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  <title>Centre for Internet and Society</title>
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    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/events/a-public-discussion-on-criminal-defamation-in-india">
    <title>A Public Discussion on Criminal Defamation in India</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/events/a-public-discussion-on-criminal-defamation-in-india</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;The Centre for Internet and Society (CIS); the Network of Women in Media, India; and Media Watch, Bengaluru, are hosting a public discussion on criminal defamation in India. The discussion will start at 5.30 pm on Wednesday, 29 July 2015, at the CIS office in Domlur, Bengaluru. &lt;/b&gt;
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&lt;th&gt;&lt;img src="https://cis-india.org/home-images/Flyer.png" alt="Flyer of the event" class="image-inline" title="Flyer of the event" /&gt;&lt;/th&gt;
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&lt;td&gt;Pictured above: A poster of the event.&lt;/td&gt;
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&lt;h2&gt;Decriminalising Defamation in India: A Brief Statement of Issues&lt;/h2&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Subramanian Swamy’s petition to decriminalise defamation has been joined in the Supreme Court by concurring petitions from Rahul Gandhi and Arvind Kejriwal. Defamation is criminalised by sections 499 and 500 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860 (IPC). Swamy and his unlikely cohorts want the Supreme Court to declare that these criminal defamation provisions interfere with the right to free speech and strike them down.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div class="kssattr-macro-text-field-view kssattr-templateId-blogentry_view.pt kssattr-atfieldname-text plain" id="parent-fieldname-text"&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Although news coverage of  the case has focused on the motivations and arguments of the three  politicians, defamation should not be the sole province of celebrities  and the powerful. Unfortunately, criminal defamation has emerged as a  new system of censorship to silence journalists, writers, and activists.  SLAPP suits (Strategic Lawsuits against Public Participation) are being  increasingly used by large corporations to frighten and overwhelm  critics and opponents. SLAPP suits are not designed to succeed –  although they often do, they are intended to intimidate, harass, and  outspend journalists and activists into submission.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;The law of defamation rests on  uncertain foundations. In medieval Europe defamation was dually  prosecuted by the Church as a sin equal to sexual immorality, and by  secular courts for the threat of violence that accompanied defamatory  speech. These distinct concerns yielded a peculiar defence which fused  two elements: truth, which shielded the speaker from the sin of lying;  and, the public good, which protected the speaker from the charge of  disrupting the public peace. This dual formulation – truth and the  public good – remains the primary defence to defamation today.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;India does not have a strong ‘fair  comment’ defence to protect speech that is neither true nor  intrinsically socially useful. This bolsters the law’s reflexive  censorship of speech that falls outside the bounds of social utility and  morality such as parody, caricature, outrageous opinion,  sensationalism, and rumour. This failure affects cartoonists and tabloid  sensationalism alike.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Defamation law is also open to  procedural misuse to maximise its harrassive effect. Since speech that  is published on the Internet or mass-printed and distributed can be read  almost anywhere, the venue of criminal defamation proceedings can be  chosen to inconvenience and exhaust a speaker into surrender. This  motivation explains the peculiarly remote location of several defamation  proceedings in India against journalists and magazine editors.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;The offence of defamation commoditises  reputation. While defamation remains a crime, the state must prosecute  it as it does other crimes such as murder and rape. This merits the  question: should the state expend public resources to defend the  individual reputations of its citizens? Such a system notionally  guarantees parity because if the state were to retreat from this role  leaving private persons to fight for their own reputations, the market  would favour the reputations of the rich and powerful at the expense of  others.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;These and other issues demand an  informed and rigorous public discussion about the continued  criminalisation of defamation in India.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/events/decriminalising-defamation-in-india.pdf" class="external-link"&gt;&lt;b&gt;Download the concept note prepared by Bhairav Acharya&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/events/a-public-discussion-on-criminal-defamation-in-india'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/events/a-public-discussion-on-criminal-defamation-in-india&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>bhairav</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>Defamation</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Privacy</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2015-07-27T14:44:15Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Event</dc:type>
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