurdles and roadblocks in the path towards digital reform of the legal ecosystem, and (5) suggest amendments to the act and potential areas of improvement. With those objectives in mind, this blog post intends to provide a brief overview of the main narratives shared in the conference and to identify some of the loopholes and unanswered questions that I was left with by the end.

Improved efficiency is the dominant narrative used to advocate for the digitalization of the Indian legal system. According to LegalDesk.com, the current Indian legal system relies mostly on paperwork, resulting in thousands of courts and over a million advocates accumulating lackhs of ongoing cases and an enormous pile of pending cases, mostly due to insufficient information. It is stated that the traditional methods of legal documentation, paperwork and court work must change through awareness, technology and pursuance by the government, as it needs to be implemented throughout the country. The key idea here is that digital transactions are faster and simplify the process of storing information. The ultimate desired outcome here, then, is increased efficiency and transparency.

One must question, however, if this narrative may be overly generous with the credit it gives to technology. IT systems, like many other manmade structures, are always bound to glitch and crash. It would be useful, then, to question whether the legal system is a department that can afford the complications that inevitably accompany a digital transformation. If portals or servers fail at critical times (i.e. when a person needs to confirm their trial date, submit a document before a deadline, or any other pressing procedures), the consequences may in fact outweigh the convenience brought about by overall digitalization. This is not to imply that the legal system cannot or should not undergo a digital transformation. Rather, it is to pose the question of whether the government will dedicate sufficient funds and expertise towards developing a resilient and reliable IT system for the courts. The conference was strongly centered on the concept that technology is always the way forward. This is a positive idea but one must pay special attention to the complications that may arise with the digitalization of a system that must function in a particularly time-sensitive manner – and to ensure that these complications can be managed efficiently and effectively should they arise. This then, requires more than a mere push for digitalization. Introducing new technological platforms is a positive step towards digitalization. However, there is a need for a detailed, government-authorized plan on how the judicial system will efficiently and smoothly undergo this digital transformation in a sustainable and resilient manner.

A presenter from LegalDesk.com mentioned Estonia’s model of complete digital governance as an example of successful digitalization: “If a small country like Estonia can do it, why can’t we?” While it is useful to draw examples and lessons from other countries, it is also crucial to recognize the contextual differences between countries. The presenter’s point was that Estonia is small in both size and population and has just recently gained independence in 1991—and has nonetheless been able to undergo technological reform and completely digitalize governance systems. India’s case is extremely different as one can logically argue that digital inclusion is more difficult to accomplish for large, spatially dispersed populations. Furthermore, the socioeconomic disparities in India, particularly in income and literacy, contribute to an immense digital divide that Estonia did not, to any comparable extent, face in order to digitalize governance over 1.3 million individuals. This is not to suggest that India cannot become a world leader in digital governance, or become comparable to Estonia. Rather, this is to highlight the importance of recognizing historical, political and sociocultural differences between countries when comparing governance models and digitalization processes. There is a need to indigenize digital reform strategies and platforms in India to cater to its unique context and vast diversity. This can be done by focusing on issues such as the language of digital governance, ensuring sufficient distribution of access to public digital platforms, and prioritizing the inclusion of all socioeconomic classes. I would argue that digitalization could come at a greater cost than benefit if it perpetuates the exclusion of the underprivileged members of society, especially from a system as critical as the judiciary. These topics were alarmingly overlooked in the conference.

The topic of privacy was also quite overlooked in the conference. As a step towards digital transformation, LegalDesk.com presented the new eNotary technology, which would be implemented by utilizing a combination of Adhaar based authentication, eSign, digilocker systems such as India Stack and video/audio recorded interviews. With the eNotary system, attestation, authentication and verification of legal instruments can be done remotely. This is expected to make paperwork easier, faster and more secure, as individuals would log into digital platforms using their Adhaar numbers to perform their judiciary procedures. A member of the audience asked about privacy concerns associated with digitalizing the legal records or property ownership information of individuals. Kishore Mandyam, from DAKSH, answered confidently with a statement that privacy is not a pressing issue here. He asserted that privacy concerns are a western construct that we have adopted in urban parts of India but that is not a concern for the majority of locals. It is clear, however, from examples such as the United States’ predictive policing practices, that accumulating data regarding the legal affiliations of individuals can result in discriminatory practices if this data does not remain strictly confidential to protect the privacy rights of citizens. This is not to mention the other forms of discrimination that can arise from the accumulation of such data, such as the targeting of certain demographics by corporate marketing and credit scoring practices that rely on trends in big data. To keep citizens’ legal records and affairs out of these databases, a digital legal system must be securely encrypted and protected by rigid privacy policies. India may have a varying context that leads to different privacy concerns with regards to a digital legal system. In any case, special attention must be given to privacy and security rights of individuals as their Adhaar numbers become attached to all their online personal data, including their legal records and judicial affairs.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/conference-on-the-digitalization-of-the-indian-legal-system

Big Data in India: Benefits, Harms, and Human Rights - Workshop Report

Vidushi Marda, Akash Deep Singh and Geethanjali Jujjavarapu — 2016-11-18T12:58:19Z

The Centre for Internet and Society held a one-day workshop on “Big Data in India: Benefits, Harms and Human Rights” at India Habitat Centre, New Delhi on the 1st of October, 2016. This report is a compilation of the the issues discussed, ideas exchanged and challenges recognized during the workshop. The objective of the workshop was to discuss aspects of big data technologies in terms of harms, opportunities and human rights. The discussion was designed around an extensive study of current and potential future uses of big data for governance in India, that CIS has undertaken over the last year with support from the MacArthur Foundation.

Contents

Big Data: Definitions and Global South Perspectives

Aadhaar as Big Data

Seeding

Aadhaar and Data Security

Aadhaar’s Relational Arrangement with Big Data Scheme

The Myths surrounding Aadhaar

IndiaStack and FinTech Apps

Problems with UID

Big Data: Definitions and Global South Perspectives

“Big Data” has been defined by multiple scholars till date. The first consideration at the workshop was to discuss various definitions of big data, and also to understand what could be considered Big Data in terms of governance, especially in the absence of academic consensus. One of the most basic ways to define it, as given by the National Institute of Standards and Technology, USA, is to take it to be the data that is beyond the computational capacity of current systems. This definition has been accepted by the UIDAI of India. Another participant pointed out that Big Data is not only indicative of size, but rather the nature of data which is unstructured, and continuously flowing. The Gartner definition of Big Data relies on the three Vs i.e. Volume (size), Velocity (infinite number of ways in which data is being continuously collected) and Variety (the number of ways in which data can be collected in rows and columns).

The presentation also looked at ways in which Big Data is different from traditional data. It was pointed out that it can accommodate diverse unstructured datasets, and it is ‘relational’ i.e. it needs the presence of common field(s) across datasets which allows these fields to be conjoined. For e.g., the UID in India is being linked to many different datasets, and they don’t constitute Big Data separately, but do so together. An increasingly popular definition is to define data as “Big Data” based on what can be achieved through it. It has been described by authors as the ability to harness new kinds of insight which can inform decision making. It was pointed out that CIS does not subscribe to any particular definition, and is still in the process of coming up with a comprehensive definition of Big Data.

Further, discussion touched upon the approach to Big Data in the Global South. It was pointed out that most discussions about Big Data in the Global South are about the kind of value that it can have, the ways in which it can change our society. The Global North, on the other hand, has moved on to discussing the ethics and privacy issues associated with Big Data.

After this, the presentation focussed on case studies surrounding key Central Government initiatives and projects like Aadhaar, Predictive Policing, and Financial Technology (FinTech).

Aadhaar as Big Data

In presenting CIS’ case study on Aadhaar, it was pointed out that initially, Aadhaar, with its enrollment dataset was by itself being seen as Big Data. However, upon careful consideration in light of definitions discussed above, it can be seen as something that enables Big Data. The different e-governance projects within Digital India, along with Aadhaar, constitute Big Data. The case study discussed the Big Data implications of Aadhaar, and in particular looked at a ‘cradle to grave’ identity mapping through various e-government projects and the datafication of various transaction generated data.

Seeding

Any digital identity like Aadhaar typically has three features: 1. Identification i.e. a number or card used to identify yourself; 2. Authentication, which is based on your number or card and any other digital attributes that you might have; 3. Authorisation: As bearers of the digital identity, we can authorise the service providers to take some steps on our behalf. The case study discussed ‘seeding’ which enables the Big Data aspects of Digital India. In the process of seeding, different government databases can be seeded with the UID number using a platform called Ginger. Due to this, other databases can be connected to UIDAI, and through it, data from other databases can be queried by using your Aadhaar identity itself. This is an example of relationality, where fractured data is being brought together. At the moment, it is not clear whether this access by UIDAI means that an actual physical copy of such data from various sources will be transferred to UIDAI’s servers or if they will just access it through internet, but the data remains on the host government agency’s server. An example of even private parties becoming a part of this infrastructure was raised by a participant when it was pointed out that Reliance Jio is now asking for fingerprints. This can then be connected to the relational infrastructure being created by UIDAI. The discussion then focused on how such a structure will function, where it was mentioned that as of now, it cannot be said with certainty that UIDAI will be the agency managing this relational infrastructure in the long run, even though it is the one building it.

Aadhaar and Data Security

This case study also dealt with the sheer lack of data protection legislation in India except for S.43A of the IT Act. The section does not provide adequate protection as the constitutionality of the rules and regulations under S.43A is ambivalent. More importantly, it only refers to private bodies. Hence, any seeding which is being done by the government is outside the scope of data protection legislation. Thus, at the moment, no legal framework covers the processes and the structures being used for datasets. Due to the inapplicability of S.43A to public bodies, questions were raised as to the existence of a comprehensive data protection policy for government institutions. Participants answered the question in the negative. They pointed out that if any government department starts collecting data, they develop their own privacy policy. There are no set guidelines for such policies and they do not address concerns related to consent, data minimisation and purpose limitation at all. Questions were also raised about the access and control over Big Data with government institutions. A tentative answer from a participant was that such data will remain under the control of the domain specific government ministry or department, for e.g. MNREGA data with the Ministry of Rural Development, because the focus is not on data centralisation but rather on data linking. As long as such fractured data is linked and there is an agency that is responsible to link them, this data can be brought together. Such data is primarily for government agencies. But the government is opening up certain aspects of the data present with it for public consumption for research and entrepreneurial purposes.The UIDAI provides you access to your own data after paying a minimal fee. The procedure for such access is still developing.

Aadhaar’s Relational Arrangement with Big Data Scheme

The various Digital India schemes brought in by the government were elucidated during the workshop. It was pointed out that these schemes extend to myriad aspects of a citizen’s daily life and cover all the essential public services like health, education etc. This makes Aadhaar imperative even though the Supreme Court has observed that it is not mandatory for every citizen to have a unique identity number. The benefits of such identity mapping and the ecosystem being generated by it was also enumerated during the discourse. But the complete absence of any data ethics or data confidentiality principles make us unaware of the costs at which these benefits are being conferred on us. Apart from surveillance concerns, the knowledge gap being created between the citizens and the government was also flagged. Three main benefits touted to be provided by Aadhaar were then analysed. The first is the efficient delivery of services. This appears to be an overblown claim as the Aadhaar specific digitisation and automation does not affect the way in which employment will be provided to citizens through MNREGA or how wage payment delays will be overcome. These are administrative problems that Aadhaar and associated technologies cannot solve. The second is convenience to the citizens. The fallacies in this assertion were also brought out and identified. Before the Aadhaar scheme was rolled in, ration cards were issued based on certain exclusion and inclusion criteria.. The exclusion and inclusion criteria remain the same while another hurdle in the form of Aadhaar has been created. As India is still lacking in supporting infrastructure such as electricity, server connectivity among other things, Aadhaar is acting as a barrier rather than making it convenient for citizens to enroll in such schemes.The third benefit is fraud management. Here, a participant pointed out that this benefit was due to digitisation in the form of GPS chips in food delivery trucks and electronic payment and not the relational nature of Aadhaar. Aadhaar is only concerned with the linking up or relational part. About deduplication, it was pointed out how various government agencies have tackled it quite successfully by using technology different from biometrics which is unreliable at the best of times.

The Myths surrounding Aadhaar

The discussion also reflected on the fact that Aadhaar is often considered to be a panacea that subsumes all kinds of technologies to tackle leakages. However, this does not take into account the fact that leakages happen in many ways. A system should have been built to tackle those specific kinds of leakages, but the focus is solely on Aadhaar as the cure for all. Notably, participants who have been a part of the government pointed out how this myth is misleading and should instead be seen as the first step towards a more digitally enhanced country which is combining different technologies through one medium.

IndiaStack and FinTech Apps

What is India Stack?

The focus then shifted to another extremely important Big Data project, India Stack, being conceptualised and developed by a team of private developers called iStack, for the NPCI. It builds on the UID project, Jan Dhan Yojana and mobile services trinity to propagate and develop a cashless, presence-less, paperless and granular consent layer based on UID infrastructure to digitise India.

A participant pointed out that the idea of India Stack is to use UID as a platform and keep stacking things on it, such that more and more applications are developed. This in turn will help us to move from being a ‘data poor’ country to a ‘data rich’ one. The economic benefits of this data though as evidenced from the TAGUP report - a report about the creation of National Information Utilities to manage the data that is present with the government - is for the corporations and not the common man. The TAGUP report openly talks about privatisation of data.

Problems with India Stack

The granular consent layer of India Stack hasn’t been developed yet but they have proposed to base it on MIT Media Lab’s OpenPDS system. The idea being that, on the basis of the choices made by the concerned person, access to a person’s personal information may be granted to an agency like a bank. What is more revolutionary is that India Stack might even revoke this access if the concerned person expresses a wish to do so or the surrounding circumstances signal to India Stack that it will be prudent to do so. It should be pointed out that the the technology required for OpenPDS is extremely complex and is not available in India. Moreover, it’s not clear how this system would work. Apart from this, even the paperless layer has its faults and has been criticised by many since its inception, because an actual government signed and stamped paper has been the basis of a claim.. In the paperless system, you are provided a Digilocker in which all your papers are stored electronically, on the basis of your UID number. However, it was brought to light that this doesn’t take into account those who either do not want a Digilocker or UID number or cases where they do not have access to their digital records. How in such cases will people make claims?

A Digital Post-Dated Cheque: It’s Ramifications

A key change that FinTech apps and the surrounding ecosystem want to make is to create a digital post-dated cheque so as to allow individuals to get loans from their mobiles especially in remote areas. This will potentially cut out the need to construct new banks, thus reducing the capital expenditure , while at the same time allowing the credit services to grow. The direct transfer of money between UID numbers without the involvement of banks is a step to further help this ecosystem grow. Once an individual consents to such a system, however, automatic transfer of money from one’s bank accounts will be affected, regardless of the reason for payment. This is different from auto debt deductions done by banks presently, as in the present system banks have other forms of collateral as well. The automatic deduction now is only affected if these other forms are defaulted upon. There is no knowledge as to whether this consent will be reversible or irreversible. As Jan Dhan Yojana accounts are zero balance accounts, the account holder will be bled dry. The implication of schemes such as “Loan in under 8 minutes” were also discussed. The advantage of such schemes is that transaction costs are reduced.The financial institution can thus grant loans for the minimum amount without any additional enquiries. It was pointed out that this new system is based on living on future income much like the US housing bubble crash. Interestingly, in Public Distribution Systems, biometrics are insisted upon even though it disrupts the system. This can be seen as a part of the larger infrastructure to ensure that digital post-dated cheques become a success.

The Role of FinTech Apps

FinTech ‘apps’ are being presented with the aim of propagating financial inclusion. The Technology Advisory Group for Unique Projects report stated that as managing such information sources is a big task, just like electricity utilities, a National Information Utilities (NIU) should be set up for data sources. These NIUs as per the report will follow a fee based model where they will be charging for their services for government schemes. The report identified two key NIUs namely the National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) and the Goods and Services Tax Network (GSTN). The key usage that FinTech applications will serve is credit scoring. The traditional credit scoring data sources only comprised a thin file of records for an individual, but the data that FinTech apps collect - a person’s UID number, mobile number. and bank account number all linked up, allow for a far more comprehensive credit rating. Government departments are willing to share this data with FinTech apps as they are getting analysis in return. Thus, by using UID and the varied data sources that have been linked together by UID, a ‘thick file’ is now being created by FinTech apps. Banking apps have not yet gone down the route of FinTech apps to utilise Big Data for credit scoring purposes.

The two main problems with such apps is that there is no uniform way of credit scoring. This distorts the rate at which a person has to pay interest. The consent layer adds another layer of complication as refusal to share mobile data with a FinTech app may lead to the app declaring one to be a risky investment thus, subjecting that individual to a higher rate of interest .

Regulation of FinTech Apps and the UID Infrastructure

India Stack and the applications that are being built on it, generate a lot of transaction metadata that is very intimate in nature. The privacy aspects of the UID legislation doesn't cover such data. The granular consent layer which has been touted to cover this still has to come into existence. Also, Big Data is based on sharing and linking of data. Here, privacy concerns and Big Data objectives clash. Big Data by its very nature challenges privacy principles like data minimisation and purpose limitation.The need for regulation to cover the various new apps and infrastructure which are being developed was pointed out.

Problems with UID

It has been observed that any problem present with Aadhaar is usually labelled as a teething problem, it’s claimed that it will be solved in the next 10 years. But, this begs the question - why is the system online right now?

Aadhaar is essentially a new data condition and a new exclusion or inclusion criteria. Data exclusion modalities as observed in Rajasthan after the introduction of biometric Point of Service (POS) machines at ration shops was found to be 45% of the population availing PDS services. This number also includes those who were excluded from the database by being included in the wrong dataset. There is no information present to tell us how many actual duplicates and how many genuine ration card holders were weeded out/excluded by POS.

It was also mentioned that any attempt to question Aadhaar is considered to be an attempt to go back to the manual system and this binary thinking needs to change. Big Data has the potential to benefit people, as has been evidenced by the scholarship and pension portals. However, Big Data’s problems arise in systems like PDS, where there is centralised exclusion at the level of the cloud. Moreover, the quantity problem present in the PDS and MNREGA systems persists. There is still the possibility of getting lesser grains and salary even with analysis of biometrics, hence proving that there are better technologies to tackle these problems. Presently, the accountability mechanisms are being weakened as the poor don’t know where to go to for redressal. Moreover, the mechanisms to check whether the people excluded are duplicates or not is not there. At the time of UID enrollment, out of 90 crores, 9 crore were rejected. There was no feedback or follow-up mechanism to figure out why are people being rejected. It was just assumed that they might have been duplicates.

Another problem is the rolling out of software without checking for inefficiencies or problems at a beta testing phase. The control of developers over this software, is so massive that it can be changed so easily without any accountability.. The decision making components of the software are all proprietary like in the the de-duplication algorithm being used by the UIDAI. Thus, this leads to a loss of accountability because the system itself is in flux, none of it is present in public domain and there are no means to analyse it in a transparent fashion..

These schemes are also being pushed through due to database politics. On a field study of NPR of citizens, another Big Data scheme, it was found that you are assumed to be an alien if you did not have the documents to prove that you are a citizen. Hence, unless you fulfill certain conditions of a database, you are excluded and are not eligible for the benefits that being on the database afford you.

Why is the private sector pushing for UIDAI and the surrounding ecosystem?

Financial institutions stand to gain from encouraging the UID as it encourages the credit culture and reduces transaction costs.. Another advantage for the private sector is perhaps the more obvious one, that is allows for efficient marketing of products and services..

The above mentioned fears and challenges were actually observed on the ground and the same was shown through the medium of a case study in West Bengal on the smart meters being installed there by the state electricity utility. While the data coming in from these smart meters is being used to ensure that a more efficient system is developed,it is also being used as a surrogate for income mapping on the basis of electricity bills being paid. This helps companies profile neighbourhoods. The technical officer who first receives that data has complete control over it and he can easily misuse the data. This case study again shows that instruments like Aadhaar and India Stack are limited in their application and aren’t the panacea that they are portrayed to be.

A participant pointed out that in the light of the above discussions, the aim appears to be to get all kinds of data, through any source, and once you have gotten the UID, you link all of this data to the UID number, and then use it in all the corporate schemes that are being started. Most of the problems associated with Big Data are being described as teething problems. The India Stack and FinTech scheme is coming in when we already know about the problems being faced by UID. The same problems will be faced by India Stack as well.

Can you opt out of the Aadhaar system and the surrounding ecosystem?

The discussion then turned towards whether there can be voluntary opting out from Aadhaar. It was pointed out that the government has stated that you cannot opt out of Aadhaar. Further, the privacy principles in the UIDAI bill are ambiguously worded where individuals only have recourse for basic things like correction of your personal information. The enforcement mechanism present in the UIDAI Act is also severely deficient. There is no notification procedure if a data breach occurs. . The appellate body ‘Cyber Appellate Tribunal’ has not been set up in three years.

CCTNS: Big Data and its Predictive Uses

What is Predictive Policing?

The next big Big Data case study was on the Crime and Criminal Tracking Network & Systems (CCTNS). Originally it was supposed to be a digitisation and interconnection scheme where police records would be digitised and police stations across the length and breadth of the country would be interconnected. But, in the last few years some police departments of states like Chandigarh, Delhi and Jharkhand have mooted the idea of moving on to predictive policing techniques. It envisages the use of existing statistical and actuarial techniques along with many other tropes of data to do so. It works in four ways: 1. By predicting the place and time where crimes might occur; 2. To predict potential future offenders; 3. To create profiles of past crimes in order to predict future crimes; 4. Predicting groups of individuals who are likely to be victims of future crimes.

How is Predictive Policing done?

To achieve this, the following process is followed: 1. Data collection from various sources which includes structured data like FIRs and unstructured data like call detail records, neighbourhood data, crime seasonal patterns etc. 2. Analysis by using theories like the near repeat theory, regression models on the basis of risk factors etc. 3. Intervention

Flaws in Predictive Policing and questions of bias

An obvious weak point in the system is that if the initial data going into the system is wrong or biased, the analysis will also be wrong. Efforts are being made to detect such biases. An important way to do so will be by building data collection practices into the system that protect its accuracy. The historical data being entered into the system is carrying on the prejudices inherited from the British Raj and biases based on religion, caste, socio-economic background etc.

One participant brought about the issue of data digitization in police stations, and the impact of this haphazard, unreliable data on a Big Data system. This coupled with paucity of data is bound to lead to arbitrary results. An effective example was that of black neighbourhoods in the USA. These are considered problematic and thus they are policed more, leading to a higher crime rate as they are arrested for doing things that white people in an affluent neighbourhood get away with. This in turn further perpetuates the crime rate and it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. In India, such a phenomenon might easily develop in the case of migrants, de-notified tribes, Muslims etc. A counter-view on bias and discrimination was offered here. One participant pointed out that problems with haphazard or poor quality of data is not a colossal issue as private companies are willing to fill this void and are actually doing so in exchange for access to this raw data. It was also pointed out how bias by itself is being used as an all encompassing term. There are multiplicities of biases and while analysing the data, care should be taken to keep it in mind that one person’s bias and analysis might and usually does differ from another. Even after a computer has analysed the data, the data still falls into human hands for implementation.

The issue of such databases being used to target particular communities on the basis of religion, race, caste, ethnicity among other parameters was raised. Questions about control and analysis of data were also discussed, i.e. whether it will be top-down with data analysis being done in state capitals or will this analysis be done at village and thana levels as well too. It was discussed as topointed out how this could play a major role in the success and possible persecutory treatment of citizens, as the policemen at both these levels will have different perceptions of what the data is saying. . It was further pointed out, that at the moment, there’s no clarity on the mode of implementation of Big Data policing systems. Police in the USA have been seen to rely on Big Data so much that they have been seen to become ‘data myopic’. For those who are on the bad side of Big Data, in the Indian context, laws like preventive detention can be heavily misused.There’s a very high chance that predictive policing due to the inherent biases in the system and the prejudices and inefficiency of the legal system will further suppress the already targeted sections of the society. A counterpoint was raised and it was suggested that contrary to our fears, CCTNS might lead to changes in our understanding and help us to overcome longstanding biases.

Open Knowledge Architecture as a solution to Big Data biases?

The conference then mulled over the use of ‘Open Knowledge’ architecture to see whether it can provide the solution to rid Big Data of its biases and inaccuracies if enough eyes are there. It was pointed out that Open Knowledge itself can’t provide foolproof protection against these biases as the people who make up the eyes themselves are predominantly male belonging to the affluent sections of the society and they themselves suffer from these biases.

Who exactly is Big Data supposed to serve?

The discussion also looked at questions such as who is this data for? Janata Information System (JIS), is a concept developed by MKSS where the data collected and generated by the government is taken to be for the common citizens. For e.g. MNREGA data should be used to serve the purposes of the labourers. The raw data as is available at the moment, usually cannot be used by the common man as it is so vast and full of information that is not useful for them at all. It was pointed out that while using Big Data for policy planning purposes, the actual string of information that turned out to be needed was very little but the task of unravelling this data for civil society purposes is humongous. By presenting the data in the right manner, the individual can be empowered. The importance of data presentation was also flagged. It was agreed upon that the content of the data should be for the labourer and not a MNC, as the MNC has the capability to utilise the raw data on it’s own regardless.

Concerns about Big Data usage

Participants pointed out that privacy concerns are usually brushed under the table due to a belief that the law is sufficient or that the privacy battle has already been lost.
In the absence of knowledge of domain and context, Big Data analysis is quite limited. Big Data’s accuracy and potential to solve problems needs to be factually backed.
The narrative of Big Data often rests on the assumption that descriptive statistics take over inferential statistics, thus eliminating the need for domain specific knowledge. It is claimed that the data is so big that it will describe everything that we need to know.
Big Data is creating a shift from a deductive model of scientific rigour to an inductive one. In response to this, a participant offered the idea that troves of good data allow us to make informed questions on the basis of which the deductive model will be formed. A hybrid approach combining both deductive and inductive might serve us best.
The need to collect the right data in the correct format, in the right place was also expressed.

Potential Research Questions & Participants’ Areas of Research

Following this discussion, participants brainstormed to come up with potential areas of research and research questions. They have been captured below:

Big Data, Aadhaar and India Stack:

Has Aadhaar been able to tackle illegal ways of claiming services or are local negotiations and other methods still prevalent?
Is the consent layer of India Stack being developed in a way that provides an opportunity to the UID user to give informed consent? The OpenPDS and its counterpart in the EU i.e. the My Data Structure were designed for countries with strong privacy laws. Importantly, they were meant for information shared on social media and not for an individual’s health or credit history. India is using it in a completely different sphere without strong data protection laws. What were the granular consent layer structures present in the West designed for and what were they supposed to protect?
The question of ownership of data needs to be studied especially in context of a globalised world where MNCs are collecting copious amounts of data of Indian citizens. What is the interaction of private parties in this regard?

Big Data and Predictive Policing:

How are inequalities being created through the Big Data systems? Lessons should be taken from the Western experience with the advent of predictive policing and other big data techniques - they tend to lead to perpetuation of the current biases which are already ingrained in the system.
It was also pointed out how while studying these topics and anything related to technology generally, we become aware of a divide that is present between the computational sciences and social sciences. This divide needs to be erased if Big Data or any kind of data is to be used efficiently. There should be a cross-pollination between different groups of academics. An example of this can be seen to be the ‘computational social sciences departments’ that have been coming up in the last 3-4 years.
Why are so many interim promises made by Big Data failing? A study of this phenomenon needs to be done from a social science perspective. This will allow one to look at it from a different angle.

Studying Big Data:

What is the historical context of the terms of reference being used for Big Data? The current Big Data debate in India is based on parameters set by the West. For better understanding of Big Data, it was suggested that P.C. Mahalanobis’ experience while conducting the Indian census, (which was the Big Data of that time) can be looked at to get a historical perspective on Big Data. This comparison might allow us to discover questions that are important in the Indian context. It was also suggested that rather than using ‘Big Data’ as a catchphrase to describe these new technological innovations, we need to be more discerning.
What are the ideological aspects that must be considered while studying Big Data? What does the dialectical promise of technology mean? It was contended that every time there is a shift in technology, the zeitgeist of that period is extremely excited and there are claims that it will solve everything. There’s a need to study this dialectical promise and the social promise surrounding it.
Apart from the legitimate fears that Big Data might lead to exclusion, what are the possibilities in which it improve inclusion too?
The diminishing barrier between the public and private self, which is a tangent to the larger public-private debate was mentioned.
How does one distinguish between technology failure and process failure while studying Big Data?

Big Data: A Friend?

In the concluding session, the fact that the Big Data moment cannot be wished away was acknowledged. The use of analytics and predictive modelling by the private sector is now commonplace and India has made a move towards a database state through UID and Digital India. The need for a nuanced debate, that does away with the false equivalence of being either a Big Data enthusiast or a luddite is crucial.

A participant offered two approaches to solving a Big Data problem. The first was the Big Data due process framework which states that if a decision has been taken that impacts the rights of a citizen, it needs to be cross examined. The efficacy and practicality of such an approach is still not clear. The second, slightly paternalistic in nature, was the approach where Big Data problems would be solved at the data science level itself. This is much like the affirmative algorithmic approach which says that if in a particular dataset, the data for the minority community is not available then it should be artificially introduced in the dataset. It was also suggested that carefully calibrated free market competition can be used to regulate Big Data. For e.g. a private personal wallet company that charges higher, but does not share your data at all can be an example of such competition.

Another important observation was the need to understand Big Data in a Global South context and account for unique challenges that arise. While the convenience of Big Data is promising, its actual manifestation depends on externalities like connectivity, accurate and adequate data etc that must be studied in the Global South.

While the promises of Big Data are encouraging, it is also important to examine its impacts and its interaction with people's rights. Regulatory solutions to mitigate the harms of big data while also reaping its benefits need to evolve.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/big-data-in-india-benefits-harms-and-human-rights-a-report

Privacy after Big Data: Compilation of Early Research

Saumyaa Naidu — 2016-11-12T01:37:03Z

Download the Compilation (PDF)

Privacy after Big Data

Evolving data science, technologies, techniques, and practices, including big data, are enabling shifts in how the public and private sectors carry out their functions and responsibilities, deliver services, and facilitate innovative production and service models to emerge. For example, in the public sector, the Indian government has considered replacing the traditional poverty line with targeted subsidies based on individual household income and assets. The my.gov.in platform is aimed to enable participation of the connected citizens, to pull in online public opinion in a structured manner on key governance topics in the country. The 100 Smart Cities Mission looks forwards to leverage big data analytics and techniques to deliver services and govern citizens within city sub-systems. In the private sector, emerging financial technology companies are developing credit scoring models using big, small, social, and fragmented data so that people with no formal credit history can be offered loans. These models promote efficiency and reduction in cost through personalization and are powered by a wide variety of data sources including mobile data, social media data, web usage data, and passively collected data from usages of IoT or connected devices.

These data technologies and solutions are enabling business models that are based on the ideals of ‘less’: cash-less, presence-less, and paper-less. This push towards an economy premised upon a foundational digital ID in a prevailing condition of absent legal frameworks leads to substantive loss of anonymity and privacy of individual citizens and consumers vis-a-vis both the state and the private sector. Indeed, the present use of these techniques run contrary to the notion of the ‘sunlight effect’ - making the individual fully transparent (often without their knowledge) to the state and private sector, while the algorithms and means of reaching a decision are opaque and inaccessible to the individual.

These techniques, characterized by the volume of data processed, the variety of sources data is processed from, and the ability to both contextualize - learning new insights from disconnected data points - and de-contextualize - finding correlation rather than causation - have also increased the value of all forms of data. In some ways, big data has made data exist on an equal playing field as far as monetisation and joining up are concerned. Meta data can be just as valuable to an entity as content data. As data science techniques evolve to find new ways of collecting, processing, and analyzing data - the benefits of the same are clear and tangible, while the harms are less clear, but significantly present.

Is it possible for an algorithm to discriminate? Will incorrect decisions be made based on data collected? Will populations be excluded from necessary services if they do not engage with certain models or do emerging models overlook certain populations? Can such tools be used to surveil individuals at a level of granularity that was formerly not possible and before a crime occurs? Can such tools be used to violate rights – for example target certain types of speech or groups online? And importantly, when these practices are opaque to the individual, how can one seek appropriate and effective remedy.

Traditionally, data protection standards have defined and established protections for certain categories of data. Yet, data science techniques have evolved beyond data protection principles. It is now infinitely harder to obtain informed consent from an individual when data that is collected can be used for multiple purposes by multiple bodies. Providing notice for every use is also more difficult – as is fulfilling requirements of data minimization. Some say privacy is dead in the era of big data. Others say privacy needs to be re-conceptualized, while others say protecting privacy now, more than ever, requires a ‘regulatory sandbox’ that brings together technical design, markets, legislative reforms, self regulation, and innovative regulatory frameworks. It also demands an expanding of the narrative around privacy – one that has largely been focused on harms such as misuse of data or unauthorized collection – to include discrimination, marginalization, and competition harms.

In this compilation we have put together a series of articles that we have developed as we explore the impacts – positive and negative – of big data. This includes looking at India’s data protection regime in the context of big data, reviewing literature on the benefits of harms of big data, studying emerging predictive policing techniques that rely on big data, and analyzing closely the impact of big data on specific privacy principles such as consent. This is a growing body of research that we are exploring and is relevant to multiple areas of our work including privacy and surveillance. Feedback and comments on the compilation are welcome and appreciated.

Elonnai Hickok
Director - Internet Governance

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/privacy-after-big-data-compilation-of-early-research

Workshop on 'Privacy after Big Data' (Delhi, November 12)

sumandro — 2016-11-12T10:14:52Z

The Centre for Internet and Society (CIS) and the Sarai programme, CSDS, invite you to a workshop on 'Privacy after Big Data: What Changes? What should Change?' on Saturday, November 12. This workshop aims to build a dialogue around some of the key government-led big data initiatives in India and elsewhere that are contributing significant new challenges and concerns to the ongoing debates on the right to privacy. It is an open event. Please register to participate.

Invitation note and agenda: Download (PDF)

Venue and RSVP

Venue: Centre for the Study of Developing Societies 29, Rajpur Road, Civil Lines, Delhi 110054.

Location on Google Maps: https://www.google.com/maps/place/CSDS/@28.677775,77.2162523,17z/.

Registration: Complete this form.

Concept Note

In this age of big data, discussions about privacy are intertwined with the use of technology and the data deluge. Though big data possesses enormous value for driving innovation and contributing to productivity and efficiency, privacy concerns have gained significance in the dialogue around regulated use of data and the means by which individual privacy might be compromised through means such as surveillance, or protected. The tremendous opportunities big data creates in varied sectors ranges from financial technology, governance, education, health, welfare schemes, smart cities to name a few.

With the UID (“Aadhaar”) project re-animating the Right to Privacy debate in India, and the financial technology ecosystem growing rapidly, striking a balance between benefits of big data and privacy concerns is a critical policy question that demands public dialogue and research to inform an evidence based decision.

Also, with the advent of potential big data initiatives like the ambitious Smart Cities Mission under the Digital India Scheme, which would rely on harvesting large data sets and the use of analytics in city subsystems to make public utilities and services efficient, the tasks of ensuring data security on one hand and protecting individual privacy on the other become harder.

As key privacy principles are at loggerheads with big data activities, it is important to consider privacy as an embedded component in the processes, systems and projects, rather than being considered as an afterthought. These examples highlight the current state of discourse around data protection and privacy in India and the shapes they are likely to take in near future.

This workshop aims to build a dialogue around some of the key government-led big data initiatives in India and elsewhere that are contributing significant new challenges and concerns to the ongoing debates on the right to privacy.

Agenda

09:00-09:30 Tea and Coffee

09:30-10:00 Introduction

Mr. Amber Sinha and Mr. Sandeep Mertia
This session will introduce the topic of the workshop in the context of the ongoing works at CIS and Sarai.

10:00-11:00 From Privacy Bill(s) to ‘Habeas Data’

Dr. Usha Ramanathan and Mr. Vipul Kharbanda
This session will present a brief history of the privacy bill(s) in India and end with reflections on ‘habeas data’ as a lens for thinking and actualising privacy after big data.

11:00-11:30 Tea and Coffee

11:30-12:30 Digital ID, Data Protection, and Exclusion

Ms. Amelia Andersdotter and Mr. Srikanth Lakshmanan
This session will discuss national centralised digital ID systems, often operating at a cross-functional scale, and highlight its implications for discussions on data protection, welfare governance, and exclusion from public and private services.

12:30-13:30 Digital Money and Financial Inclusion

Dr. Anupam Saraph and Ms. Astha Kapoor
This session will focus on the rise of digital banking and online payments as core instruments of financial inclusion in India, especially in the context of the Jan Dhan Yojana and UPI, and reflect on the concerns around privacy and financial data.

13:30-14:30 Lunch

14:30-15:30 Big Data and Mass Surveillance

Dr. Anja Kovacs and Mr. Matthew Rice
This session will reflect on the rise of mass communication surveillance across the world, and the evolving challenges of regulating il/legal surveillance by government agencies.

15:30-16:15 Privacy is (a) Right

Mr. Apar Gupta and Ms. Kritika Bhardwaj
This brief session is to share initial ideas and strategies for articulating and actualising a constitutional right to privacy in India.

16:15-16:30 Tea and Coffee

16:30-17:30 Round Table

An open discussion session to conclude the workshop.

Speakers

Mr. Amber Sinha

Amber works on issues surrounding privacy, big data, and cyber security. He is interested in the impact of emerging technologies like artificial intelligence and learning algorithms on existing legal frameworks, and how they need to evolve in response. Amber studied humanities and law at National Law School of India University, Bangalore.

E-mail: amber at cis-india dot org.

Twitter: @ambersinha07.

Ms. Amelia Andersdotter

Amelia Andersdotter has been a Member of the European Parliament. She works on practical implications of data protection laws and consumer information security in Sweden, and digital rights in the Europe in general. Presently she is residing in Bangalore, where she is a visiting scholar with Centre for Internet and Society. She holds a BSc in Mathematics.

URL: https://dataskydd.net.

Twitter: @teirdes.

Dr. Anja Kovacs

Dr. Anja Kovacs directs the Internet Democracy Project in Delhi, India, which works for an Internet that supports free speech, democracy and social justice in India and beyond. Anja’s research and advocacy focuses especially on questions regarding freedom of expression, cybersecurity and the architecture of Internet governance. She has been a member of the of the Investment Committee of the Digital Defenders Partnership and of the Steering Committee of Best Bits, a global network of civil society members. She has also worked as an international consultant on Internet issues, including for the Independent Commission on Multilateralism, the United Nations Development Programme Asia Pacific and the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression, Mr. Frank La Rue, as well as having been a Fellow at the Centre for Internet and Society in Bangalore, India.

Internet Democracy Project: https://internetdemocracy.in.

Twitter: @anjakovacs.

Dr. Anupam Saraph

Anupam Saraph has extensively researched India's UID number that has been widely regarded as the game changer in development programs. It has come to be linked with both public and private databases and become the requirement for access to entitlements, benefits, services and rights. Dr. Saraph, who has the design of at least two identification programs to his credit has researched the UID’s functional creep since its inception.

He has been dissecting the myths of what the UID is or is not. He has also tracked the consequences of its linkages on databases that protect national security, sovereignty, democratic status and the entire banking and money system in India. He has also highlighted the implications of its use for targeted delivery of cash subsidies from the Consolidated Fund of India. He has written and lectured widely about the devastating impact of the UID number on development programs, national security and the governability of India.

As a Professor of Systems, Governance and Decision Sciences, Environmental Systems and Business he mentors students and teaches systems, information systems, environmental systems and sustainable development at universities in Europe, Asia and the Americas. He has worked with the Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, Rijksuniversitiet Groningen, RIVM, University of Edinburgh, Resource Use Institute, Systems Research Institute among others. Dr. Saraph has had the unique distinction of being India’s only person who has held the only office of a City CIO in India, in a PPP arrangement with government, industry and himself. He has also been the first e-governance Advisor to a State government. Dr. Saraph has held CxO and ministerial level positions and serves as an independent director on the boards of Public and Private Sector companies and NGOs. He is also the President of the Nagrik Chetna Manch, an NGO charged with the mission to bring accountability in governance.

Dr. Saraph is also actively engaged in civil society where he participates in several environmental, resource and nature conservation initiatives, has authored draft legislations for river and natural resource conservation, right to good governance and has contributed to governance, election and democratic reforms. Dr. Saraph is a regular columnist in newspapers and writes on issues of governance, future design, technology and education from a systems perspective.

As a future designer and recognized as a global expert on complex systems he helps individuals and organisations understand and design the future of their worlds. Together they address the toughest challenges, accomplish missions and achieve business goals. He also supports building capacity to address the challenges of today as well as to build future designs through teams and effective leadership. Since the eighties Dr. Saraph has modeled complex systems of cities, countries, regions and even the planet. His models have been awarded internationally and even placed in 10-year permanent exhibitions.

Dr Saraph works with business and government executives, civil society leaders, politicians, generals, civil servants, police, trade unionists, community activists, United Nations and ASEAN officials, judges, writers, media, architects, designers, technologists, scientists, entrepreneurs, board members and business leaders of small, mid and large single and trans-national companies, religious leaders and artists across a dozen countries and various industry sectors to help them and their organisations succeed in their missions. He advises the World Economic Forum through its Global Agenda Council for Complex Systems and the Club of Rome, Indian National Association as a founder life member.

Dr Saraph holds a PhD in designing sustainable systems from the faculty of Mathematics and Natural Sciences of the Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, the Netherlands.

Website: http://anupam.saraph.in.

Twitter: @anupamsaraph.

Mr. Apar Gupta

Apar Gupta practices law in Delhi. He is also one of the co-founders of the Internet Freedom Foundation. His work and writing on public interest issues can be accessed at his personal website www.apargupta.com.

Twitter: @aparatbar.

Ms. Astha Kapoor

Astha Kapoor is a public policy strategy consultant working on financial inclusion and digital payments. Currently, she is working with MicroSave. Her tasks involve a focus on government to people (G2P) payments - and her work spans strategy, advisory and evaluation with the DBT Mission, Office of the Chief Economic Advisor, NITI Aayog and ministries pertaining to food, fuel and fertilizer. She recently designed a pilot to digitize uptake of fertilizers in Krishna district, and evaluated the newly introduced coupon system in the Public Distribution System in Bengaluru.

Twitter: @kapoorastha.

Ms. Kritika Bhardwaj

Kritika Bhardwaj works as a Programme Officer at the Centre for Communication Governance (CCG), National Law University, Delhi. Her main areas of research are privacy and data protection. At CCG, she has written about the privacy implications of several contemporary issues such as Aadhaar (India's unique identification project), cloud computing and the right to be forgotten. A lawyer by training, Kritika has a keen interest in information law and human rights law.

Centre for Communication Governance, NLU Delhi: http://ccgdelhi.org.

Twitter: @Kritika12.

Mr. Matthew Rice

Matthew Rice is an Advocacy Officer at Privacy International working across the organisation engaging with international partners and strengthening their capacity on communications surveillance issues. He has previously worked at Privacy International as a consultant building the Surveillance Industry Index, the largest publicly available database on the private surveillance sector ever assembled. Matthew graduated from University of Aberdeen with an LLB (Hons.) and also has an MA in Human Rights from University College London.

Privacy International: https://privacyinternational.org.

Twitter: @mattr3.

Mr. Sandeep Mertia

Sandeep Mertia is a Research Associate at The Sarai Programme, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi. He is an ICT engineer by training with research interests in Science & Technology Studies, Software Studies and Anthropology. He is conducting an ethnographic study of emerging modes of data-driven knowledge production in the social sector.

Sarai: http://sarai.net.

Twitter: @SandeepMertia.

Academia: https://daiict.academia.edu/SandeepMertia.

Mr. Srikanth Lakshmanan

Srikanth is a software professional with interests in Internet, follower of Internet policy discussions, volunteers for multiple online campaigns related to Internet. He is also fascinated by FOSS, opendata, localization, Wikipedia, maps, public transit, civic tech and occasionally contributes to them.

Site: http://www.srik.me.

Twitter: @logic.

Mr. Vipul Kharbanda

Vipul Kharbanda is a consultant with the Center for Internet and Society, Bangalore. After finishing his BA.LLB.(Hons.) from National Law School of India University in Bangalore, he worked for India’s largest corporate law firm for two and a half years in their Mumbai office for two years working primarily on the financing of various infrastructure projects such as Power Plants, Roads, Airports, etc. Since quitting his corporate law job, Vipul has been working as the Associate Editor in a legal publishing house which has been publishing legal books and journals for the last 90 years in India. He has also been involved with the Center for Internet and Society as a Consultant working primarily on issues related to privacy and surveillance.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/events/privacy-after-big-data-delhi-nov-12-2016

Workshop on Democratic Accountability in the Digital Age (Delhi, November 14-15)

sumandro — 2016-12-15T09:27:22Z

IT for Change, along with Centre for Internet and Society (CIS), Digital Empowerment Foundation (DEF), Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS) and National Campaign for People’s Right to Information (NCPRI), is organising a two day workshop on ‘Democratic Accountability in the Digital Age’. The workshop will focus on evolving a comprehensive policy approach to data based governance and digital democracy, grounded in a rights and social justice framework. It will be held at the United Service Institution of India, Delhi, during November 14-15, 2016. The CIS team to participate in the workshop includes Sumandro Chattapadhyay (speaker), Amber Sinha (speaker), Vanya Rakesh (participant), and Himadri Chatterjee (participant).

The workshop aims to:

Discuss the institutional norms, rules and practices appropriate to the rise of ‘governance by networks’ and ‘rule by data’ that can guarantee democratic accountability and citizen participation, and
Articulate the steps to claim the civic-public value of digital technologies so that data and the new possibilities for networking are harnessed for a vibrant grassroots democracy.

We hope the workshop can create a civil society coalition that can build effective strategies for legal and policy reform to further participatory democracy in the digital age. On the first day, the workshop will set the context through knowledge sharing and thematic presentations and discussions. On the second day, we aim to concretize strategies for collective action to further democratic accountability in the digital age.

Workshop Agenda (PDF)

Background Note (ODT)

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/events/workshop-on-democratic-accountability-in-the-digital-age-delhi-november-14-15

Behind Modi’s Heartwarming Diwali Ad for Soldiers, An App That’s Primed for Political Messaging

praskrishna — 2016-10-30T07:33:57Z

The campaign, which allows users to send Modi quotes on themes like Ayodhya and the perfidy of the Opposition, raises questions about the boundaries between government, party and personal promotion.

The article by Sangeeta Barooah Pisharoty was published in the Wire on October 29, 2016. Sunil Abraham was quoted.

On October 22, Prime Minister Narendra Modi launched a public campaign, Sandesh2Soldiers, urging the people to be a part of it. The prime minister prodded people to express their gratitude to soldiers guarding the borders through the campaign by sending them personalised messages on the occasion of Diwali.

Such messages can be sent through the Narendra Modi mobile app, the “official app of the prime minister”, or by logging on to www.mygov.in, a central government platform launched by the prime minister in 2014 to facilitate participatory governance by engaging the public. One can also send a message by recording it after dialing a 10-digit number – which would then be aired by All India Radio (AIR).

Media reports said a special module had been created within the mobile app to not only enable people to send text messages to soldiers but also to upload handwritten letters, decorated cards and videos to them expressing their Diwali wishes and feelings for the armed forces.

A special video that carried Modi’s appeal to the public to send messages to the armed forces was shared on social media along with a few other videos to promote the prime minister’s idea. One such video features a child sending a ‘thank you rocket’ to soldiers for defending the nation under hostile circumstances. That the call to send a personal message has come from the prime minister has upped the profile of this campaign.

Bollywood stars like Akshay Kumar, Aamir Khan and Salman Khan, and cricketers such as Virat Kohli, Virendra Sehwag and Mohammad Kaif have also posted their messages to soldiers on Twitter by using the prime minister’s campaign hashtag #Sandesh2Soldiers. Many Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) politicians and ministers have also joined in.

As per a tweet by AIR on October 26, “Around 9,800 persons sent their good wishes to jawans of security forces so far during this festive season”. Last checked, www.mygov.in, run by the National Informatics Centre under the the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, showed 13,000 messages and video uploads recorded. The number is going up by the minute.

While the registration requirement at the government’s www.mygov.in portal only requires the sender to provide her or his name and e-mail address to be able to send a message or upload a video – a usual cyber safety procedure – those who want to use the Modi app for the purpose will have to do more: they will first have to agree to be personally profiled by the prime minister’s “official” mobile application.

Personally identifiable information

This is how things work: to register oneself through the app and send a message, a user not only has to disclose her name, mobile number and email address but also profession, the state and the district she belongs to, her voter identification card number, specific areas of interests and a personal description within “500 characters”.

This has left many potential senders and experts flummoxed. Why does a citizen, in order to express her gratitude to the armed forces on the occasion of Diwali at the call of her prime minister need to share additional information with the app, which amounts to profiling? At a time when the Supreme Court is hearing a bunch of petitions on the mandatory use of Aadhar cards by the government, some of which deal with issues of privacy and the possible misuse of the collected data, this is a relevant question.

“There was absolutely no need for the app to ask for additional information from a user just to send a message to the armed forces. As far as the additional information sought from a user is concerned, it allows the data collector to build a profile of the user but it is not profiling in the modern big data sense wherein multiple data sources are combined to create a complete profile of the data subject,” says Sunil Abraham, director of the Bangalore-based Centre for Internet and Society.

Abraham adds, “There is no guarantee that the data collected (through the app) won’t be used illegally by some commercial enterprise, etc. because our data protection law, Section 43A of the Information and Technology Act, doesn’t apply to the state but only to the private sector. In other words, if the personal information is shared with the government, then it is perfectly legal for the government to disclose the personal information to other government or commercial entities.”

Unlike the MyGov portal, where a user can type or upload a message, the Narendra Modi mobile app also automatically adds a quote from the prime minister below the one typed by the user. It expresses the prime minister’s pride over “the indomitable valour and supreme sacrifice of our armed forces etched in the memory of every Indian”.

The prime minister launched his official mobile app in August last year at a function reportedly organised by MyGov, thus making him the first prime minister to have a mobile app named after him. Designed by a team of six students from Delhi Technical University after winning a two-phased contest launched by MyGov in March last year, the app has been described as “a one-stop destination for knowing about all the latest day-to-day activities of the prime minister.”As per media reports, the app would correspond to the prime minister’s official website, www.pmindia.gov.in.

Obviously then, information on how to access the app and take part in the campaign have been publicised through his portal, www.pmindia.gov.in.

This raises another question. Even though www.pmindia.gov.in is not directly accepting public messages for the armed forces but is only promoting the campaign and giving information on how to download the mobile app for it (thereby proving that it corresponds to the app), it does direct an interested user to the prime minister’s personal website, www.narendramodi.in on clicking its publicity window designed for the campaign.

The user can then download the Modi app from his personal website, which was used extensively during the run-up to the 2014 parliamentary elections by Modi to reach out to voters. So the app not only corresponds to the official website of the prime minister but also with his personal website through the official website. Curiously, it is not possible to access the app from the MyGov portal even though the entity under the Ministry of Electronics and Information launched the app at a function on August 6 in New Delhi reportedly organised by it.

Thus, while the app that seemed to have been developed and launched by a government department can’t be accessed directly through a government portal, it can be accessed through the prime minister’s personal portal. Also, features in the app like “forget password” are handled by his personal website, which communicates with an app user as its “Admin”.

So who runs the app? Is it not the official app of the prime minister of the country? Who owns it? Is it his personal app that he considers “official”? These are questions to which answers are not easily available.

No answers

The Wire made multiple attempts to get an official response, both from the government and the BJP Cyber Cell, about these queries but failed to get an answer. The Wire also failed to get any official clarification to why the app seeks personal details of a user to just send messages to the armed forces.

Calls and text messages to the social media cell of the Press Information Bureau (PIB) – the government’s media interface in the digital space – the office of Anurag Jain, listed in the www.pmindia.gov.in as the “web information office”, and to MyGov, which launched the app at the second anniversary function of the Modi government on August 6 last year in New Delhi, failed to receive a reply. All that a PIB official was willing to say on condition of anonymity to this correspondent, “I think it has been outsourced, we don’t deal with it. May be you can contact the PMO.”

Anurag Jain’s office at the PMO said, “You won’t get any information here on the app and the response of the people for the campaign through it. Call the appointments section, it might know.” But that section didn’t respond.

A mail sent to Arvind Gupta of the BJP’s Cyber Cell too has so far remained unanswered. A BJP source, however, pointed out, “If you go to @narendramodi_in, it clearly mentions that it is the twitter account of narendramodi.in, the personal website of Narendra Modi and also of the Narendra Modi mobile app. So it is his personal app.”

The question of why a personal app of the prime minister is then called his “official” app remains unanswered. Also, why is it then that the bulk text messages sent by a government entity, MyGov, direct the public to the prime minister’s personal app to send a message to the armed forces? Is it personal or official?

Meanwhile, the traffic directed by the prime minister’s official website to his personal portal can make use of the e-greeting section in it to send a Diwali e-card to family, relatives, colleagues, etc.

To send such an e-card, the user needs to follow four mandatory steps – choosing a card from the available options, selecting a pre-written Diwali message; selecting a quote of the prime minister from an exhaustive list made available to the user, and adding the name, salutation and email address of the recipient of the card.

The list of quotes – in English and Hindi – have been culled out of the prime minister’s speeches that straddle a variety of categories including Pakistan, terrorism, ASEAN, Nepal, Bhutan, Swacchh Bharat mission, the idea of India, secularism, disability, caste, dalits, governance, yoga, youth, et al.

It also has “motivation” as a category of prime minister’s sayings. Clicking it will give a user the choice of a long list of the prime minister’s quotes which begins with the need for the world to recognise the sacrifice made by Indian soldiers in the two world wars and ends with a quote on the 2010 judgment given by the Allahabad high court on the disputed site at Ayodhya:

Diwali greetings that can be sent along with the prime minister’s quote on the Ayodhya judgement which has been stayed by the Supreme Court

The quote said, “The Ayodhya judgment will work as a catalyst to maintain peace and unity in the country. This judgment has given a respect to belief and self esteem of the people of India, and it should be linked to self esteem of the country.”

Reacting to the judgment in 2010, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat had expressed “satisfaction”, adding, “The judgment has paved the way for the construction of Ram temple in Ayodhya. The judgment is not a win or loss for anybody. We invite everybody, including Muslims, to help build the temple.”

Constructing the Ram temple in Ayodhya was also in the manifesto of the BJP for the 2014 Lok Sabha polls with Modi as the party’s prime ministerial candidate.

So, even if the Supreme Court had put a stay on the judgment and has been hearing some petitions for and against it, this Diwali, if you wish to send an e-card using that quote of the prime minister to express his mind on the issue, you can.

“I think it is not only improper of the prime minister to allow such a quote to feature in an e-card with his name but it is also contempt of court. Being the prime minister of the country, he has to maintain neutrality. As per the constitution, there is separation of the state from religion. So being the prime minister, he can’t possibly allow someone to use that quote of him,” says well-known constitutional expert and senior Supreme Court lawyer Rajeev Dhavan.

Dhavan points out a precedent: “In 1969, the Supreme Court held as contempt a comment made by the then West Bengal chief minister P.C. Sen in a speech aired by All India Radio. The speech was made at a time when someone had challenged an order of the state government on milk production. Sen’s adverse comment supporting the order was presented first in front of the West Bengal High Court which took cognisance of it and termed it contempt of court. Thereafter, the case came to the SC which also termed it contempt of court as the comment was made while the case was pending in the court.”

Swaying public opinion

As per media reports, the comment on the September 30, 2010, HC order was made by Modi, then the Gujarat chief minister, on the same day, before the SC stayed that order in May, 2011.

Dhavan felt, “That he, as the prime minister, is now openly allowing a user to circulate that quote after the SC has begun hearing the case will attract criminal contempt of court as it can be seen as interfering with the working of the judiciary. He can obviously affect public opinion and can be seen as trying to decide the question. It can be seen as usurping the function of the Judiciary by the Executive.”

The traffic directed by the prime minister’s official website to the personal portal can also make use of any Diwali e-greeting card by picking a quote from a category named “political-general”. Many of the quotes under that category are from the prime minister’s multiple attacks on the main opposition party, the Congress, some of which must have been made before the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, such as this one: “The UPA government is non-serious, it has taken the people for granted & it is not bothered about the youth. Their approach shows lack of faith in democracy. Our goal is to win the trust of the people & give dignity to them…”

“That the prime minister’s official website links people to surf his personal website where they can send e-cards using anti-opposition quotes of the prime minister is extremely contentious. Whichever party had come to power, there has always been a Chinese wall between the institution of the prime minister and the politician. Unfortunately, both have come together in the current dispensation. The common man doesn’t understand it well, so it is taking advantage of technology to erase that difference,” former Information and Broadcasting minister and Congress spokesperson Manish Tiwari said.

Such e-cards are not restricted to Diwali. You can send them on occasions like “Holi, Rakshabandhan, Navaratri, Christmas, Independence Day, Gudi Padwa, Kite Festival, Namo Birthday, Ram Navami, Swami Vivekananda Janma Jayanti” and at any other time by opting for the “political (general)” category.

Narendra Modi implemented the idea of launching e-cards that could go with his quotes in the run-up to the 2014 parliamentary elections. Reports said that “Narendra Modi E-cards” were used by the BJP as a “new marketing strategy” to canvas for its prime ministerial candidate before Holi to bypass the Election Commission of India’s model code of conduct as there was “no mention of rules for social media usage by political parties”.

Meanwhile, those who have signed up for the Narendra Modi mobile app only to send a message to the armed forces have begun receiving regular “infographics” based on the prime minister’s speeches, and also data culled out of news and study reports that are deemed favourable to him and his government. A registered user can further pass on those “infographics” by sharing them on her Facebook page and twitter handle.

The app, though termed “official”, also forwards to a registered user tweets posted only from his personal twitter handle and not from his official handle, @pmoindia. One such tweet that this correspondent received through the app had little to do with the government and entirely with the persona of the politician behind the prime minister. The tweet said, “When @narendramodi demonstrated true leadership at the Patna rally, on this day in 2013…”

Clicking on the link in the tweet takes you to a write-up that talks of the “true grit” of the “BJP’s then prime ministerial candidate” by addressing a rally after a bomb blast in Patna.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/the-wire-october-29-2016-sangeeta-barooah-pisharoty-behind-modis-heartwarming-diwal-ad-for-soldiers-an-app-that-is-primed-for-political-messaging

How Long Have Banks Known About The Debit Card Fraud?

tiwari — 2016-10-22T08:06:51Z

The recent security breach in an Indian payment switch provider, confirmed earlier this week by the National Payments Corporation of India Ltd (NPCIL), has forced domestic banks into damage control mode over the past few days.

The article was published by Bloomberg on October 22, 2016.

The breach was detected when various customers began to lodge complaints with their banks about unauthorised transactions on their accounts, which upon investigation were said to originate from a foreign location such as China. The security breach has affected actively at least 641 customers to the tune of Rs 1.8 crore, with lakhs more being affected by the pro-active measures (including card revocation) being taken by banks to prevent further financial losses.

Surprisingly little is known, however, about the nature of the attack responsible for the breach, the extent or scope of damage it has caused and the sufficiency of the countermeasures being initiated by the banks against the attacks. This article will talk about these aspects of the attack and also suggest normative measures that can be carried out to minimize harm and prevent such attacks in the future.

The Modus Operandi

According to reports, the compromise may have happened at the level of the Hitachi Payment Services, which is a payment services provider which operates, among other financial services, ATMs for a variety of banks across the country. One or a certain number of ATMs were apparently compromised by a malware, which then infected the payment services provider network, leading to a far larger potential target area than just the physical ATMs for malware to act against. The malware could have infected the payment switch provider via physically being uploaded onto vulnerable ATM machines, which are known to run out-dated embedded operating systems with various documented loopholes that are rarely patched. The malware then could have recorded the details of the cards used on the infected ATMs (or even in the network generally) and then, via the same compromised network, transmitted confidential details, including ATM pins and CVV numbers, to the operators of the malware.

The attack could have also occurred from some other vulnerable part of the payment network, such as a payment switch within the bank itself, making it far more dangerous as it still maybe be active on parts of the network within the bank and would have access to a far wider range & variety of information than a mere ATM. There is no real way to know if the threat has been even contained, forget neutralised, as the audits being carried out by PCI-DSS authorised agencies have been on-going for the past month and their reports are not due at least another 15 days, as intimated by NPCIL.

Massive Financial Implications


Policemen guard the banking hall of a State Bank of India branch in New Delhi. (Photographer: Sondeep Shankar/Bloomberg News)

The compromise of these details, regardless of the source of the compromise, has massive financial implications. This is because various international services allow debit/credit cards to be used only with the card number, expiry date, name & CVV number. They do not require the use of ATM Pins or an OTP (one time password) sent to a mobile phone for online transactions. In fact, unlike India where the RBI mandates OTPs for debit cards, this CVV based simplified online usage is the standard practice of using ATM Cards digitally in most of the developed world.

This would mean that merely changing ATM pins, something which SBI alleges less than 7 percent of its customers had done prior to all 6 lakh cards being blocked, would serve as almost no protection if the cards are enabled for international online transactions. The fact that most of the dubious, unauthorised financial transactions are occurring from foreign locations probably demonstrates that it is these kinds of internationally enabled cards that are being targeted for this sort of an attack.

Are Banks Concealing Information?


A customer exits a Yes Bank Ltd. automated teller machine (ATM) in Ahmedabad. (Photographer: Dhiraj Singh/Bloomberg)

The absence of data/security breach laws in India is being sharply felt as there as has been an abject lack of clarity and information from the banking sector and the government regarding the attack. Over 47 states in the USA and most of the countries in the EU have enacted strict data security breach laws that mandate public intimation & disclosure of key information pertaining to the attack along with detailed containment measures. The presence of such a law in India would have gone a long way in preventing the breach from being under the wraps for so long (it occurred at the bank level in September, almost a month ago) and also ensured far more vigilant active compliance by corporations & banks to international security standards and best practices. For now, the only true countermeasure to prevent future harm to affected card holders is for all affected cards to be revoked by the banks and new cards being issued to affected customers.

Constant vigilance & comprehensive security audits by banks to detect affected cards and active protection for customers, using financial and identity insurance services such as AllClear ID Plus (used by Sony in the 2011 Playstation Hack) will go a long way in mitigating the harm of the breach. The banking industry, government & security agencies should all learn from this breach and a combination of new legislation, updated industry practices and consumer awareness is necessary for proactive & reactive actions in the future.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/bloomberg-udbhav-tiwari-october-22-2016-how-long-have-banks-known-about-debit-card-fraud

RBI Directions on Account Aggregators

Vipul Kharbanda and Elonnai Hickok — 2016-10-21T15:25:01Z

The Reserve Bank of India's (RBI) Directions for account aggregator services in India seem to lay great emphasis on data security by allowing only direct access between institutions and do away with data scraping techniques.

These days’ people have access to various financial services and manage their finances in a diverse manner while dealing with a large number of financial service providers, each providing one or more services that the user may need such as banking, credit card services, investment services, etc. This multiplicity of financial service providers could make it inconvenient for the users to keep track of their finances since all the information cannot be provided at the same place. This problem is sought to be solved by the account aggregators by providing all the financial data of the user at a single place. Account aggregation is the consolidation of online financial account information (e.g., from banks, credit card companies, etc.) for online retrieval at one site. In a typical arrangement, an intermediary (e.g., a portal) agrees with a third party service provider to provide the service to consumers, the intermediary would then generally privately label the service and offer consumers access to it at the intermediary’s website.[1] There are two major ways in which account aggregation takes place, (i) direct access: wherein the account aggregator gets direct access to the data of the user residing in the computer system of the financial service provider; and (ii) scraping: where the user provides the account aggregator the username and password for its account in the different financial service providers and the account aggregator scrapes the information off the website/portal of the different financial service providers.

Since account aggregation involves the use and exchange of financial information there could be a number of potential risks associated with it such as (i) loss of passwords; (ii) frauds; (iii) security breaches at the account aggregator, etc. It is for this reason that on the advice of the Financial Stability and Development Council,[2] the Reserve Bank of India (“RBI”) felt the need to regulate this sector and on September 2, 2016 issued the Non-Banking Financial Company - Account Aggregator (Reserve Bank) Directions, 2016 to provide a framework for the registration and operation of Account Aggregators in India (the “Directions”). The Directions provide that no company shall be allowed to undertake the business of account aggregators without being registered with the RBI as an NBFC-Account Aggregator. The Directions also specify the conditions that have to be fulfilled for consideration of an entity as an Account Aggregator such as:

the company should have a net owned fund of not less than rupees two crore, or such higher amount as the Bank may specify;
the company should have the necessary resources and wherewithal to offer account aggregator services;
the company should have adequate capital structure to undertake the business of an account aggregator;
the promoters of the company should be fit and proper individuals;
the general character of the management or proposed management of the company should not be prejudicial to the public interest;
the company should have a plan for a robust Information Technology system;
the company should not have a leverage ratio of more than seven;
the public interest should be served by the grant of certificate of registration; and
Any other condition that made be specified by the Bank from time to time.[3]

The Direction further talk about the responsibilities of the Account Aggregators and specify that the account aggregators shall have the duties such as: (a) Providing services to a customer based on the customer’s explicit consent; (b) Ensuring that the provision of services is backed by appropriate agreements/ authorisations between the Account Aggregator, the customer and the financial information providers; (c) Ensuring proper customer identification; (d) Sharing the financial information only with the customer or any other financial information user specifically authorized by the customer; (e) Having a Citizen's Charter explicitly guaranteeing protection of the rights of a customer.[4]

The Account Aggregators are also prohibited from indulging in certain activities such as: (a) Support transactions by customers; (b) Undertaking any other business other than the business of account aggregator; (c) Keeping or “residing” with itself the financial information of the customer accessed by it; (d) Using the services of a third party for undertaking its business activities; (e) Accessing user authentication credentials of customers; (f) Disclosing or parting with any information that it may come to acquire from/ on behalf of a customer without the explicit consent of the customer.[5] The fact that there is a prohibition on the information accessed from actually residing with the Account Aggregator will ensure greater security and protection of the information.

Consent Framework

The Directions specify that the function of obtaining, submitting and managing the customer’s consent should be performed strictly in accordance with the Directions and that no information shall be retrieved, shared or transferred without the explicit consent of the customer.[6] The consent is to be taken in a standardized artefact, which can also be obtained in electronic form,[7] and shall contain details as to (i) the identity of the customer and optional contact information; (ii) the nature of the financial information requested; (iii) purpose of collecting the information; (iv) the identity of the recipients of the information, if any; (v) URL or other address to which notification needs to be sent every time the consent artefact is used to access information; (vi) Consent creation date, expiry date, identity and signature/ digital signature of the Account Aggregator; and (vii) any other attribute as may be prescribed by the RBI.[8] The account aggregator is required to inform the customer of all the necessary attributes to be contained in the consent artefact as well as the customer’s right to file complaints with the relevant authorities.[9] The customers shall also be provided an option to revoke consent to obtain information that is rendered accessible by a consent artefact, including the ability to revoke consent to obtain parts of such information.[10]

Comments: While the Directions have specific provisions regarding how the financial data shall be dealt with, it is pertinent to note that the actual consent artefact also has personal information and it is not clear whether Account Aggregators are allowed disclose that information to third parties are not.

Disclosure and sharing of financial information

Financial information providers such as banks, mutual funds, etc. are allowed to share information with account aggregators only upon being presented with a valid consent artifact and also have the responsibility to verify the consent as well as the credentials of the account aggregator.[11] Once the verification is done, the financial information provider shall digitally sign the financial information and transmit the same to the Account Aggregator in a secure manner in real time, as per the terms of the consent.[12] In order to ensure smooth flow of data, the Directions also impose an obligation on financial information providers to:

implement interfaces that will allow an Account Aggregator to submit consent artefacts, and authenticate each other, and enable secure flow of financial information;
adopt means to verify the consent including digital signatures;
implement means to digitally sign the financial information; and
maintain a log of all information sharing requests and the actions performed pursuant to such requests, and submit the same to the Account Aggregator.[13]

Comments: The Directions provide that the Account Aggregator will not support any transactions by the customers and this seems to suggest that in case of any mistakes in the information the customer would have to approach the financial information provider and not the Account Aggregator.

Use of Information

The Directions provide that in cases where financial information has been provided by a financial information provider to an Account Aggregator for transferring the same to a financial information user with the explicit consent of the customer, the Account Aggregator shall transfer the same in a secure manner in accordance with the terms of the consent artefact only after verifying the identity of the financial information user.[14] Such information, as well as information which may be provided for transferring to the customer, shall not be used or disclosed by the Account Aggregator or the Financial Information user except as specified in the consent artefact.[15]

Data Security

The Directions specify that the business of an Account Aggregator will be entirely Information Technology (IT) driven and they are required to adopt required IT framework and interfaces to ensure secure data flows from the financial information providers to their own systems and onwards to the financial information users.[16] This technology should also be scalable to cover any other financial information or financial information providers as may be specified by the RBI in the future.[17] The IT systems should also have adequate safeguards to ensure they are protected against unauthorised access, alteration, destruction, disclosure or dissemination of records and data.[18] Information System Audit of the internal systems and processes should be in place and be conducted at least once in two years by CISA certified external auditors whose report is to be submitted to the RBI.[19] The Account Aggregators are prohibited from asking for or storing customer credentials (like passwords, PINs, private keys) which may be used for authenticating customers to the financial information providers and their access to customer’s information will be based only on consent-based authorisation (for scraping).[20]

Grievance Redressal

The Directions require the Account Aggregator to put in place a policy for handling/ disposal of customer grievances/ complaints, which shall be approved by its Board and also have a dedicated set-up to address customer grievances/ complaints which shall be handled and addressed in the manner prescribed in the policy.[21] The Account Aggregator also has to display the name and details of the Grievance Redressal Officer on its website as well as place of business.[22]

Supervision

The Directions require the Account Aggregators to put in place various internal checks and balances to ensure that the business of the Account Aggregator does not violate any laws or regulations such as constitution of an Audit Committee, a Nomination Committee to ensure the “fit and proper” status of its Directors, a Risk Management Committee and establishment of a robust and well documented risk management framework.[23] The Risk Management Committee is required to (a) give due consideration to factors such as reputation, customer confidence, consequential impact and legal implications, with regard to investment in controls and security measures for computer systems, networks, data centres, operations and backup facilities; and b) have oversight of technology risks and ensure that the organisation’s IT function is capable of supporting its business strategies and objectives.[24] Further the RBI also has the power to inspect any Account Aggregator at any time.[25]

Penalties

The Directions themselves do not provide for any penalties for non compliance, however since the Directions are issued under Section 45JA of the Reserve Bank of India Act, 1934 (“RBI Act”), this means that any contravention of these directions will be punishable under Section 58B of the RBI Act which provides for an imprisonment of upto 3 years as well as a fine for any contravention of such directions.

Conclusion

The Directions by the RBI provide a number of regulations and checks on Account Aggregators with the view to ensure safety of customer financial data. These Directions appear to be quite trendsetting in the sense that in most other jurisdictions such as the United States or even Europe there are no specific regulations governing Account Aggregators but their activities are mainly being governed under existing privacy or consumer protection legislations.[26]

The entire regulatory regime for Account Aggregators seems to suggest that the RBI wants Account Aggregators to be like funnels to channel information from various platforms right to the customer (or financial information user) and it does not want to take a chance with the information actually residing with the Account Aggregators. Further, by prohibiting Account Aggregators from accessing user authentication credentials, the RBI is trying to eliminate the possibility of this information being leaked or stolen. Although this may make it more onerous for Account Aggregators to provide their services, it is a great step to ensure the safety and security of customer data.

In recent months the RBI has been trying to actively engage with the various new products being introduced in the financial sector owing to various technological advancements, be it the circular informing the public about the risks of virtual currencies including Bitcoin, the consultation paper on P2P lending platforms or these current guidelines on Account Aggregators. These recent actions of the RBI seem to suggest that the RBI is well aware of various technological advancements in the financial sector and is keeping a keen eye on these technologies and products, but appears to be taking a cautious and weighted approach regarding how to deal with them.

[1] Ann S. Spiotto, Financial Account Aggregation: The Liability Perspective, Fordham Journal of Corporate & Financial Law, 2006, Volume 8, Issue 2, Article 6, available at http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1181&context=jcfl

[2] https://rbi.org.in/scripts/BS_PressReleaseDisplay.aspx?prid=34345

[3] Clause 4.2.2 of the Directions.

[4] Clause 5 of the Directions.

[5] Clause 5 of the Directions.

[6] Clauses 6.1 and 6.2 of the Directions.

[7] Clause 6.4 of the Directions.

[8] Clause 6.3 of the Directions.

[9] Clause 6.5 of the Directions.

[10] Clause 6.6 of the Directions.

[11] Clauses 7.1 and 7.2 of the Directions.

[12] Clauses 7.3 and 7.4 of the Directions.

[13] Clause 7.5 of the Directions.

[14] Clause 7.6.1 of the Directions.

[15] Clause 7.6.2 of the Directions.

[16] Clause 9(a) of the Directions.

[17] Clause 9(c) of the Directions.

[18] Clause 9(d) of the Directions.

[19] Clause 9(f) of the Directions.

[20] Clause 9(b) of the Directions.

[21] Clauses 10.1 and 10.2 of the Directions.

[22] Clause 10.3 of the Directions.

[23] Clauses 12.2, 12.3 and 12.4 of the Directions.

[24] Clause 12.4 of the Directions.

[25] Clause 15 of the Directions.

[26] http://www.canadiancybersecuritylaw.com/2016/07/german-regulator-finds-banks-data-rules-impede-non-bank-competitors/

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/rbi-directions-on-account-aggregators

Intelligence agencies will not have open access to Aadhaar data: UIDAI chief

praskrishna — 2016-10-21T01:32:56Z

Intelligence agencies will not have free access to Aadhaar data, a top government official said on Thursday, looking to assuage fears of abuse of personal information.

The article by Aloke Tikku was published in the Hindustan Times on October 20, 2016. Sunil Abraham was quoted.

The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), which issued identity cards to 1.07 billion Indians, last month decided to retain data related to the verification of Aadhaar-enabled transactions for seven years, leading to security concerns over data safety.

As reported by HT on Monday, privacy experts expressed concerns that transaction data retained for so long could be accessed by the security establishment for surveillance on individuals without sufficient grounds.

“This fear is completely misplaced,” ABP Pandey, UIDAI’s chief executive officer told HT in an interview.

Security agencies can access the data only in case of national security after they get the nod of an oversight committee headed by the cabinet secretary. This committee has to clear every order made by the designated joint secretary-level officer before the information is shared, he said.

“You cannot have any legal protection stronger than this,” Pandey added.

Aadhaar transaction data is not only protected by the most powerful, contemporary law to restrict access but also by strong cryptography.

“Even if someone attempts, the 2048-bit encryption is so strong that it will take them millions of computers and billions of years to decrypt the data,” he said.

A vocal critic of Aadhaar’s design, Sunil Abraham of the Centre for Internet and Society (CIS) suggested he wouldn’t rely too much on the legal framework. “You cannot put a legal band-aid on a broken technological solution. You need to get privacy and security right by design,” the director of the Bengaluru-based research body said.

Abraham said the problem could have been averted if the UIDAI did not store the data in a centralised form. Instead, it could have used its digital signature to sign proof of authentication that could be stored by the authenticating agency and the citizen on a smart card.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/hindustan-times-aloke-tikku-october-20-2016-intelligence-agencies-will-not-have-open-access-to-aadhaar-data

MLATs and the proposed Amendments to the US Electronic Communications Privacy Act

Vipul Kharbanda and Elonnai Hickok — 2016-12-28T01:09:34Z

In continuance of our blog post on mutual legal assistance treaties (MLATs), we examine a new approach to international bilateral cooperation being suggested in the United States, by creating a mechanism for certain foreign governments to directly approach the data controllers.

Published under Creative Commons License CC BY-SA. Anyone can distribute, remix, tweak, and build upon this document, even for commercial purposes, as long as they credit the creator of this document and license their new creations under the terms identical to the license governing this document.

In the previous article on MLATs we discussed, in some detail, what MLATs are and why they are needed. One area which was briefly focused upon in that article was the limitations and criticisms of the MLAT mechanism, of which one of the main criticisms being the problems caused due to different legal standards in various jurisdictions as well as the time taken to process a request for information sent from one country to another. Talking specifically about the United States, where most internet companies are headquartered and hold large amounts of data, it typically takes months to process requests under MLATs and foreign governments often struggle to comprehend and comply with the legal standards in the United States for obtaining data for use in their investigations.[1] The requirement that a foreign government should take permission from, and comply with the requirements of a foreign government simply because the data needed happens to be controlled by a service provider based in a foreign country strikes many foreign law enforcement officials as damaging to security and law enforcement efforts, especially when they are requesting data pertaining to a crime between two of their own citizens that primarily took place on their soil.[2]

These inefficiencies of the MLAT process lead to further problems of foreign governments attempting to apply their search and surveillance laws in an extraterritorial manner for example in 2014 the UK passed the Data Retention and Investigatory Powers Act, 2014 with gives the government the power to directly access data from foreign service providers if sought for specific purposes and the request is approved by the Secretary of State or other specified executive branch official.[3] Another response that may occur is if, frustrated by such inefficiencies of the existing systems, courts in foreign states start assuming extra territorial jurisdiction, as happened when a District Court in Vishakhapatnam restrained Google from complying with a subpoena issued by the Superior Court of California, ordering Google to share the password of the Gmail account belonging to an Indian citizen residing in Vishakhapatnam.[4]

Solution proposed in the United States

In order to overcome these inefficiencies, at least in the American context, the Department of Justice has proposed a legislation which seeks to make the process of foreign governments getting information from US based entities more streamlined by amending the provisions of the Electronic Communications Privacy Act (ECPA) of the United States (the “Amendment”). These amendments have been proposed primarily for the US and UK to effectuate a proposed bilateral agreement whereby the UK government will be able to approach US companies directly with requests for information without going through the MLAT process or getting an order from a US court.

The Amendment seeks to ensure that requests from foreign governments for information from US entities get answered in a smooth manner by including those requests in the process for seeking information under the ECPA itself. This move would no doubt, make it easier for foreign governments to access data in the US, but such a move can be criticized on the ground that it would then allow all states, irrespective of their legal standards of privacy, etc. to get access to such information. This problem has been overcome in the amendment by adding a new section to Title 18 which would allow the Attorney General, with the concurrence of the Secretary of State to certify to the Congress that the legal standards in the contracting state which is being given access to the mechanism under the ECPA satisfies certain requirements specified in the chapter (and discussed below). Only after such a certification has been received by the Congress, a contracting state would be able to receive the benefits sought to be granted under the Amendment.

It is important to note that the US administration is looking to use the US-UK Agreement as a standard to be followed for similar potential agreements with a number of other countries wherein the agencies in those countries could request information from US based entities through court orders through a properly specified legal framework. Though to our knowledge India has not been formally approached by the US government to enter into such an agreement, it is important to ask the question viz. if approached:

Does India's present legal system meet the standards laid down in the amendment to the ECPA?
And if they do, should India also seek to enter into such an Agreement with the United States?
And if India does, what could be the implications for citizens and for countries in a similar position as India?

We hope to be able to answer the above three questions, or at least throw some light on them, in the conclusion of this paper by relying upon the discussions contained herein.

Criticisms of the Amendment

While such a mechanism may be very effective in addressing the needs of security agencies in investigation and prevention of criminal activities, one cannot accept such an overarching change in cross border enforcement without analyzing the consequences that such a proposal will have on the right to privacy. Some of these consequences have been highlighted by experts responding to the amendment:

Lack of Judicial Authorisation: The Amendment requires that the foreign governments have a process whereby a person could seek post-disclosure review by an independent entity instead of a warrant by a court.[5] Although a court order is not the norm for interception even in Indian law, however under American law such protection is given to data held by American companies even though the data may belong to Indian citizens and this protection will no longer be available if the Amendment is passed.

Vague Standard for requests: Under the domestic law of any state there is usually a large amount of jurisprudence regarding when search orders can be issued, such as the “probable cause” standard that is followed in the United States or similar standards that may be followed in other jurisdictions. This ensures that even when the wording of the law is not precise, which it cannot be for such a subjective issue, there is still some amount of clarity around when and under what circumstances such warrants may be issued. In contrast, the Amendment requires that the orders be based on “requirements for a reasonable justification based on articulable and credible facts, particularity, legality, and severity regarding the conduct under investigation.” Although the language here may seem reasonable but in the absence of any jurisprudence backing it, it becomes very vague and susceptible to misuse. Disclosure without a Warrant: Under the current MLAT process as followed in the United States, a judge in the U.S. must issue a warrant based on probable cause in order for a U.S. company to turn over content to a foreign government. This requirement protects individuals abroad by requiring their governments to meet certain standards when seeking information held by U.S. companies. The Amendment seeks to remove this essential safeguard for a judicial warrant. The Amendment does not require requests from foreign governments to be based on a prior judicial authorization, since a large number of countries (including India) do not always require judicial orders for such orders.[6]

Allows Real Time Surveillance by Foreign Governments: American privacy rights activists have raised the concern that the Amendment would allow foreign governments to conduct ongoing surveillance by asking American companies to turn over data in real time. The requirements that the foreign governments would have to fulfill to execute such an order are less stringent than those which have to be fulfilled by the American security agencies if they want to indulge in similar activities. When the U.S. government wants to conduct real-time surveillance, it must comply with the Wiretap Act, which imposes heightened privacy protections.[7] The court orders for this purpose also require minimization of irrelevant information, are strictly time-limited, only available for certain serious crimes, etc.[8] In Indian law any such request, apart from being time limited and being available only for certain specified purposes, also has to satisfy that interception is the only reasonable option to acquire such information.

Process to determine which countries can make demands is not credible: Under the Amendment, the Attorney General and the Secretary of State, would decide whether the laws and practices of the foreign government adequately meet the standards set forth in the legislation for entering into a bilateral agreement. Their decisions would not be liable to be reviewed by a court or in any administrative procedure. They could make their determinations based on information which is not available to the public and the criteria for making the decision are vague and flexible. Further these criteria have been described as “factors” and not “requirements”[9] so that even if some of them are not satisfied, the certification process can still be completed.

Companies do not have the resources to determine if a request complies with the terms of the agreement: The Amendment does not provide any oversight to ensure that technology companies are only turning over information permitted in a specific bilateral agreement. For example, a bilateral agreement may permit disclosure of information only in response to orders that do not discriminate on the basis of religion, however, it may not be possible for the companies receiving the request to determine whether a particular request complies with that condition or not. The Amendment does not require that individual companies put in place requisite processes to weed out requests that may be non compliant with the provisions of the agreement; nor are there periodic audits to ensure that companies are properly responding to foreign government information requests.[10]

Non compliance with Human Rights Standards: Under international human rights law, governments are allowed to conduct surveillance only based on individualized and sufficient suspicion; authorized by an independent and impartial decision-maker; necessary and proportionate to achieve a legitimate aim, including by being the least intrusive means possible.[11] However the mechanism proposed by the Amendment falls woefully short of these standards.[12]

One must not lose sight of the fact that most of the criticisms of the proposal that have been discussed above have been made in the context of, and based on the standards of privacy protection that are available to American citizens. If we look at it from an Indian perspective most of those protections are not available to Indian citizens in any case since independent judicial oversight is not a sine qua non for access to information by the security agencies in India. Although the Amendment leaves open the question of how a request would be made by the foreign government to the individual Agreements, it may be safe to assume that were India to enter into such an Agreement with the United States, it would require the orders for access to comply with the standards laid down under Indian law before the relevant authorities send the request to the US based data controllers. At the least, this would ensure that the rights of Indian citizens currently guaranteed under Indian law, howsoever flawed they might be, would in all likelihood be safeguarded as per Indian law.

Certification from the Attorney General to the US Congress

In the above background if India were to enter into the agreement with the U.S Government apart from actually negotiating and signing that Agreement, the Indian government will also have to ensure (if the Amendment is passed) that the Attorney General of the United States, with the concurrence of the Secretary of State gives a certificate to the Congress that Indian law satisfies the requirements set forth in the proposed section XXXX of Title 18.

It must be kept in mind that if the negotiations between India and the United States in this regard reach such a mature stage that the certification from the Attorney General is required, then that would mean that there is enough political will on both sides to ensure that such an arrangement actually comes to fruition. In this context it would not be unfair to assume that the Attorney General may have a slight bias towards opining that Indian laws do conform to the requirements of the Amendment, as the Attorney General would want to support the decision taken by the administration, and our analysis shall have a similar bias in order to be more contextual.

The certification would, inter alia, contain the determination of the Attorney General:

That the domestic law of India affords robust substantive and procedural protections for privacy and civil liberties in light of the data collection and activities of the Indian government that will be subject to the agreement.It should be noted that the Amendment specifies various factors that should be taken into account to reach such a determination, which include whether the Indian government:

(i) has adequate substantive and procedural laws on cybercrime and electronic evidence, as demonstrated through accession to the Budapest Convention on Cybercrime, or through domestic laws that are consistent with definitions and the requirements set forth in Chapters I and II of that Convention; Although India is not a signatory to the Budapest Convention the Information Technology Act, 2000 (which is the main legislation dealing with cybercrime) has penal provisions which have borrowed heavily from the provisions of the Budapest Convention.

demonstrates respect for the rule of law and principles of nondiscrimination;

The provisions of Article 14 as well as Article 21 of the Constitution of India demonstrates that the legal regime in India is committed to the rule of law and principles of non discrimination.

adheres to applicable international human rights obligations and commitments or demonstrates respect for international universal human rights (including but not limited to protection from arbitrary and unlawful interference with privacy; fair trial rights; freedoms of expression, association and peaceful assembly; prohibitions on arbitrary arrest and detention; and prohibitions against torture and cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment);

India is a signatory to a number of international human rights conventions and treaties, it has acceded to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), 1966, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), 1966, ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), 1965, with certain reservations, signed the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), 1979 with certain reservations, Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), 1989 and signed the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), 1984. Further the right to life guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution takes within its fold a number of human rights such as the right to privacy. Freedom of expression, right to fair trial, freedom of assembly, right against arbitrary arrest and detention are all fundamental rights guaranteed under the Constitution of India.

has clear legal mandates and procedures governing those entities of the foreign government that are authorized to seek data under the executive agreement, including procedures through which those authorities collect, retain, use, and share data, and effective of oversight of these activities;

India has a number of legislations which govern the interception and request for information such as the Information Technology Act, 2000, the Indian Telegraph Act, 1885, Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973, etc. which put in place mechanisms governing the authorities and entities which can ask for information.

has sufficient mechanisms to provide accountability and appropriate transparency regarding the government’s collection and use of electronic data; and

The Right to Information Act, 2005 provides the citizens the right to access any public document unless access to the same is prohibited due to the specific exemptions provided in the Act. It may be noted here that the provisions of the Right to Information Act are often frustrated by the bureaucracy by using exceptions such as “national security”, but for the purposes of this write up we are already assuming a bias towards fulfillment of these factors/conditions and therefore as long as there is even some evidence of compliance, the conditions will be considered as fulfilled by the Attorney General for the purposes of his certificate.

demonstrates a commitment to promote and protect the global free flow of information and the open, distributed, and interconnected nature of the Internet.

The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India, which regulates telecom services in India has also issued the Prohibition of Discriminatory Tariffs for Data Services Regulations, 2016 which prohibits service providers from charging discriminatory tariffs for data services on the basis of content.

Other than Indian law, the certificate from the Attorney General will also have to certify certain issues which would have to be addressed in the bilateral agreement itself, viz.:

That the Indian government has adopted appropriate procedures to minimize the acquisition, retention, and dissemination of information concerning United States persons subject to the agreement.
That the agreement requires the following with respect to orders subject to the agreement:

(i) The Indian government may not intentionally target a United States person or a person located in the United States, and must adopt targeting procedures designed to meet this requirement;

(ii) The Indian government may not target a non–United States person located outside the United States if the purpose is to obtain information concerning a United States person or a person located in the United States;

(iii) The Indian government may not issue an order at the request of or to obtain information to provide to the United States government or a third-party government, nor shall the Indian government be required to share any information produced with the United States government or a third-party government;

(iv) Orders issued by the Indian government must be for the purpose of obtaining information relating to the prevention, detection, investigation, or prosecution of serious crime, including terrorism;

(v) Orders issued by the Indian government must identify a specific person, account, address, or personal device, or any other specific identifier as the object of the Order;

(vi) Orders issued by the Indian government must be in compliance with the domestic laws of India, and any obligation for a provider of an electronic communications service or a remote computing service to produce data shall derive solely from Indian law;

(vii) Orders issued by the Indian government must be based on requirements for a reasonable justification based on articulable and credible facts, particularity, legality, and severity regarding the conduct under investigation;

(viii) Orders issued by the Indian government must be subject to review or oversight by a court, judge, magistrate, or other independent authority;

(ix) Orders issued by the Indian government for the interception of wire or electronic communications, and any extensions thereof, must be for a fixed, limited duration; interception may last no longer than is reasonably necessary to accomplish the approved purposes of the order; and orders may only be issued where that same information could not reasonably be obtained by another less intrusive method;

(x) Orders issued by the Indian government may not be used to infringe freedom of speech;

(xi) The Indian government must promptly review all material collected pursuant to the agreement and store any unreviewed communications on a secure system accessible only to those trained in applicable procedures;

(xii) The Indian government must segregate, seal, or delete, and not disseminate material found not to be information that is, or is necessary to understand or assess the importance of information that is, relevant to the prevention, detection, investigation, or prosecution of serious crime, including terrorism, or necessary to protect against a threat of death or seriously bodily harm to any person;

(xiii) The Indian government may not disseminate the content of a communication of a U.S. person to U.S. authorities unless the communication (a) may be disseminated pursuant to Section 4(a)(3)(xii) and (b) relates to significant harm, or the threat thereof, to the United States or U.S. persons, including but not limited to crimes involving national security such as terrorism, significant violent crime, child exploitation, transnational organized crime, or significant financial fraud;

(xiv) The Indian government must afford reciprocal rights of data access to the United States government;

(xv) The Indian government must agree to periodic review of its compliance with the terms of the agreement by the United States government; and

(xvi) The United States government must reserve the right to render the agreement inapplicable as to any order for which it concludes the agreement may not properly be invoked.

Conclusion

It is clear from the discussion above that the proposed Amendment is a controversial piece of legislation which will affect the way law enforcement is carried out in the internet. While there is no doubt that proposing an alternate mechanism to the existing inefficient MLAT structure is definitely the need of the hour, whether the mechanism proposed in the proposed Amendment, with all the negative implications on privacy, is the right way forward is far from certain.

As for the three questions that we had sought out to answer in the beginning of this paper, we would not like to say that Indian law definitely conforms to all the requirements listed in the Amendments, but it can safely be said that it appears that if the governments of India and the United States so wish, it would not be difficult for the Attorney General of the United States to be able to give a certification to the Congress as required in the proposed Amendment.

The other two questions as to whether India should try to opt for such an arrangement if given a chance and what would be the consequence for its people are somewhat related, in the sense that it is only by examining the consequences on its citizens that we will arrive at an answer as to whether India should opt for such an arrangement or not. The level of protections offered to Indian citizens under India law in terms of protection of their private data from government surveillance is lower than that which is offered to American citizens under American law. The growing influence of the internet is changing the citizen-state dynamic giving rise to increasing incidents where the government has to approach private actors for permission in order to carry out their governmental functions of providing security. This is because more and more private data of individual citizens is being uploaded on to the internet and controlled by private actors such as telecom companies, social media sites, etc. and the governments have to approach these private actors in case they want access to this information. The fact that the government has to approach private actors to get access to data gives private citizens some leverage to ask for better privacy protections in the context of state surveillance.

Although this proposed Amendment may not affect the local surveillance laws in India, however it would definitely have an effect on the way that citizens’ data is protected and accessed by the government.

[1] Explanation by the Assistant Attorney General attached to the proposed Amendment.

[2] https://www.justsecurity.org/24145/u-s-u-k-data-sharing-treaty/

[3] https://www.justsecurity.org/24145/u-s-u-k-data-sharing-treaty/

[4] http://spicyip.com/2012/04/clash-of-courts-indian-district-court.html

[5] https://www.justsecurity.org/32529/foreign-governments-tech-companies-data-response-jennifer-daskal-andrew-woods/

[6] https://www.aclu.org/letter/aclu-amnesty-international-usa-and-hrw-letter-opposing-doj-proposal-cross-border-data-sharing

[7] https://www.aclu.org/letter/aclu-amnesty-international-usa-and-hrw-letter-opposing-doj-proposal-cross-border-data-sharing

[8] https://www.justsecurity.org/32529/foreign-governments-tech-companies-data-response-jennifer-daskal-andrew-woods/

[9] https://www.justsecurity.org/32529/foreign-governments-tech-companies-data-response-jennifer-daskal-andrew-woods/

[10] https://www.aclu.org/letter/aclu-amnesty-international-usa-and-hrw-letter-opposing-doj-proposal-cross-border-data-sharing

[11] International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, art. 17, Dec. 19, 1966, U.N.T.S 999, cf. https://www.aclu.org/letter/aclu-amnesty-international-usa-and-hrw-letter-opposing-doj-proposal-cross-border-data-sharing

[12] https://www.aclu.org/letter/aclu-amnesty-international-usa-and-hrw-letter-opposing-doj-proposal-cross-border-data-sharing

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/mlats-and-the-proposed-amendments-to-the-us-electronic-communications-privacy-act

New regulations in place; Aadhaar Card records to be preserved for 7 yrs by Centre

praskrishna — 2016-10-17T14:46:31Z

UIDAI chief executive office ABP Pandey said that the concerns regarding Aadhar card-related benefits were "exaggerated" and that the agency will keep the records in case any disputes arise in the future.

The article was published in the Financial Express on October 17, 2016. Sunil Abraham was quoted.

As per new regulations, the government will now keep a record for seven years of all services and benefits that are availed using Aadhaar number. Fearing that the database might be used for surveillance, the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) will preserve the records.

UIDAI chief executive office ABP Pandey said that the concerns regarding Aadhar card-related benefits were “exaggerated” and that the agency will keep the records in case any disputes arise in the future.

Pandey added that the information will be available online for two years and shall be shifted to the offline archives for the next five years. In that case, users will be able to check the records only for two years. However, the rules won’t apply for security agencies and that they will need a district judge’s permission to access the data.

According to HT, the rules allow designated joint secretary-level officers at the Centre to order access to information on the grounds of national security.

Talking about this Sunil Abraham, director of the Bengaluru-based think tank, Centre for Internet and Society said that once Aadhar becomes mandatory, it can be misused to conduct a 360-degree surveillance on any person.

Every time a person fingerprints and quotes the Aadhaar number, the agency concerned sends the data to UIDAI to crosscheck the particulars.
The UIDAI authenticates about five million Aadhaar numbers, which are quoted to avail LPG subsidy, cheap ration and even passport, a day against a capacity to verify 100 million requests daily, reports HT.

Meanwhile, The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) has launched a drive to enrol any leftover population for Aadhaar in 22 states and UTs that have “statistically” hit 100 per cent coverage for adults.

The ‘Challenge drive’ starts from October 15 for a month, a UIDAI statement said, adding that as of today, over 106.69 crore Aadhaar numbers have been generated across the country.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/financial-express-october-17-2016-new-regulations-in-place-aadhaar-card-records-to-be-preserved-for-7-yrs-by-centre

Govt to keep Aadhaar record for 7 years, activists worried

praskrishna — 2016-10-17T01:53:24Z

The government will keep for seven years a record of all the services and benefits availed using the Aadhaar number, say new rules, prompting fears that the database could be used for surveillance.

The article by Aloke Tikku was published in the Hindustan Times on October 17, 2016. Sunil Abraham was quoted.

The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), which issues the 12-digit biometric identity to all Indian residents, will be required to preserve its record of verification of an Aadhaar number for the duration.

“This is an unprecedented centralised data retention provision,” said Sunil Abraham, director of the Bengaluru-based think tank, Centre for Internet and Society.

UIDAI chief executive officer ABP Pandey said the concerns were exaggerated. The agency was keeping records in case a dispute arose over a transaction.

The information will be retained online for two years and another five years in the offline archives, say the rules notified in September.

Users will be able to check the records but only for two years.

This restriction won’t apply to security agencies. Pandey, however, said the records would not be available to them without a district judge’s permission.

But, HT found that the rules allow designated joint secretary-level officers at the Centre to order access to information on the grounds of national security.

“Once Aadhaar becomes mandatory for all services, it can be used by benign and malignant actors to conduct a 360-degree surveillance on any individual,” Abraham said.

This is how the system, which will need millions of fingerprint-reading machines, works.

Every time a person fingerprints and quotes the Aadhaar number, the agency concerned sends the data to UIDAI to crosscheck the particulars.

The UIDAI authenticates about five million Aadhaar numbers, which are quoted to avail LPG subsidy, cheap ration and even passport, a day against a capacity to verify 100 million requests daily.

“You can think of it as Natgrid Plus,” Abraham said, a reference to the National Intelligence Grid being built by the government.

A one-stop database for counter-terrorism agencies, Natgrid will collate information real time from databases of various agencies such as bank, rail and airline networks.

“…we do not record the purpose for which an authentication request was received but only the details of the agency that sent it,” UIDAI’s Pandey said.

But seven years is a long time. Only a select category of government files are kept for longer than five years.

Asked about two-year deadline for users, Pandey said it would have been a logistic nightmare to let people access the records once the information was offline.

The Supreme Court has a ruled that Aadhaar is not a must for availing welfare schemes and is to decide if collecting biometric data for the 12-digit number infringed an individual’s privacy.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/hindustan-times-aloke-tikku-october-17-2016-govt-to-keep-aadhaar-record-for-seven-years-activitsts-worried

Request for Specifics: Rebuttal to UIDAI

hans — 2016-10-30T15:06:31Z

Responding to the Unique Identification Authority of India’s article that found “serious mathematical errors” in “Flaws in the UIDAI Process” (EPW 12 March 2016), the main mathematical argument used to arrive at the number of duplicates in the biometric database is explained.

The article was published in the Economic & Political Weekly on September 3, 2016, Vol.51, Issue No.36.

The author of a technical paper will be alarmed when he is convicted of “serious mathematical errors” by someone who has not bothered himself with “going too deep into the mathematics” used. The man must possess miraculous powers of divination one feels: fears rather. The UIDAI seems to have even such formidable diviners in their employ: who have dismissed just so peremptorily, in their rebuttal, the calculations made in my paper titled Flaws in the UIDAI process. The paper appeared in the issue of this journal dated to February 27 of this year. The rebuttal was published in the issue dated to the 12th of March. The interested reader can confirm that I have only repeated what was said there. The rebuttal does not specify, in any way, the mathematical mistakes I am supposed to have made. So I shall rehearse the relevant calculations very broadly: and the experts of the UIDAI will then exhibit, I trust, the specific mistakes they impute to me.[*]

[*]My reply to the UIDAIs attempted rebuttal was sent in to the EPW a few days after that appeared in print: and published as a “web exclusive” article in Volume 51, Issue Number 36 of the EPW, on 03/09/2016.

Read the Full Article

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/economic-and-political-weekly-journal-vol-51-issue-36-september-3-2016-hans-varghese-mathews-request-for-specifics

An 'app'ening world

praskrishna — 2016-10-05T00:24:19Z

A ‘forward’ has been doing the rounds on WhatsApp about the privacy concerns relating to that instant messaging app; it’s asking for permission to share user data with Facebook.

The article by Chetana Divya Vasudev was published in Deccan Herald on October 4, 2016. Rohini was quoted.

In the WhatsApp notification, asking users to agree to the terms and conditions again, the option to share these user details to help improve ads on Facebook is already selected. Those who are uncomfortable parting with this information have to uncheck it before clicking on the ‘I agree’ button.

“Agreeing to this would mean Facebook can see who you’re chatting with and what you’re talking about,” says tech expert Chinmayi S K. “So if you’re talking about cat adoption, the ads displayed on the side could be relevant to that.”

When it comes to other smartphone apps, she cites Zomato as an example. “It has been asking for user history — previous orders and other such details — to make recommendations,” she says. “This comes with the app update. Tinder, too, is asking for your location using wifi, which is more accurate than the GPRS location.”
It’s alright to agree to these permissions, she says, so long as you’re aware of what you’re signing up for and how that data is going to be used.

If you have qualms about agreeing to this, there are usually alternatives you can find, adds Rohini Lakshane, program officer, Centre for Internet and Society. “If not, it’s usually a trade-off: you have to see how much you want the app,” she points out.

There are, however, other apps that might be duplicates asking for access to your device or files, cautions Chinmayi.

“If a cooking app, a simple one that gives you recipes, asks for your call logs or other files, for example,” she says.

A discerning user, interjects Rohini, will check for permission to access files or functions that are not strictly necessary for the features the app supports. “I don’t want to name anything but some e-commerce and travel apps ask to access your browsing history and the other apps or networks you’re connect to. It could be to serve you contextual ads or content, like Zomato, or to sell it to someone. You never know,” she says. However, some devices or versions of the Android OS let you control what permissions you enable, she informs.

Aeronautical engineer Pavan Raj P V says he takes care not to compromise on his safety, whenever possible. “But there are a few apps that I have on my phone no matter what — Facebook, WhatsApp, LinkedIn, Instagram. Most of them auto-update and require no extra permissions.”

However, he has noticed that LinkedIn asks for access to Gmail contacts that you could accidentally accept “if you’re logging in mechanically”.

Varsha C V, communications specialist at Karnataka State Highways Improvement Project, says, “Last month, my husband asked me to download a Google app for free calls that required all sorts of permissions, such as access to your phone logs. When Skype offers the same features without asking for all this, why should anyone use this app?”

She believes privacy in India is not taken as seriously as it should be. “You should keep in mind that if you’re giving them access to your contacts, you’re also compromising on others’ privacy,” she points out.

Lokanand, a sound engineer, admits to not paying attention to what he’s giving apps access to. “I’m no expert but if you ask me, you download apps because they are useful. So I don’t really bother about what I’m saying yes to.”

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/deccan-herald-chetana-divya-vasudev-october-4-2016-an-appening-world