Centre for Internet and Society

CIS Comments Revised NPD report

aman — 2021-03-22T05:39:03Z

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/cis-comments-revised-npd-report

National Strategy on Blockchain

aman — 2021-03-22T05:33:44Z

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/national-strategy-on-blockchain

The Government needs to make sure our emails don't destroy the environment

aman — 2021-01-25T14:17:29Z

The Government's data centre policy must be more reflective of energy requirements and sustainable practices to effectively ensure that India's growing digital user base doesn't hurt the environment.

Ask people to name the first things they think of when you say climate change and you can expect a few standard answers. Polar bears on shrinking ice caps, cities suffocated from car exhaust fumes and mass deforestation are all surely to be somewhere on the list of responses. What you probably won’t find, however, is people discussing their social media. Or their email. Or any piece of the immeasurable amount of data that we produce on the internet on a daily basis. Yet all of this data is far from green, and is substantially increasing our carbon footprint. So the question arises, how is our data contributing to climate change, and what can policy makers do about it?

There is a tendency to focus on the turnover of hardware when discussing the climate impact of digital technology. And while this is an important element of the sector’s impact, it is essential that policymakers also recognise the impact of intangible elements of the digital ecosystem - such as data. Every piece of data that is created or transmitted across the internet has an environmental cost. That cost being the energy required (and by extension the fossil fuel amount used) to operate the technology that hosts and transports the data.

Admittedly, the environmental impact and cost of one person checking their instagram or even reading this article is quite low. But aggregated across the estimated number of internet users in the world, digital technologies are estimated to be responsible for 1.7 billion tonnes of greenhouse gases - which is about 4% of the global greenhouse gas production and roughly how much is produced by the global airline industry.

Another key element of data’s environmental impact is the establishment and operation of data centres. Data centres are establishments that house computing and ICT equipment. These centres are critical infrastructure components to the functioning of the internet and are used to store an immense volume of data. As the number of data centres has exploded over the last decade, they have come to account for 1% all global greenhouse gas production on their own, and are expected to contribute to 14% of all emissions by 2040.

India’s growing data centre problem

As the number of Internet users in India grows at an exponential rate, it is imperative that the government take a proactive approach to creating sustainable infrastructure that can meet the ICT demands of the population.

Recently, the Ministry of Electronics and Information technology, released its draft policy on data centres. The policy outlined the government’s aim at establishing a large number of domestic data centres that will be used to store all data created within the country. The government’s policy envisions India as being one of the world leaders in data centre establishment and operation - on a par with countries such as Singapore who now hold that mantle.

However, despite presenting this grand vision, the policy provides no specifics on how it plans to cope with the environmental stress that these new centres would bring. The policy states that ensuring uninterrupted power to these centres will be a key priority of the government - a burden that would be far beyond the capacity of current renewable energy sources in the country. Taking the example of Singapore, almost 7% of all electricity consumption in the country was from data centres. Such proportionate consumption by Indian data centres would realistically only be possible through an expanded use of fossil fuel generated electricity.

To give the policy some credit, it does mention ‘encouraging’ the use of renewable energy for data centres but fails to mention any specific schemes or measures to ensure renewable energy investment and growth is enough to keep up with growing data centre energy demands.

What can policy makers do?

The question arises, how can policy makers make data centres more sustainable? Is there any way of reducing the energy consumption of these data centres?

In short, not really right now. It has been estimated that 40% of total energy consumption by data centres is used in cooling. And while there is the possibility that building these data centres in cooler environments would reduce these costs - converting shimla, coorg, ooty and other cool weathered hill stations into monuments of data centre infrastructure does not seem particularly practical. And so short of investing heavily into research and development for the future and conforming to global standards of data centre operation, there is not much the government can do now outside of focusing on the source of the energy that is used by these centres.

Keeping this in mind, the first step in evolving India’s data infrastructure has to be investing in and developing clear schemes for promoting renewable energy in the country. While India has seen positive growth in renewable energy infrastructure, it would require substantial private and public investment in order to meet its target of 450 GW of renewable energy by 2021. Widespread development of data centres would only further stress India’s energy needs and would therefore require a commensurate increase in the amount of renewable energy available. As such it is imperative that the state not stick to vague statements of ‘encouraging renewable energy’ or ‘collaborating between ministries’ and rather adopt a revised policy for developing renewable energy for digital infrastructure.

Such a step would ensure the sustainability of the country’s digital infrastructure, and ensure that every Indian has access to both clean air and their email.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/the-government-needs-to-make-sure-our-emails-dont-destroy-the-environment

TIkTok: It’s time for Biden to make a decision on his digital policy with China

aman — 2021-01-22T06:11:43Z

As the United State's new president comes into office he is faced with creating a cohesive digital relations policy that corrects some of the damage done by his predecessor. This article is the first part of a series analysing his policies and challenges.

While on the campaign trail, now US president elect Joe Biden, made it clear to voters that he viewed Tik Tok as “a matter of genuine concern.” The statement came amidst a growing environment of hostility within the American government against the application. At the helm of the hostility was (now former) president Donald Trump’s passing of an executive order banning Tik Tok in the country and his attempts at forcing its parent company ByteDance to restructure the app under American ownership. Now, as the presidency passes hands, it is worth examining how the government got here and just how concerned the Biden administration should be with Tik Tok and how their strategy with the app could set the tone for digital relations with China going forward

The Road so far: The ban and forced sale of TikTok

America’s motivation to ban and sell the application can be explained by two contrasting factors: the cybersecurity risks that TikTok poses, and the country’s currently ongoing trade war with China. On the security side TikTok has faced immense scrutiny from governments around the world as to the amount of data that the application collects from its users as well as the potential links between Bytedance and the Chinese government. Furthermore there is a belief that due to the Chinese legislation that compels companies to assist the state on matters of national intelligence, there is little TikTok could do should the Chinese state decide to use it as an instrument of data collection. On the side of trade, the TikTok ban represents one of the more landmark blows dealt by the Trump government in its trade war with China. The US, since the start of his presidency has levied exclusive tariffs on specific Chinese commodities totalling to more than $550 billion. China has in response levied its own tariffs on certain American goods, with a total value of those estimated at $185 billion. Beyond these tariffs, the move to ban TikTok extends the trade war by creating clear hurdles for Chinese corporations to exist within the US market and firmly extended Trump’s protectionist trade policies into the digital sphere.

As such, on 6th August 2020, Trump released an executive order banning TikTok (as well as Chinese messaging and social media app Wechat). The ban has, however, since been indefinitely suspended as part of ongoing litigation on the matter at the federal level.

Shortly after the ban, came the attempts at forcing through the sale. While the deal has generally been referred to as ‘the TikTok sale’, it is not actually an outright purchase of the social media platform by an American company (Microsoft attempted such a purchase but was rejected by Byte Dance). Rather, the deal would see the establishment of a new US based subsidiary called TikTok global that would be partly owned (20%) by Oracle and Walmart, with Oracle becoming a trusted technology provider in order to ensure that US user’s data remains within the state. The agreement stipulates that the board of this new entity would have 4 out of 5 of the seats populated by US citizens, and that the company would go public as well. The current agreement would still see Bytedance retain ownership of the algorithms used by TikTok, which is in line with restrictions from the Chinese government preventing the sale of the algorithm to a foriegn owner without a state granted license.

How should the Biden administration handle this situation?

Dealing with the TikTok question must be one of the Biden administration’s top most priorities. The most obvious question they face is whether or not to reverse the ban and to continue to push through the sale between Bytedance and Oracle.

The case for enforcing the ban until the sale to American owners seems one that is straightforward enough. The cybersecurity concerns surrounding Bytedance’s proximity to the Chinese state and the influence of Chinese legislation are reasonable concerns. And any data gained from the application in the hands of a hostile state could be potentially harmful. This threat could be potentially reduced based on the role played by Oracle as a trusted technology partner. However with details of what exactly constitutes the functions of a ‘trusted technology partner’ it is impossible to say this with any great certainty. Simultaneously, there is a slight sense of irony in a Chinese based digital company protesting against another country’s protectionist stance to the internet.

Nonetheless these benefits are in many ways greatly over exaggerated, and in many ways allowing TikTok to return without requiring a sale could prove more beneficial in the long term. Not only would the app’s return be welcomed by its immense audience (estimated 100 million US users), it would also be a clear demonstration of America’s commitment to a less fragmented internet and more open digital economy. Furthermore, revoking the ban would also allow for the opportunity to reassess and reformulate the US’s economic and political strategy with regards to Chinese technology.

On the economic side, a retraction of the ban could signal the beginning of the end of the US-China trade war. Chinese investors are sure to see the shift from a radical republican president to a centrist democrat one as the perfect opportunity to increase foreign investment, which had been steadily declining recently. Such investment could prove significantly more substantial to the United States in a post covid-19 world as opposed to even in 2019. It is not unimaginable that Biden would look to maximise this opportunity to boost the economy.

On the political side, the government has to evaluate the success of sanctions levied against Chinese technology and whether that approach of blanket banning will translate effectively to the digital sphere. Not only has the US’s sanctions against certain chinese technologies proved unsuccessful, tools such as VPNs that can negate a ban make this strategy even less effective in the digital space.

The largest hurdle to revoking the ban would be the genuine cybersecurity concerns with a Chinese corporation having access American citizens’ data. However, dealing with these concerns through a simple ban of the application would only solve this one instance of excessive surveillance and data collection by a foreign app. Rather any solution must look to fix the issue at its root - that being the need for a more cohesive, detailed and overarching national data protection and cybersecurity policy. Such a policy could place clear limitations on data collection, stipulate data localisation policies for sensitive information and outline numerous other means of reducing the threat involved with allowing applications from states such as China to operate in the US.

Ultimately, Biden will be confronted with the reality of this situation the moment he enters office. The decision he makes on TikTok would set the tone for his term and for his government’s relationship with China. Whatever he decides to do, he needs to do it as soon as possible. The clock is ticking.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/tiktok-it2019s-time-for-biden-to-make-a-decision-on-his-digital-policy-with-china

Whatsapp Privacy Policy Competition Law

aman — 2021-03-22T07:18:25Z

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/whatsapp-privacy-policy-competition-law

Cryptocurrency in Financial Statements

aman — 2021-06-15T05:23:05Z

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cryptocurrency-in-financial-statements

CIS Seminar Series: Information Disorder

aman — 2021-08-11T11:17:57Z

The Centre for Internet and Society is announcing the launch of a seminar series to showcase research around digital rights and technology policy, with a focus on the Global South.

The CIS seminar series will be a venue for researchers to share works-in-progress, exchange ideas, identify avenues for collaboration, and curate research. We also seek to mitigate the impact of Covid-19 on research exchange, and foster collaborations among researchers and academics from diverse geographies. Every quarter we will be hosting a remote seminar with presentations, discussions and debate on a thematic area.

Seminar format

We are happy to welcome abstracts for one of two tracks:

Working paper presentation

A working paper presentation would ideally involve a working draft that is presented for about 15 minutes followed by feedback from workshop participants. Abstracts for this track should be 600-800 words in length with clear research questions, methodology, and questions for discussion at the seminar. Ideally, for this track, authors should be able to submit a draft paper two weeks before the conference for circulation to participants.

Coffee-shop conversations

In contrast to the formal paper presentation format, the point of the coffee-shop conversations is to enable an informal space for presentation and discussion of ideas. Simply put, it is an opportunity for researchers to “think out loud” and get feedback on future research agendas. Provocations for this should be 100-150 words containing a short description of the idea you want to discuss.

We will try to accommodate as many abstracts as possible given time constraints. We welcome submissions from students and early career researchers, especially those from under-represented communities.

All discussions will be private and conducted under the Chatham House Rule. Drafts will only be circulated among registered participants.

Please send all abstracts to workshops@cis-india.org.

Theme for the first seminar (to be held on an online platform)

The first seminar will be centered around the theme of ‘Information Disorder: Mis-, Dis- and Malinformation.’ While the issue of information disorder, colloquially termed as ‘fake news’, has been in the political forefront for the last five years, the flawed attempts at countering the ‘infodemic’ brought about by the pandemic proves that there still continues to be substantial gaps in the body-of-knowledge on this issue. This includes research that proposes empirical, replicable methods of understanding the types, forms or nature of information disorder or research that attempts to understand regulatory approaches, the layers of production and the roles played by different agents in the spread of ‘fake news’.

Accordingly, we invite submissions that address these gaps in knowledge, including those that examine the relationship between digital technology and information disorder across a spectrum of fields and disciplines. Areas of interest include but are not limited to:

Information disorders during COVID-19
Effects of coordinated campaigns on marginalised communities
Journalism, the State, and the trust in media
Platform responsibility in information disorder
Information disorder in international law/constitutional/human rights law
Information disorder as a geopolitical tool
Sociopolitical and cultural factors in user engagement

Timeline

Abstract Submission Deadline: August 25th
Results of Abstract review: September 8th
Full submissions (of draft papers): September 30th
Seminar date: Tentatively October 7th

Contact details

For any queries please contact us at workshops@cis-india.org.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-seminar-series-information-disorder

Would banning Chinese Telecom Companies make 5g secure in India?

aman — 2020-12-22T06:04:01Z

Speaking on the status of 5g in India at a virtual summit, Niti Aayog CEO Amitabh Kant noted the country is set to go all out in its adoption, but that there exist security concerns with the technology. He also pointed out that India is yet to make a decision on the participation of Chinese telecom companies in its 5g infrastructure. In many ways, this has been the story of 5g adoption globally. Governments see the potential of 5g to usher in a new era of prosperity and development but are wary of the risks it poses. Central to these risks is the fear of espionage conducted by Chinese corporations like Huawei and ZTE that are the major suppliers of the components required for 5g networks. These concerns have resulted in a multitude of sanctions being levied against Chinese telecom corporations by Western nations. Whether that be through the United States citing cybersecurity concerns while issuing an executive order effectively banning Chinese companies Huawei and ZTE from participating in their 5g telecom network. Or UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson laying out a 2027 deadline for removal of all Huawei equipment from UK networks.

Closer to home, 2020 has already seen a severe deterioration in Sino-Indian relations following cross border firing at the Glawan valley. The Indian government has deployed a number of cyber related sanctions against China in retaliation for the military clashes between the States - such as the banning of a number of Chinese apps, including TikTok. Despite these sanctions being levied against China, one area where no action has yet been taken is Chinese companies’ participation in India’s 5g infrastructure. As of writing, Chinese telecom companies are still permitted to undertake testing of 5g within India. However in light of the strained relationship between the two countries, as well as the security concerns now identified by other States, a scenario where Chinese companies are banned from India’s telecom networks in the future is plausible - if not highly likely.

The possibility of such a scenario raises a number of questions. How would such a ban on Chinese participation in 5g affect India domestically? Would banning Chinese telecom companies be enough to solve India’s 5g security concerns? And if not how can India develop a strategy to ensure that consumers have fair access to secure 5g networks?

Why have Chinese vendors been banned in other countries?

The primary concern from the West relates to Huawei’s proximity to the Chinese Government. Chinese legislation requiring Chinese companies to assist the State in matters of national intelligence are seen as obvious threats by the US and its allies in a situation wherein trust is hard to come by. While Huawei has stated that it would not cooperate with China in any form of geopolitical espionage, this has done little to quell suspicion.

What does banning Chinese companies mean for Indian consumers?

As of right now, not much really. 5g is at an incredibly nascent stage and its adoption in India is estimated to be a few years away at the earliest, with no clear deadline on when some of the 5g spectrum will be auctioned off in India. Moreover, Chinese companies are as of now permitted to undertake 5g testing in the country.

However, in a hypothetical situation where these companies are banned, the effects will be seen in a few years time. The most obvious impact is that a ban for Chinese providers will result in a less competitive market consisting of fewer actors. Developing 5g in India is incredibly expensive for three reasons. Firstly, is the cost associated with upgrading infrastructure to that which is compatible and optimized for 5g. Secondly, India has the highest cost (reserve price) for purchasing spectrum in the world. Thirdly is existing debt among telecom companies. The costs involved in developing 5g to these companies, therefore, far outweighs the benefits. This problem will only be compounded by banning Chinese companies in the space, who are seen to operate cheaper than their European counterparts. Such a ban could therefore further delay 5g’s adoption in India by a significant amount of time.

Moreover, given the security concerns, the government could proceed with favouring Indian only companies within the sector. With Reliance now claiming to have developed its own 5g technology within India it could result in a situation wherein it becomes the primary, or even sole, provider for 5g infrastructure in India. Any such corporate monopoly over such critical infrastructure would undoubtedly harm domestic consumers.

Does banning Chinese companies solve India’s security concerns relating to 5g?

Despite all of the potential negative repercussions, the argument to exclude a hostile nation from potentially having access into Indian infrastructure is a persuasive one. Citizens data privacy and national security have to be prioritised over any marginal economic gains that may result from allowing Chinese corporations to be involved in 5g infrastructure. And it's feasible that the negative side effects regarding the rise of a domestic monopoly can be handled by effective State regulation. But this leaves us with the question, is banning Chinese companies all that the government has to do to ensure 5g is implemented securely?

Not really. Limiting the involvement of Chinese companies will undoubtedly remove certain threats of espionage, but this is far from the only concern with 5g. While 5g has made certain improvements in security when compared to 4g, it is far from unbreakable. Firstly, initial rollouts of 5g are expected to be done on top of existing cellular networks so as to avoid new infrastructure costs. This interoperation of 5g with existing 4g (and in some cases 3g) networks will result in early 5g being subject to the same exploits that 4g is.

Secondly, 5g presents a risk due to the additional avenues through which it can be attacked. 5gs software based routing system and its connection to a wide amount of traffic points through the internet of things (IOT) would create more points of potential vulnerability that can be exploited. Finally, the globally accepted standards of 5g themselves allow companies the discretion to implement them in a more lenient manner. This includes making optional the use of certain cypher algorithms that look to protect user integrity. So it would come as no surprise that companies motivated by the profit motive would in the future look to cut these corners, making the network less secure.

All of this comes together to mean one thing: no matter how many Chinese companies India excludes from its 5g infrastructure, it will never be absolutely secure. Moreover, needing such formalised access through a company has never been a prerequisite for a State to target another through a cyber attack. Cyber attacks perpetrated by external actors outside of companies or States have existed in the past and will continue to exist in the future. Now that isn’t to say that the government should include Chinese corporations in 5g - the concerns over espionage make it clear that they shouldn’t be involved. What it does say, however, is that this has to be one step in a larger 5g strategy that would look to ensure implementation while maintaining security.

India’s 5g strategy

In order for 5g’s implementation in India to be successful it has to fulfil two criteria - it must be secure and it must generally be in the economic interest of the consumer. Both of these criteria can be met with a mixture of legislative and strategic decisions.

On the side of security, the most obvious step that can be taken would be to prevent the participation of those companies that are either primarily based in a hostile State or that can be significantly compromised through foreign legislation - such as Huawei and ZTE. In terms of legislative actions, the government must aim to address the security concerns regarding 5g as part of a dedicated cybersecurity law. Such a cybersecurity law must ensure that telecom companies are tasked with a duty of care to ensure cybersecurity and privacy of user data. This would compel companies working on 5g to ensure that they meet the highest threshold of security standards when implementing their networks. Such a law can also lay down strict requirements and standards of data encryptions that can serve to minimise damage in cases wherein a 5g system is compromised.

On the economic side, the government must view 5g as a form of critical infrastructure. If we are to believe the vision of a future wherein 5g is a necessity then the State must take steps to ensure its widespread availability to all sections of society by limiting its cost. Private participation in this sector must therefore be appropriately regulated keeping this goal in mind. Given the reduction in market actors for security reasons, there must be strict enforcement of competition laws to prevent domestic telecom providers from forming monopolies or cartels and setting exorbitant prices. One other way to reduce costs would be for the State to ensure that gaps in 5g supply chains are properly dealt with so as to reduce dependence on foreign States’ for components. Beyond these measures, consumers must also be educated so as to be able to make better informed decisions regarding their 5g access and have recourse to efficient grievance redressal mechanisms.

Ultimately if India is to ensure that 5g is implemented in a manner that is both safe and fair, it must look to balance out security and consumer benefit. And while banning Chinese corporations would make the system more secure, such an action would mean little without a series of additional steps to handle other security concerns with 5g while ensuring that Indian consumers don’t miss out.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/would-banning-chinese-telecom-companies-make-5g-secure-in-india

CIS_ODR Report_11/11/20

aman — 2021-03-22T05:22:55Z

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/cis_odr-report_11-11-20

Legal and Policy Implications of Autonomous Weapons Systems

aman — 2021-03-22T05:29:20Z

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/legal-and-policy-implications-of-autonomous-weapons-systems

Aman

aman — 2020-02-24T12:23:22Z

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/about/people/copy_of_AmanCropped.jpg

Aman Nair

aman — 2020-02-24T12:16:52Z

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