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The Draft Electronic Delivery of Services Bill, 2011 – Comments by CIS

praskrishna — 2011-08-02T07:37:37Z

The Draft Electronic Delivery of Services Bill, 2011 (“Bill”) is a Bill to provide for delivery of government services manadatorily through electronic means by phasing out manual delivery of services. It is heartening to note that the Bill shifts the approach to electronic delivery of services by Government agencies to one as part of the citizens' right to service delivery through electronic means rather than a luxury or benefit doled out by the Government. The Bill introduces bodies exclusively accountable for ensuring that electronic delivery of services by the Government at the state and central levels. While this is a welcome move on the part of the Government there are a few comments we, at the Centre for Internet and Society, have on the present version of the Bill:

Accessibility
The Bill does not make it mandatory for all Government services to be accessible to all including persons with disabilities. The Bill refers to the term “access”, as defined in Section 2(1)(a) from the prespective of merely gaining physical access to the services or availability of such services1 rather than from the perspective of catering to the ability of a person with print (or other) disbilities from gaining access to the services in the normal format. It is very important that the electronic services are delivered in a format which is accessible to all persons including persons with disbilities, elderly persons etc. It should be mandatory for the Government to comply with Web Content Accessibility Guidelines (WCAG) and National Informatics Centre (NIC) guidelines for web accessibility. It is also important to ensure accessibility of all documents produced during service delivery by Government agencies.
Linguistic Accessibility
Section 5(2)(b) of the Bill requires the Government to prescribe a framework for all its agencies to ensure web presence or enablement which refers to rendering electronic services in the language chosen by the user. In pursuance of the same, it is important for delivery of services to be available in all national languages of India to begin with in addition to the content being encoded in Unicode font for all languages. It is important to note that there are not many open fonts available for Indian languages. Hence, it must be ensured that the Government allocates sufficient funds to ensure linguistic accessbility of the services delivered, while ensuring implementation of the provisions of the Bill.
Public Scrutiny
In order to ensure transparency of Government services and process of service delivery, it is essential that the Bill incorporates a provision to enable citizens to gain access to information provided by the Government as part of the service delivery process unless disclosing such information would amount to violation of any applicable law. Similarly, provision should be made for making public all RTI applications filed with the Government and responses to them.
Use of Free and Open Source Software
Considering that electronic service delivery by Government agencies is effected through public money, it is important that Governments are urged to use Free and Open Source Software (FOSS) for service delivery. This cuts costs to a great extent and also make the process more transparent and capable of customisation to varied needs of different departments. It is important to insert a provision requiring the Government to use FOSS as far as possible and in the event of any use of proprietary software, the Government should clearly explain the reason for such use, the costs incurred for the same, the additional benefit derived out of its use and other relevant details.
Open Standards
The Bill must stress on use of open standards for all computer resources and service delivery systems by Government agencies. As is the case with FOSS, such use brings down operation costs drastically and makes the service delivery process transparent and available for all to use. Use of ODF formats for documents, HTML for websites, ISA standards for hardware is recommended. It is also useful to ensure compliance with W3C guidelines by the concerned Government departments during implementation of the Bill.
Whistleblower Exception
The Bill does not contain any safeguards to ensure free and fearless disclosure of any wilful violation of the law impacting larger public interest. It is important to include a provision protecting any person exposing any violation of the provisions of the Bill or blowing the cover off any scam or farudulent activity decieving the public committed by service providers under the Bill. Such protection can be given by ensuring that the actions of such whistleblower, to the extent required for the exposure, does not constitute an offence under the provisions of the Bill.
Penalties for Offences
- Chapter 4 of the Bill gives a detailed list of acts constituting an offence under the Act including Section 15 which specifically relates to offences by companies. It is critical to ensure that the punishment and penalities for offences extend not only to citizens and companies but also to Government officials who misuse information they are privy to under the provisions of the Bill. In fact, a separate provision specifically applicable to the various offences which could be committed by Government officials under the Bill can reduce misuse of its provisions by the Government.
- It is to be noted that several provisions listed under Chapter 4 of the Bill covering offences and penalties are a reproduction of the provisions for the same under the Information Technology Act, 2000 (“IT Act”). Such reprodution is unnecessary and acts which are already deemed to be offences and have punishments prescribed for them under the IT Act (or any other legislation for the time being in force in India) need not be covered again in the Bill. This will avoid duplication and confusion in the legislations.
- Section 19(1) of the Bill provides that no alleged offence under the Bill can be tried in a court of law unless the Central Electronic Delivery of Services Commissioner (“Central Commissioner”) or the State Electronic Delivery of Services Commissioner (“State Commissioner”) authorises the same by issuing a complaint in this regard to the relevant court. This provision directly conflicts with a citizen's constitutional right to seek legal redress since it takes away his freedom to approach a court of law for redressal of his grievance without the permission of the Commissioners. It is recommended that the provision be either deleted or suitably modify so that it is not in violation of this constitutional right.
Bottoms up Approach
A decentralised approach should be adopted along the lines of the Panchayati Raj system giving the citizen a greater say in the framework and implementation of service delivery by Government agencies. Implementation can be at the Panchayat and District levels apart from State levels. Citizens must be able to access and update their information. Furthermore, they should be able to define to a certain extent, access control to their information. This will automatically make them eligible or ineligible for various government services.
Charges for service delivery
Section 4 of the Bill authorises the Government to allow service providers to collect charges for electronic service delivery while Section 3(2) provides for the Government to regulate the manner and method of payment of such charges. It is critical to ensure that such charges levied under the provisions of the Bill do not exceed the charges levied by the Government agency for manual delivery of services. Charges for manual service delivery may include charges for photocopy, printing, paper, postage etc., all of which are totally eliminated during service delivery through electronic means. Thus, levying the same charges, let alone greater charges for electronic service delivery is totally unnecessary and places an additional burden on the citizen ultimately defeating the very purpose of the Bill.
Security in payment of charges
Section 3(2) of the Bill provides for the Government to regulate the manner and method of payment of charges for delivery of services.It is important that each transaction that takes place is done securely and without the exposure of an individuals confidential details. There are many ways to structure the transaction of payment of fees to achieve this goal. We reccommend that the SCOSTA smart card structure is used for completing and processing a transaction.
Data Security and Privacy
Section 5(1)(e) of the Bill requires the Government to ensure integrity, security and confidentiality of data collected, preserved and retained. We recommend that in addition to this, the Government also ensures integrity, security and confidentiality of data or information that is transferred, accessed or deleted. We also recommend that the Bill requires the Government to prescribe a framework under Section 5(2) for agency privacy policies to ensure that they are interoperable and consistent between different departments of the Government.
Functions of the Central Commissioner
Section 8 of the Bill grants the Central Commissioner the power to perform any or all of the functions listed in the provision including Section 8(f) which refers to the power of the State Commissioner in conducting the work of the State Government agencies. A Central Government authority may not have a say in all matters under the purview of the State Governments. This aspect has been left out for consideration while drafting this provision and hence it needs to be relooked at.
Cut-off Date for Implementation
While the Bill mandates a cut off period of 180 days for the Government to finalise on the scope, framework and manner of service delivery under its provisions, it states that the Government “may” prescribe a framework for implementation of the provisions. It is recommended, for the purpose of ensuring speedy implementation of the provisions, that the term “may” in Section 5(2) be replaced by “shall”.
Transparency of Government Agencies
Transparency and accountability of the Government towards the citizen is as important as the transparency of the citizen towards the Government. Therefore, the provisions of the Bill must ensure that the Government activities are transparent to the citizens by making available to the citizens, details of the responsible officials under the Bill, manner of service delivery and other relevant information in this regard.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/draft-electronic-delivery-services

The DNA Profiling Bill: Developing Best Practices

praskrishna — 2012-09-17T05:54:30Z

On the 27th of September 2012 the Centre for Internet & Society invites the public to a meeting and talk with international experts Helen Wallace from GeneWatch UK, and Jeremy Gruber from the Council for Responsible Genetics from the United States. The meeting will take place from 9.00 a.m. to 1.00 p.m. at the India International Centre, Lodhi Road, New Delhi in Conference Room No. 2.

The public meeting and talk will focus on the proposed DNA Profiling Bill pending in Parliament and explore best practices concerning the collection, storage, and retention of DNA samples and best practices concerning the analysis of DNA samples and use of DNA samples as evidence in courts. Case studies from the US and the UK will be explored to understand what India can do better from the experiences of other countries.

Dr Helen Wallace

Dr Helen Wallace is Director of GeneWatch UK, a not-for-profit organisation which aims to engage members of the public in ensuring that genetic science and technologies are used in the public interest. She is the author of numerous articles and book chapters on the social and ethical issues raised by DNA databases and is widely quoted in the UK press. Helen provided expert evidence to the applicants in the case of S. and Marper v. the UK at the European Court of Human Rights, in which the Court ruled unanimously that the indefinite retention of innocent people's DNA database records was in breach of the European Convention on Human Rights. She has supplied both oral and written evidence on this issue to numerous parliamentary committees including the Scottish Parliament’s Justice Committee and the UK Science and Technology, Home Affairs and Constitutional Committees, as well as the scrutiny committee for the Protection of Freedoms Act 2012. This new Act requires the removal of about a million innocent people's records from the UK National DNA Database and the destruction of all stored biological samples.

Jeremy Gruber

Jeremy Gruber is the JD, President and Executive Director of Council for Responsible Genetics. Jeremy joined CRG in March 2009. Previously he served as the legal director of the National Workrights Institute, a human rights organization dedicated to the rights of American workers. Prior to that he served as the field director for the ACLU’s National Taskforce on Civil Liberties in the Workplace. Jeremy has worked for over a decade on genetic non-discrimination legislation at the state and Federal level. He helped author and pass numerous state laws on genetic non-discrimination. Jeremy is a founder and executive committee member of the Coalition for Genetic Fairness, a group of 500 organizations that advocated for genetic non-discrimination legislation on Capitol Hill and played a major role in the recently passed Genetic Information Non-Discrimination Act (GINA) by Congress. He worked closely with members of Congress and staff on GINA language as well as strategy and support. He is a prolific writer on privacy issues and is often consulted by state legislatures. He is regularly featured in print, radio and television. Jeremy holds a Juris Doctor (J.D.) from St. John’s University School of Law and a B.A. in Politics from Brandeis University.

Forensic DNA: A Human Rights Challenge

The above video was originally posted in YouTube

Click on the links below to download the files:

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/the-dna-profiling-bill-developing-best-practices

The DNA Profiling Bill 2007 and Privacy

elonnai — 2012-03-21T09:40:56Z

In 2007 a bill known as the Draft DNA Profiling Bill was piloted by the Centre for DNA Fingerprinting and Diagnostics, an autonomous organization funded by the Department of Biotechnology, Ministry of Science and Technology, Government of India. The below is a background to DNA collection/analysis in India, and a critique of the Bill a from a privacy perspective.

Introduction

In 2007 a bill known as the Draft DNA Profiling Bill was piloted by the Centre for DNA Fingerprinting and Diagnostics, an autonomous organization funded by the Department of Biotechnology, Ministry of Science and Technology, Government of India[1]. The Bill is pending in parliament. The DNA Profiling Bill looks to legalize the collection and analysis of DNA samples for forensic purposes. We believe that it is important that collection of DNA has associated legislation and regulation, because DNA is sensitive physical evidence that if used correctly can benefit the public good, but if misused can lead to serious privacy and human rights violations. Therefore it is important to create a balance between the constitutional rights of an individual and the public interest and bring accountability and transparency to the practice of DNA collection and testing.

In our research we consulted with GeneWatch UK to learn from their work and experience with DNA testing in the UK. This briefing is meant to give a background on the logistics of DNA testing, highlight ways in which DNA testing raises privacy concerns, and provide a critique of the DNA Profiling Bill.

Background Facts about DNA and DNA testing:

What is DNA: DNA is material that determines a persons hereditary traits such as hair color, eye color, body structure etc. Most DNA is located in the cell nucleus, and wrapped up in small structures called chromosomes. Every person inherits 50% of genetic material from their mother and 50% from their father. Genetic disorders are caused by mutations in a person's DNA, and comparing DNA within families can reveal paternity and non-paternity. DNA is found in every cell of our bodies, and each person has a unique strand of DNA [2]. Thus, DNA is seen as a useful form of identification with marginal room for error [3].

What is a DNA profile/ DNA database, and how can it be used/misused:

When DNA samples are taken from individuals they are analyzed in laboratories to produce a digitized representation of numbers known as a DNA profile. Once created, a DNA profile is stored on a DNA database (i.e. an electronic database) with other identifying information from the individual and information from the crime scene. A DNA profile is based on parts of a person's DNA, so it is not unique to an individual. The probability of an individual's DNA profile matching a stranger's by chance is very small, but not impossible. To collect a sample of DNA police normally use a mouth swab to scrape cells from inside the suspect's cheek. If the individual refuses, their DNA can be obtained by pulling some hairs out of their head (cut hair does not contain DNA, it is only in the roots), if the law allows DNA to be taken without consent. DNA samples are also collected from crime scenes, for example from a blood stain, and analyzed in the same way. DNA samples are sometimes stored indefinitely in the laboratory with a bar code number (or other information) that allows them to be linked back to the individual [3]. Stored DNA profiles from crime scenes can be helpful to exonerate an innocent person who is falsely accused of a crime if their DNA does not match a crime scene DNA profile that is thought to have come from the perpetrator. However, stored DNA profiles from individuals are not needed for exoneration because the individual's DNA can always be tested directly (it does not need to be stored on a database). Collecting DNA profiles from individuals can be useful during an investigation, to compare with a crime scene DNA profile and either exonerate an individual or confirm they are a suspect for the crime. Corroborating evidence is always needed because of the possibility of false matches (which can occur by chance or due to laboratory errors) and because there may be an innocent explanation for an individual's DNA being at a crime scene, or their DNA could have been planted there. Storing DNA profiles from individuals on a database is only useful to implicate those individuals in possible future crimes, not to exonerate innocent people, or to solve past crimes. An individual is implicated as a possible suspect for a crime if their stored DNA profile matches a new crime scene DNA profile that is loaded on to the database. For this reason, most countries only store DNA profiles from individuals who have committed serious crimes and may be at risk of re-offending in the future. Stored DNA profiles could in theory be used to track any individual on the database or to identify their relatives, so strict safeguards are needed to prevent misuse [4].

DNA testing in India:

At present, India does not have a national law that empowers the government to collect and store DNA profiles of convicts, but DNA collection and testing and is taking place in many states. For instance, in Pune the army is currently considering creating DNA profiles of troops who are involved in hazardous tasks inorder to help identify bodies mutilated beyond recognition [5]. In December of this year a judge in the Supreme Court ordered DNA testing on a congress spokesmen to determine if his child was really his child [6]. Also in December this year a news article announced the establishment of the first DNA profiling databank in Nehru Nagar [7]. Additionally DNA has been used to identify criminals , for instance in the Tandoor Murder DNA testing was used to reveal the identity of the culprit [8].

India hosts both private and public DNA labs. Public labs are sponsored by the Government, and use DNA purely for forensic purposes. For example The Centre for DNA Fingerprinting and Diagnostics (CDFD) located in Hyderabad is sponsored by the Department of Biotechnology and Ministry of Science. CDFD runs DNA testing for: establishment of parentage, identification of mutilated remains, establishment of biological relationships for immigration, organ transplantation, property inheritance cases, identification of missing children and child swapping in hospitals, identification of rapist in rape cases, identification in the case of murder.

Cases are only accepted by CDFD if they are referred by law enforcement agencies or by a court of law. Only an officer of the rank Inspector of Police or above may forward DNA cases to CDFD. Copies of DNA report are released to individuals if they are able to prove needed interest in the case through a notarized affidavit [9]. In 2010 CDFD received 100 cases from law enforcing agencies. Additionally, in 2010 CDFD was given rupees eighteen lakhs thirty nine thousand five hundred and forty five from the Government of India towards DNA fingerprinting services [10]. The Indian Government has also established National Facilities for Training in DNA Profiling in order to train individuals in DNA testing and expand the number of DNA examiners and laboratories available in the country [11].

Examples of private DNA labs include DNA labs India and Truth Labs. DNA labs India runs paternity testing, forensic testing, prenatal testing, and genetic testing [12]. Truth Labs is a private lab that provides legal services directly, without a court or police order [13].

The Complexity of privacy and DNA collection/ testing:
As mentioned above, the personal and sensitive nature of DNA, the use of DNA raises many privacy concerns. The concerns fall into three basic areas: first, if a person has given consent to have his or her DNA used for a specific purpose, must the DNA be destroyed or can it be used for other purposes as well? Related to that, if a person must give consent for a specific purpose, what happens if the person is no longer able to give consent -- if, for example, the person has died? Finally, if the testing of one person's DNA yields information that is likely, or probable, or certain to impact another person, does that person have a right to know the information discovered? There are variations on these questions -- as for example does DNA is permitted to be taken without consent (to test for a crime, perhaps), does that lack of need for consent permit all uses of DNA that others want. Who decides? The complexity of these questions demonstrates that in the situation of DNA collection and testing privacy cannot be protected simply through consent from an individual. Instead the law must permit specific thresholds to be established in order to cover the privacy needs of different situations.

Can DNA evidence be considered self-incriminating evidence?
According to the Supreme Court fingerprinting and other physical evidence is not covered by article 20(3). In the case of State of Bombay v. Kathi Kalu Oghad, the courts answered the question of whether or not the freedom against self-incrimination guaranteed under article 20(3) of the Constitution of India – which is meant to protect a person from torture from the police – can be extended to the collection of DNA? the courts answered this question by upholding that
“To be a witness may be equivalent to ‘furnishing evidence’ in the sense of making oral or written statement, but not in the larger sense of the expression so as to include giving of thumb impression or impression of palm or foot or fingers or specimen writing or exposing a part of the body by an accused person for purposes of identification [14]”

Critique of the DNA Profiling Bill 2007

Does India already have sufficient legislation?
The collection and use of biometrics for identification of criminals legally began in India during the 1920's with the approval of the Identification of Prisoners Bill 1920 [15]. The object of the Bill is to “provide legal authority for the taking of measurements of finger impression, foot-prints, and photographs of persons convicted or arrested…”[16] The Bill is still enforced in India, and in October 2010 was amended by the State Government of Tamil Nadu to include “blood samples” as a type of forensic evidence [17]. Other Indian legislation pertaining to forensic evidence is the CrPC and the Indian Evidence Act. In 2005 section 53A of the CrPC was amended to authorize investigating officers to collect DNA samples with the help of a registered medical practitioner, but the Indian Evidence Act fails to manage science and technology issues effectively [18]. The current state of statutes for DNA collection in India are not sufficient as the neglect to lay out precise procedures for collection, processing, storage, and dissemination of DNA samples. One question to consider though is if the Prisoners Identification Bill, CrPC, and Indian Evidence Act could be amended to incorporate DNA, and the needed safeguards, as a type of forensic evidence for all of India.

Lack of requirement for additional evidence: The preamble of the DNA Profiling Bill states that “The Deoxyribose Nucleic Acid (DNA) analysis of body substances is a powerful technology that makes it possible to determine whether the source of origin of one body substance is identical to that of another, and further to establish the biological relationship, if any, between two individuals, living or dead without any Doubt.” This statement is untrue as DNA test can be compromised under many circumstances including: techniques for declaring a match, the proficiency of examiners, laboratory control standards and statistical problems, and DNA samples can become degraded due to age or exposure to chemical or bacterial agents [19]. Because DNA is not foolproof individuals can be falsely implicated in a crime as a result of an incorrect DNA match. The Bill needs to put in place procedures for the court to recognize the fact that DNA is not 100% foolproof, present the statistics correctly, and require supporting evidence [20].

Scope for DNA Collection: The stated object of the DNA Bill is to: “enhance protection of people and administration of justice, analysis of DNA found at the crime scene, establish identity of victim and offender”. The list of offenses and situations in which the collection and testing of DNA is permitted, found in the Schedule of the Bill, provides for the collection DNA from individuals who are not related to a crime scene, are not victims, and are not criminals. Furthermore, section 13(xxii) allows this list to be expanded by the DNA board. We believe these sections should be omitted from the scope of the Bill, so that it is limited to only identifying individuals who are victims and offenders, and that a statutory body besides the DNA board be given the authority to expand the list of proposed offences [21]. Furthermore, within the Bill there are many places where vague language permits the DNA testing of individuals who are not yet convicted of a crime, which will constitute an invasion of privacy unless the DNA is provided voluntarily to release a person suspected or accused of a crime [22]. Additionally as mentioned above it is critical that the Bill recognizes and allows for different thresholds of privacy when collecting, analyzing and sharing DNA profiles.

Clear definition of when collection of DNA samples can be taken: The schedule of the Bill only lists the offenses and situations for which the collection of DNA is permitted. We believe a provision must be added that clarify when exactly DNA can be collected e.g. whether the DNA can be collected on arrest or on charge, whether the DNA has to be relevant to the offence, or whether the police decide this for themselves, and what are the oversight mechanisms for these decisions [23].

Privacy Principles: The Bill enables the DNA Profiling Board to recommend privacy protection statutes, regulations, and practices concerning: use and dissemination, accuracy, security, and confidentiality, and destruction of DNA information [24]. Privacy principles should not be left to recommendations by the board or to regulations of the Bill, but instead should be incorporated into the Bill itself to ensure that such practices are in place if the Bill is passed. Furthermore, the appropriate collection, access, and retention of DNA information should be specified in this Bill.

Obligations for DNA laboratories: Section 19 of the Bill lays out the obligations of DNA laboratories [25]. We recommend that the implementation of a privacy policy should be mandatory under this section.

Storage of DNA profiles and samples: Currently the Bill allows for the complete storage of DNA of: volunteers, suspects, victims, offenders, children (with parental consent), and convicted persons. DNA samples taken from individuals contain unlimited genetic information (including health-related information) and are not needed for identification purposes once the profiles have been obtained from them, thus we recommend that the bill requires that DNA samples be stored temporarily for quality assurance purposes (e.g. for up to six months) and then destroyed to prevent misuse. This is an important privacy protection, which also reduces the cost of storing samples. The only purpose of retaining DNA profiles on a criminal database is to help identify the individual if they reoffend. Thus we recommend that the criminal databases should be restricted to holding DNA profiles only from convicted persons, and the types of offence and time period for retention should be limited. Although DNA profiles may have alternative uses other than solving crimes (e.g. identifying missing persons) we recommend that the missing persons databases are kept separate from criminal databases. Furthermore, although collecting DNA from victims and volunteers may be useful during the investigation of a crime, DNA profiles obtained from victims and volunteers should be destroyed once an investigation is complete.

Conflicting Clauses: Section 14 of the Bill provides that DNA laboratories can only undertake DNA procedures with the approval, in writing, from the DNA profiling Board. Section 15(2) contradicts this statement by permitting already existing DNA laboratories to function and use DNA already collected even before they receive approval from the DNA profiling Board. We suggest that Section 14 is clearly written so that DNA laboratories that have already been set up are unable to continue functioning until they have met the approval of the DNA Profiling Board, and Section 15(2) should thus be deleted.

Access: According to section 41 of the Bill, the Data Bank Manager is given sole discretion as to who may have access to the DNA database, including persons given access for training purposes [26]. Low standards such as these vest too much discretion in the Data Bank Manager. We recommend that access is strictly limited to trained personnel who have undergone proper security clearance. Furthermore, we recommend that the role of Data Bank Manager be analogous to a custodian for the databank. Thus, the manager would be accountable for the integrity and security of the data held in the DNA databank.

Offenses: Though the Bill provides for penalties such as unauthorized access, disclosure, destruction, alterations, and tampering [27], the Bill fails to provide punishment for the illegal collection of DNA samples. This should be made an offense under the Bill.

Redress: The Bill provides no redress mechanism to an individual whose DNA was illegally used or collected. Furthermore, section 49 (1) only permits the Central Government or DNA Profiling Board to bring complaints to the courts [28]. Thus, we recommend that individuals are enabled to bring charges against entities (such as DNA labs or police officials) for the misuse of their data.

Delegation of powers: The Bill allows the DNA Profiling Board to form committees of the members and delegate them the powers and functions of the board. This clause could allow outsourcing, and could allow a dilution of authority by which the DNA Profiling Board weighs approval or rejection of requests [29]. We recommend that the outsourcing of functions be limited to administration duties and jobs that do not directly relate to the core duties of the DNA Profiling Board.

Access by law enforcement agencies: The Bill currently allows for the DNA Profiling Board to grant law enforcement agencies access to DNA profiles [30]. We recommend that DNA profiles are only accessed by the Data Bank Manager. Law enforcement agencies should send requests for matches to the Data Bank Manager, and the Manger would provide the needed intelligence [31].

Public interest: The Bill allows for DNA laboratories to continue to operate, even if the laboratory has violated the specified procedures, if the DNA Profiling Board finds it in the public interest [32]. We believe that where there have been violations, a laboratory should be required to demonstrate remediation before being allowed to resume operations.

Contamination of DNA samples: Currently the Bill holds laboratories responsible for “minimizing the contamination of DNA.”[33] DNA Laboratories should be held fully and legally responsible for preserving the quality of DNA samples. If a DNA sample is contaminated, and the DNA lab does not follow due diligence to discard the contaminated sample and or collect a new sample, and subsequently the DNA used wrongly against an individual - an individual should have the ability to press charges against the institution.

Audits: The Bill provides for the auditing of DNA laboratories, but the DNA Profiling Board must also undergo annual audits [34].

Indices Held by DNA Banks: Under section 33 (4),(5)The Bill provides for the DNA data bank to set up indices that hold DNA identification records and DNA analysis from: crime scenes, suspects, offenders, missing persons, unknown deceased persons, volunteers and such other indexes as specified by regulations. We believe the DNA data bank should not hold indexes on suspects, missing persons, or volunteers without consent and the ability for the individual to withdraw their consent. Furthermore, the Bill requires the taking of a victim’s DNA, but it is not listed as an index. We recommend that this section be deleted, as the creation of a DNA index is simply another copy of a DNA profile, and it does not serve a particular purpose.

Communicating of DNA Profile with Foreign States: Section 35 permits, with the approval of the Central Government, the sharing of DNA profiles with Foreign States [35]. We recommend that communication and use of a DNA profile with Foreign States should be limited to comparison only.

Access to Data Banks for administration purposes: Section 39 of the Bill permits access to the databank for “administrative purposes”. We recommend that the Bill clarify what exactly constitutes “administrative purposes”, and clarify that the process/procedures that permit access to data banks for administration purposes will not require access to data stored in Data Banks [36].

Enforcement for the removal of innocents: Section 36(3) of the Bill requires that the DNA profile of individuals who are found innocent be removed from the database. This provision should have legal mechanisms to ensure enforcement of the provision e.g. reporting by the Board [37].

Ability to access one’s own DNA Profile: A provision should be added to the Bill that gives individuals the right to ask the police for any of their own details held on police databases, so an individual has the ability to know if their data is being held against the law [38].

Clear Definition of identity: Section 33(6)(i) maintains that the DNA Data Bank will contain in relation to each of the DNA profiles… the “identity of the person”. The Bill needs to define what is "identity" and how “identifying” information can be used. Furthermore, it is important to ensure that no other information (like an identity number) that would allow for function creep, is included in the DNA data base[39].

Transparency of the DNA board: Section 13 of the Bill describes the powers and functions the DNA Board. In this section the DNA board should be required to publish and submit minutes and annual reports including detailed information on how it has exercised all its functions to the public and to Parliament. The report should include: numbers of profiles added to the database; numbers removed on acquittal, numbers of matches and solved crimes; costs; numbers of quality assurance inspections, and breakdowns of these figures by state [40].

Restricted use of DNA database: Section 39 (1) of the Bill permits the DNA database to be used for identification purposes that are not related to solving a crime including the “ identification of victims of: accidents, disasters or missing persons or for such other purposes”. The DNA database should be restricted to the identification of a perpetrator of a specified criminal offence, and consent or a court order must be sought for any other use of the database for identification purposes.

Probability of error published: Because profiles found in the DNA data base are comprised of only parts of individuals DNA, the profiles are not unique to individuals. Thus, the number of false matches that are expected to occur by chance between crime scene DNA profiles and stored individual's profiles depends on how the profiling system used, how complete the crime scene DNA is before it is added to the database (many crime scene DNA stains are degraded and not complete), and how many comparisons are done (i.e. how big the database it is and how often it is searched). With a population the size of India, the number of these false matches could be very high. The DNA board needs to take this probability for error into consideration and publish researched statistics on how many false matches they expect to occur purely by chance, based on the numbers of profiles they expect to store under the proposed criteria for entry and removal of profiles [41].

Cost analysis: The DNA board should publish a cost benefit analysis for the implementation the Bill. This should include the cost of storing samples, collecting sample, and testing samples [42].

Bibliography

http://www.cdfd.org.in/
http://ghr.nlm.nih.gov/handbook/basics/dna
Adhikary, Jyotirmoy. DNA Technology in Administration of Justice. Lexis Nexis. 2007 pg.6, 22
Ibid email conversation with Dr. Wallace from Genewatch UK April 2nd 2002
http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-01-02/india/28371869_1_dna-data-bank-blood-samples-bodies
http://www.merinews.com/article/justice-s-rabindra-bhatt-orders-dna-test-for-nd-tiwari/15838508.shtml
http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/report_nehru-nagar-first-region-in-country-to-have-dna-profiling-database_1477211
Adhikary, Jyotirmoy. DNA Technology in Administration of Justice. Lexis Nexis. 2007. Pg.263
http://www.cdfd.org.in/servicespages/dnafingerprinting.html
ibidhttp://www.cdfd.org.in/image/AR_2009_10.pdf
http://planningcommission.nic.in/plans/planrel/fiveyr/11th/11_v1/11v1_ch8.pdf
http://www.dnalabsindia.com/
http://www.truthlabs.org/
AIR 1961 SC 1808
The Prisoners Identification Bill was most recently amended 1981
http://lawcommissionofindia.nic.in/51-100/report87.pdf
http://www.tn.gov.in/stationeryprinting/extraordinary/2010/305-Ex-IV-2.pdf
Adhikary, Jyotirmoy. DNA Technology in Administration of Justice. Lexis Nexis. 2007 pg. 259
Adhikary, Jyotirmoy. DNA Technology in Administration of Justice. Lexis Nexis. 2007 pg. 245
Email conversation with Dr. Wallace from Genewatch UK. April 2nd
Schedule of offenses 5) Miscarriage or therapeutic abortion, b. Unnatural offenses, 7) Other criminal offenses b. Prostitution 9) Mass disaster b) Civil (purpose of civil cases) c. Identification purpose 10) b) Civil:1) Paternity dispute 2) Marital dispute 3) Infidelity 4) Affiliation c) Personal Identification 1) Living 2) Dead 3) Tissue Remains d)
2 (xxvii) “offender” means a person who has been convicted of or is under trial charged with a specified offense.
2(1)(vii) “crime scene index” means an index of DNA profiles derived from
forensic material found: (a) at any place (whether within or outside India) where a specified offense was, or is reasonably suspected of having been, committed;
or (b) on or within the body of the victim, or a person reasonably
suspected of being a victim, of an offense (DNA Profiling Bill)
Adhikary, Jyotirmoy. DNA Technology in Administration of Justice. Lexis Nexis. 2007 Pg. 291
Section (1) (xv) –(xvi) of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 19 of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 41(i) (ii) of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 45, and section 46 of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 49 (1) of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 52 (2) The DNA Profiling Board may, by a general or special order in writing,
also form committees of the members and delegate to them the powers
and of the Board as may be specified by the regulations.
Section 13(x), Section(2) The DNA Profiling Board may, by a general or special order in writing,also form committees of the members and delegate to them the powers and functions of the Board as may be specified by the regulations.
Adhikary, Jyotirmoy. DNA Technology in Administration of Justice. Lexis Nexis. 2007 Pg. 300
Section 17 (2) of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 22 of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 28 of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 35 (1) of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 39 of DNA Profiling Bill
http://www.genewatch.org/sub-539478
http://www.genewatch.org/sub-539478
http://www.genewatch.org/article.shtml?als[cid]=492860&als[itemid]=567376
Email conversation with Dr. Wallace from Gene Watch UK April 2nd
Standard setting and quality regulation in forensic science. GeneWatch UK submission to the Home Office Consultation.
October 2006.
Standard setting and quality regulation in forensic science. GeneWatch UK submission to the Home Office Consultation.
October 2006.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/privacy/dna-profiling-bill

The DNA Bill has a sequence of problems that need to be resolved

Shweta Mohandas and Elonnai Hickok — 2019-01-15T02:36:11Z

In its current form, it’s far from comprehensive and fails to adequately address privacy and security concerns.

The opinion piece was published by Newslaundry on January 14, 2019.

On January 9, Science and Technology Minister Harsh Vardhan introduced the DNA Technology (Use and Application) Regulation Bill, 2018, amidst opposition and questions about the Bill’s potential threat to privacy and the lack of security measures. The Bill aims to provide for the regulation of the use and application of DNA technology for certain criminal and civil purposes, such as identifying offenders, suspects, victims, undertrials, missing persons and unknown deceased persons. The Schedule of the Bill also lists civil matters where DNA profiling can be used. These include parental disputes, issues relating to immigration and emigration, and establishment of individual identity. The Bill does not cover the commercial or private use of DNA samples, such as private companies providing DNA testing services for conducting genetic tests or for verifying paternity.

The Bill has seen several iterations and revisions from when it was first introduced in 2007. However, after repeated expert consultations, the Bill even at its current stage is far from a comprehensive legislation. Experts have articulated concerns that the version of the Bill that was presented post the Puttaswamy judgement still fails to make provisions that fully uphold the privacy and dignity of the individual. The hurry to pass the Bill by pushing for it by extending the winter session and before the Personal Data Protection Bill is brought before Parliament is also worrying. The Bill was passed in the Lok Sabha with only one amendment: which changed the year of the Bill from 2018 to 2019.

Need for a better-drafted legislation

Although the Schedule of the Bill includes certain civil matters under its purview, some important provisions are silent on the procedure that is to be followed for these civil matters. For example, the Bill necessitates the consent of the individual for DNA profiling in criminal investigation and for identifying missing persons. However, the Bill is silent on the requirement for consent in all civil matters that have been brought under the scope of the Bill.

The omission of civil matters in the provisions of the Bill that are crucial for privacy is just one of the ways the Bill fails to ensure privacy safeguards. The civil matters listed in the Bill are highly sensitive (such as paternity/maternity, use of assisted reproductive technology, organ transplants, etc.) and can have a far-reaching impact on a number of sections of society. For example, the civil matters listed in the Bill affect women not just in the case of paternity disputes but in a number of matters concerning women including the Domestic Violence Act and the Prenatal Diagnostic Techniques Act. Other matters such as pedigree, immigration and emigration can disproportionately impact vulnerable groups and communities, raising raises concerns of discrimination and abuse.

Privacy and security concerns

Although the Bill makes provisions for written consent for the collection of bodily substances and intimate bodily substances, the Bill allows non-consensual collection for offences punishable by death or imprisonment for a term exceeding seven years. Another issue with respect to collection with consent is the absence of safeguards to ensure that consent is given freely, especially when under police custody. This issue was also highlighted by MP NK Premachandran when he emphasised that the Bill be sent to a Parliamentary Standing Committee.

Apart from the collection, the Bill fails to ensure the privacy and security of the samples. One such example of this failure is Section 35(b), which allows access to the information contained in the DNA Data Banks for the purpose of training. The use of these highly sensitive data—that carry the risk of contamination—for training poses risks to the privacy of the people who have deposited their DNA both with and without consent.

An earlier version of the Bill included a provision for the creation of a population statistics databank. Though this has been removed now, there is no guarantee that this provision will not make its way through regulation. This is a cause for concern as the Bill also covers certain civil cases including those relating to immigration and emigration.

Conclusion

In July 2018, the Justice Sri Krishna Committee released the draft Personal Data Protection Bill. The Bill was open for public consultation and is now likely to be introduced in Parliament in June. The PDP Bill, while defining “sensitive personal data”, provides an exhaustive list of data that can be considered sensitive, including biometric data, genetic data and health data. Under the Bill, sensitive personal data has heightened parameters for collection and processing, including clear, informed, and specific consent. Ideally, the DNA Bill should be passed after ensuring that it is in line with the PDP Bill.

The DNA Bill, once it becomes a law, will allow for law enforcement authorities to collect sensitive DNA data and database the same for forensic purposes without a number of key safeguards in place with respect to security and the rights of individuals. In 2016 alone, 29,75,711 crimes under various provisions the Indian Penal Code were reported. One can only guess the sheer number of DNA profiles and related information that will be collected from both criminal and specified civil cases. The Bill needs to be revised to reduce all ambiguity with respect to the civil cases, and also to ensure that it is in line with the data protection regime in India. A comprehensive privacy legislation should be enacted prior to the passing of this Bill.

There are still studies and cases that show that DNA testing can be fallible. The Indian government needs to ensure that there is proper sensitisation and training on the collection, storage and use of DNA profiles as well as the recognition and awareness of the fact that the DNA tests are not infallible amongst key stakeholders, including law enforcement and the judiciary.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/newslaundry-elonnai-hickok-and-shweta-mohandas-january-14-2019-dna-bill-has-a-sequence-of-problems-that-need-to-be-resolved

The Digital is Political

nishant — 2016-06-05T03:58:46Z

To speak of technology is to speak of human life and living.

The article was published in the Indian Express on March 20, 2016.

“You are supposed to write about the internet, why do you keep talking about all this politics?” I was taken aback when I was faced with this question. It is true – since the year has begun, I have talked about digital education and the ways in which it needs to account for unexpected and underserved communities, about net neutrality and why the Indian government needs to build a stronger, safer, and a more inclusive digital ecosystem. I have written about freedom of speech and expression and how this is going to be the year when we stand together to save the internet from vested interests that seek to convert it from a public commons into a private commodity.

In my head, all these questions — of inclusion, of access, of presence, of rights — are questions of human life and living, but they are also those that are being hugely restructured by the internet and digital technologies. When faced with the query, I was reminded of a deep-seated division that has been at the heart of digital cultures.

Way back in the ’90s, when the internet was still a space of science fiction and the World Wide Web was in its nascent stages, there was a distinction made between Virtual Reality (VR) and Real Life (RL). The presumption in the construction of these categories was that the digital is only an escape, the technological is merely a prosthesis, and the internet is just a thing that a few geeks engaged with in their free time. However, the last three decades have made this distinction between VR and RL redundant.

We live in digital times. The digital is not just something we use strategically and specifically to do a few tasks. Our very perception of who we are, how we connect to the world around us, and the ways in which we define our domains of life, labour, and language are hugely structured by the digital technologies. The digital is ubiquitous and hence, like air, invisible. We live within digital systems, we live with intimate gadgets, we interact through digital media, and even though we might all be equally digital natives, there is no denying the fact that the very presence and imagination of the digital has dramatically restructured our lives. The digital, far from being a tool, is a condition and context that defines the shapes and boundaries of our understanding of the self, the society, and the structures of governance.

The pervasive nature of the digital technologies and internet can be found at multiple levels. For instance, we do not think about going online anymore, because most of our devices are connected 24×7 to the digital web. Even when we are not online, sunk in a bad network connection, or protecting our precious data usage, we know that our avatars and digital identities are online and talking without us.

So established is this phenomenon that we even have a name for the anxiety it creates: FOMO — the Fear Of Missing Out. Similarly, the digital can be located at the level of human understanding. We are used to thinking of ourselves as digital systems. We talk about our primary identity as one marked by information overload. We often complain, when faced with too many demands on our time and space, that we don’t have enough bandwidth to deal with new problems, and we are not referring to digital connectivity.

The digital also has space at the level of policy and governance. If you, like the many millions of Indians, have registered for an Aadhaar card, you have already been marked by a digital identity whether or not you have broadband access. When our government launches Digital India campaigns, it is not merely about an economic model of growth, but it is suggesting that the digital is going to be at the foundations of the new India that we want to build for the future.

If the digital is so central to our fundamental understanding of the self, the society, and the state, then surely it is time to stop thinking that these technologies have nothing to do with politics? There remains a forced imagination of technologies as devices, as tools, as prostheses which do not have any other role than the performing of a function. However, this is a fallacy, because not only do technologies shape our sense of who we are, but they also prescribe new templates and models of who we are going to be. In the process, these technologies take political action, create social structures, mobilise cultural possibilities, and often, because they are technologies that are still elite and available to the privileged few in the country, they enable decisions which are not always fair, open, and just.

Hence, a technological decision cannot be read merely as a technical decisions but as human decisions. To speak of technology is to speak of human life and living. To write about technology is to write about politics, because a separation between the two is not only futile but downright dangerous.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/indian-express-march-20-2016-nishant-shah-digital-is-political

The Digital is Political

nishant — 2012-03-21T09:14:23Z

Technologies are not just agents of politics, there is politics in their design, writes Nishant Shah in this article published in Down to Earth in the Issue of June 15, 2011.

The links between digital technologies and politics, especially in the light of the recent West Asian-North African uprisings, have been well-established. But there is a pervasive belief that the technologies of computing, in themselves, are apolitical. There are two warring groups when it comes to debates around political participation and social change that the digital and Internet technologies have fostered.

On the one hand are people who celebrate the negotiation- and intervention-making power of these technologies and attribute to them great power that can change the world. On the other are those who look at these developments with suspicion, trying to make a case for the power of the human will rather than the scope of technology design.

Both sides remain convinced that there is a cause-and-effect link between technology and politics, but nobody talks about the politics of technology. The functional focus on digital technologies—economic prosperity, time-space shrinkage, transparent interaction and governance—has been overwhelming. This fosters a pervasive belief that technologies of computation and communication are agnostic to politics: there is a disconnect between everyday practices of technology and spectrum of politics within which we operate.

Let me give an example to explain this. Take a blank sheet of paper. To all appearances, it is completely agnostic to the uses it can be put to. It can become a letter of love, it can become a note of dismissal, shattering the dreams of somebody who is fired, it can be a promissory note facilitating legal and economic transactions, or it can become the rag to mop a spill on your desk. It is generally presumed that the piece of paper does not have any design or agency. And yet, it is obvious from history that this sheet of paper did indeed revolutionise the world.

The advent of the printing press, the ability to mass-produce paper, the possibility of sending disembodied messages, the power of the paper to store information which can then be retrieved, has been transforming the world the last 500 years. It is a technologised platform that, by its very design possibilities and limitations, is able to shape, not only how we have communicated with each other, but also how we think. Let us remember the first proof of our identity is not in images or in sounds, but in a document, printed on a piece of paper, that declares us human and alive and legally present—the birth certificate.

We have grown so used to the world of writing and of printing that we have appropriated paper as an integral part of the human socio-cultural fabric. However, technology interfaces and products have not only a political agenda in their design, but also the power to shape the ways in which human history and memory function. The blank sheet of paper, in its inability to capture oral traditions, eradicates them. The tyranny of a piece of paper brings a fixity to articulations which are fluid. To think of the paper as bereft of political design, ambition and destiny, would be to neglect the lessons learned in history.

The digital interface needs to be understood through similar prisms. It is presumed that the digital interface in itself is not political in nature. Or politics is reduced to the level of content. In the process certain significant questions remain unanswered: who owns the digital technologies? Who supports them? Who benefits from them? Who controls them? Who remains excluded? Who is being made to bear the burdens?

Questions about exclusion and discrimination, built into the very structure of technology, are often overlooked. How do technologies determine who gets a voice? How do the digital webs exclude those who shall always remain outcasts? What happens to our understanding of the relationship between the state and the citizen? What are our digital rights? How does the technology design mitigate social evils? How does technology emerge as the de-facto arbitrator of law?

Politics plays a part in the very presence and design of these technologies. It is perhaps time to proclaim that like the personal, the “The Technological is the Political.”

Read the original here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/digital-is-political

The Digital Identification Parade

Aayush Rathi and Ambika Tandon — 2019-07-30T00:19:25Z

NCRB’s proposed Automated Facial Recognition System impinges on right to privacy, is likely to target certain groups.

The article by Aayush Rathi and Ambika Tandon was published in the Indian Express on July 29, 2019. The authors acknowledge Sumandro Chattapadhyay, Amber Sinha and Arindrajit Basu for their edits and Karan Saini for his inputs.

The National Crime Records Bureau recently issued a request for proposals for the procurement of an Automated Facial Recognition System (AFRS). The stated objective of the AFRS is to “identify criminals, missing persons/children, unidentified dead bodies and unknown traced children/persons”. It will be designed to compare images against a “watchlist” curated using images from “any […] image database available with police/other entity”, and “newspapers, raids, sent by people, sketches, etc.” The integration of diverse databases indicates the lack of a specific purpose, with potential for ad hoc use at later stages. Data sharing arrangements with the vendor are unclear, raising privacy concerns around corporate access to sensitive information of crores of individuals.

While a senior government official clarified that the AFRS will only be used against the integrated police database in India — the Crime and Criminal Tracking Network and Systems (CCTNS) — the tender explicitly states the integration of several other databases, including the passport database, and the National Automated Fingerprint Identification System. This is hardly reassuring. Even a targeted database like the CCTNS risks over-representation of marginalised communities, as has already been witnessed in other countries. The databases that the CCTNS links together have racial and colonial origins, recording details of unconvicted persons if they are found to be “suspicious”, based on their tribe, caste or appearance. However, including other databases puts millions of innocent individuals on the AFRS’s watchlist. The objective then becomes to identify “potential criminals” — instead of being “presumed innocent”, we are all persons-who-haven’t-been-convicted-yet.

The AFRS may allow indiscriminate searching by tapping into publicly and privately installed CCTVs pan-India. While facial recognition technology (FRT) has proliferated globally, only a few countries have systems that use footage from CCTVs installed in public areas. This is the most excessive use of FRT, building on its more common implementation as border technology. CCTV cameras are already rife with cybersecurity issues, and integration with the AFRS will expand the “attack surface” for exploiting vulnerabilities in the AFRS. Additionally, the AFRS will allow real-time querying, enabling “continuous” mass surveillance. Misuse of continuous surveillance has been seen in China, with the Uighurs being persecuted as an ethnic minority.

FRT differs from other biometric forms of identification (such as fingerprints, DNA samples) in the degree and pervasiveness of surveillance that it enables. It is designed to operate at a distance, without any knowledge of the targeted individual(s). It is far more difficult to prevent an image of one’s face from being captured, and allows for the targeting of multiple persons at a time. By its very nature, it is a non-consensual and covert surveillance technology.

Potential infringements on the right to privacy, a fundamental right, could be enormous as FRT allows for continuous and ongoing identification. Further, the AFRS violates the legal test of proportionality that was articulated in the landmark Puttaswamy judgment, with constant surveillance being used as a strategy for crime detection. Other civil liberties such as free speech and the right to assemble peacefully could be implicated as well, as specific groups of people such as dissidents and protests can be targeted.

Moreover, facial recognition technology has not performed well as a crime detection technology. Challenges arise at the stage of input itself. Variations in pose, illumination, and expression, among other factors, adversely impact the accuracy of automated facial analysis. In the US, law enforcement has been using images from low-quality surveillance feed as probe photos, leading to erroneous matches. A matter of concern is that several arrests have been made solely on the basis of likely matches returned by FRT.

Research indicates that default camera settings better expose light skin than dark, which affects results for FRT across racial groups. Moreover, the software could be tested on certain groups more often than others, and could consequently be more accurate in identifying individuals from that group. The AFRS is envisioned as having both functionalities of an FRT — identification of an individual, and social classification — with the latter holding significant potential to misclassify minority communities.

In the UK, after accounting for a host of the issues outlined above, the Science and Technology Committee, comprising 14 sitting MPs, recently called for a moratorium on deploying live FRT. It will be prudent to pay heed to this directive in India, in the absence of any framework around data protection, or the use of biometric technologies by law enforcement.

The experience of law enforcement’s use of FRT globally, and the unique challenges posed by the usage of live FRT demand closer scrutiny into how it can be regulated. One approach may be to use a technology-neutral regulatory framework that identifies gradations of harms. However, given the history of political surveillance by the Indian state, a complete prohibition on FRT may not be too far-fetched.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/aayush-rathi-and-ambika-tandon-indian-express-july-29-2019-the-digital-identification-parade

The Digital Divide: pros and cons of Modi's latest big initiative

praskrishna — 2015-07-06T02:11:56Z

Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the Digital India (DI) initiative on 1 July, at an event attended by scores of government officials as well as industry leaders.

The blog post by Suhas Munshi was published in Catch News on July 2, 2015. Sunil Abraham is quoted.

The initiative

Digital India aims to make all citizens digitally literate. Bring e-governance to every doorstep.

Corporates have promised to invest Rs 4.5 lakh crore in the initiative.

This is greater than the total spend on all govt schemes. It is equivalent to 1/4th of the national budget.

The positives

It will be a boost to industry; both large and small enterprises.

It will ostensibly create a lot of jobs.

It's ideal if citizens can connect directly with the government.

The negatives

Will the initiative be genuinely inclusive?

How will corporates recover their costs? Will the promised investments end up as bad loans from banks?

Who will handle the personal data of so many citizens; will it be efficient?

Who will the vendors be?

Will the proposed digital lockers for official documentation be reliable?

Will the initiative give the govt a tool to conduct mass surveillance?

The alternative focus

Some experts feel the govt should concentrate on giving people access to basic necessities like water, power and sewage.

The backbone of the project, the National Optical Fibre Network, has already run into massive infrastructure issues.

The programme aims to make all citizens digitally literate and bring the internet and e-governance to all sections of the society.

Like Modi's past initiatives, this too has polarised opinion, in this case on the government's aggressive push for e-governance.

While some advise patience before arriving at a verdict, others think it isn't too early to begin celebrations.

Astronomical budget

Most of the funds for this initiative are expected to come from the private sector. The total investments promised by big corporates, according to Modi, is Rs 4.5 lakh crore.

That is an astonishing number - it is equivalent to a quarter of the country's budget.

If true, then the amount spent on this project will be way over the total money spent on all of the government's 66 central sponsored schemes.

However, India hasn't been able to deliver on the last big welfare scheme promised - the Food Security Act, two years after it was passed in Parliament.

Investments promised by corporates add up to Rs 4.5 lakh crore, which is one-fourth of India's total budget

This scheme, which is set to cost the country Rs 1.25 lakh crore, aims to provide subsidised food grains to two-thirds of the populace.

The immediate concern experts have expressed with the budget is the possible intervention of the private sector.

The big corporate houses that have promised these staggering investments, would also be looking to recover them.

"As I see it, effectively a new sector is being created for this initiative. While it is good, when the private sector comes in to support big government projects, we also have to examine what the recovery model for those investments are. Hopefully, more details about investments will be made available," said Subrata Das, Executive Director, Centre for Budget and Governance Accountability.

Boost to industry

The initiative has already received a massive thumbs up from the industry. Corporate leaders made a beeline to praise the initiative.

RIL chairman Mukesh Ambani said that with Digital India, the government has moved faster than industry. He added that Reliance Jio Infocomm will invest Rs 2,50,000 crore as part of the Digital India programme.

"Tata Consultancy Services (TCS) has partnered with the government for projects like Passport Seva and income tax e-filing, as well as state-level projects," said Cyrus Mistry, chairman of Tata Group, at the event.

Azim Premji, Wipro chairman, was quoted as saying the initiative will democratise the nation and "break down the digital divide in India".

He added that the level of skills of India's people will have to be significantly improved in order to make full use of the new initiative.

Kumar Mangalam Birla, chairman of the Aditya Birla Group, said it would leverage its Idea Cellular network of 165 million subscribers across 3,50,000 towns and villages in India to provide mobile-based healthcare and education services, as well as weather forecasting advisories and 'mandi' prices to over one million farmers.

The company will also launch a mobile wallet and payment bank as well as invest over $2 billion in the next five years in various internet-based sectors.

There seems to be a consensus on the kind of platform DI will provide to small entrepreneurs and the massive job opportunities it will create.

"Who has not heard about their computer engineer friends trying to develop a product in their spare time? These small entrepreneurs will get a lot of help if they are brought to a common platform with big companies and if lack of resources don't impede their work. Besides, as government starts to spend, there will be a severe need for hardware technicians, network operators, data entry operators," said Manish Sabharwal, chairman, Teamlease.

Rajeev Chandrasekhar, independent lawmaker in the Rajya Sabha, says DI is not only essential for the idea of 'minimum government, maximum governance', it is a big boost for the Indian IT industry.

"It is absolutely essential for good governance that as many people as possible are put directly in touch with their government. One of the biggest achievements, I think, will be in connecting 700 million people, so far sequestered, with the rest of the country. This obviously helps small entrepreneurs with launching their startups and bringing in a healthy workforce into the folds of this scheme," he said.

Many sunrise sectors before have similarly promised job growth that has not materialised. It remains to be seen how much of this euphoria plays out in concrete terms.

Privacy concerns

Therefore, while there's been a lot of positive buzz, not everyone is sold on the initiative.

Concerns are being raised about the handling of personal data of so many citizens.

There is a question about the reliability of the digital lockers in which all citizens will have their official documentation, and the anxiety of the data falling into the wrong hands.

"Of course, the concern with respect to privacy is legitimate and urgent.

Since the data the government will collect will be very large in terms of volume and can be misused, the reliability of the government's systems will have to be quite high.

So let's wait to see the nuts and bolts of the programme," said Apar Gupta, a senior lawyer specialising in information technology.

According to Reetika Khera, associate professor, economics at IIT Delhi, applications like digital lockers will make it easier for government to conduct mass surveillance.

There are questions over the reliability of digital lockers and about data falling into the wrong hands

"Programmes like Aadhar, digi-locker, central monitoring system (of mobile calls) etc are creating and enabling a massive surveillance infrastructure in India that will put NSA's PRISM, XKeyScore etc to shame.

"For instance, if Aadhaar is linked to your mobile number, bank account, travel details, the government can build a profile of each person at the click of a mouse. This is especially worrying because data protection and privacy laws are weak or non-existent," she said.

Sunil Abraham, executive director of Bangalore-based research organisation Centre for Internet and Society, also agrees with the concerns but is optimistic about the safeguards being put in place.

"There is a very mature draft of the Privacy Bill at the Department of Personnel and Training which will hopefully be introduced into Parliament after some rounds of public consultation and feedback.

"This, along with appropriate architectural and technological changes to e-governance services, will mitigate privacy concerns," said Abraham.

Misplaced priorities?

Then there is an argument that the less-privileged sections of society may need basic social services before they're considered for internet inclusion.

"What is true at the ground is that many people still don't have access to basic services, so while I think this is a good initiative, it should be part of our medium-term strategy.

"To begin with, we should focus on setting up basic infrastructure and extending water, power and sewer lines to most of the country," said Amitabh Kundu, retired JNU professor, who's advising the government on various projects.

Apar Gupta wonders how the government intends to bring people who are semi-literate, with no access to internet, within the fold of this e-governance project.

"Extending social welfare schemes to this section of people solely through digital medium is not viable," he said.

Some feel that the whole DI initiative is a mass-scale feel-good exercise. The argument is that using technology to 'uplift' the masses isn't a new idea, and is introduced periodically, and turns out to be largely ineffective.

"From the looks of it, this initiative seems to be nothing but techno-optimism. There is a belief that new technologies will, by themselves, transform the social world, but this doesn't happen.

"Techno-optimism, which we have seen before, is no different to traditional forms of governance, and over time, turns out to be nothing but a public relations exercises. An exercise to make governance visible to masses," said Ravi Sundaram, professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS).

Infrastructure issues

A project of this ambition and magnitude is bound to run into difficulties and, just a day after the launch, The Indian Express reported that the National Optical Fibre Network, the backbone of the initiative, is way behind schedule.

The project was supposed to be completed by December 2016. Initially, the 2014-15 target was to execute the work for one lakh gram panchayats, which was later halved to 50,000.

However, up until March 2015, only about 20,000 gram panchayats have been covered.

The primary problem is the cascading delays faced by central agencies, and when the active intervention of states was sought, 'right of way' charges have become the bone of contention.

Lack of contractors to do specialised work is also turning out to be an issue.

Thus, it won't be a stretch to say that while the initiative sounds like a great thing, doubts over its proper execution will continue till there is some concrete success to show for it.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/catch-news-july-2-2015-the-digital-divide-pros-and-cons-of-modi-s-latest-big-initiative

The DigiLocker was supposed to cut down paperwork but less than 0.1% of Indians are using it

praskrishna — 2016-09-12T01:59:44Z

The official data shows that the platform has not enthused as many users as the government expected.

The blog post by Mayank Jain was published by Scroll.in on September 12, 2016. Sunil Abraham was quoted.

The government has been working hard to make all of India go digital – but its initiatives don't seem to be having the desired effect. Not yet anyway.

DigiLocker was launched in July last year as a secure platform for Indian citizens to store and access their documents on an electronic repository provided by the government of India. This is one of the major planks of the Digital India programme – which aims to take government services online and make the entire country digitally literate – but it does not seem to have enthused too many so far.

To popularise it further, the government on Wednesday integrated it with the Ministry of Road Transport and Highways to allow people to store a digital version of their driving licence and vehicle documents on the DigiLocker, sparing them the trouble of having to keep the hard copies on them at all times.

More than a year since its release, the platform has about 1.1 million people signed up as users, according to the official statistics on the DigiLocker website.

This might seem like an impressive number – but compare it to the country’s population of about 1.21 billion, or even its internet-using population of 350 million – and it becomes a drop in the ocean.

As this chart shows, only 0.09% of Indians are on DigiLocker – this is less than one user per 1,000 people in the country. DigiLocker is being used by 0.33% of the online population in the country, which implies that there are 33 users per 10,000 people on the internet from India.

Digital dreams

When it was launched by the Department of Electronics and Information Technology, the government had envisaged a cloud-based and secure storage platform that would cover the entire population, make it easier to procure and access important documents – including mark sheets, degrees and tax papers – and reduce paperwork as well as save time.

“In effect Digital Locker will touch every citizen's life by bringing in lot of convenience and therefore fulfilling the government's vision of a citizen centric governance model of providing services at the door-step of citizens,” the government said in a press release when the locker reached one lakh users in the first 100 days of its launch.

While the official website claims that the number of users is now about 2.1 million, the state-wise figures add up to only 1.1 million people on the platform.

Among the states, Maharashtra has most DigiLocker users in absolute numbers (more than 1 lakh), while Arunachal, Nagaland and Mizoram have less than 1,000 users each.

When the population of each state is taken into account, however, the picture changes. When adjusted for population, a mere 0.7% Sikkim’s population uses the service – and this is the highest percentage among Indian states. Maharashtra, with the highest number of DigiLocker users, has a much lower percentage of those on the service – 0.12%. The national capital, meanwhile, has just 0.17% of its population on the service.

Lock up

Citizens can use DigiLocker to store up to 10 megabytes of personal documents online.

Since the 10MB storage isn’t enticing enough, considering that internet users can avail themselves of at least 1GB of storage for free through private services such as Google Drive or Dropbox, the government is trying to push usage by integrating several departments with the service and allowing users to access more documents in real time from anywhere.

Among those enrolled so far include the road transport ministry, Maharashtra’s department of registry and stamps and educational bodies such as the Central Board of Secondary Education, which is now trying to release mark sheets and results of competitive exams online.

Though the government hoped that these initiatives would increase its usage, technical glitches have prevented several people from using the service.

A student who gave her National Engineering Entrance Exam this year spoke to Scroll.in about why she didn't sign up for DigiLocker even though her results were released on the platform.

“They allowed us to access results instantly on the platform but it required a sign up using the Aadhaar number,” a student, said on the condition of anonymity. “I tried signing up thrice using my phone number but never received the one-time password and then my Aadhaar verification didn’t go through so I could never sign up.”

The service is linked to the government's biometric-based Aadhaar identification system, but it is not mandatory to have an Aadhaar number, according to the website.

Privacy concerns

Another reason why people are hesitant to sign up for the service are privacy concerns about storing important and private documents on a central repository.

“Any large linked database with personal information is a serious threat to citizen’s data,” G Nagarjuna, a researcher at the Homi Bhabha Centre for Science Education in Mumbai told Scroll.in earlier. “There exists no agency that could secure their data till date without any possibilities of data theft.”

Experts said storing private information, such as biometric and passport data, on the service could pose security and privacy concerns.

Sunil Abraham, Executive Director of the Bangalore-based Centre for Internet and Society told Scroll.in over email that the project can have serious consequences if it is not encrypted well.

“Unless the cryptography and architecture is organised in such a manner that only the citizens will have access, there can be very serious consequences for the individual’s right to privacy,” he said.

Internal resistance

Those working for the project said the usage of the locker is going to go up if more government departments start issuing documents digitally to the locker, instead of handing over hard copies, as this will prompt users to sign up.

If the usage has to be increased, more departments need to come on board and start releasing documents digitally, said Debabrata Nayak, additional director of the National E-Governance Division, which implemented the project.

“It’s only when more departments start implementing digitisation and issuing digital documents that we will see a jump in the number of users because Digital Locker is pushed like that,” Nayak said, adding that National E-Governance Division is facing a fair bit of resistance from the departments.

“But not all departments are doing it yet because it requires a massive change in their work processes and we are trying to get them on board.”

Aadhaar woes

DigiLocker is designed as a push as well as pull service, which means that it should allow departments to issue as well as request documents from users. For this, users need to link their Aadhaar numbers to the locker. This is proving to be a problem, because most departments are not linking the documents they release to Aadhaar just yet, and not all users are registered with the unique identification system.

Moreover, the validity of Aadhaar is under question in the Supreme Court over privacy concerns voiced by the civil society.

An activist had moved the Supreme Court last year over the government making the Aadhaar number mandatory to sign up for DigiLocker. While the petition was quashed on procedural grounds, the government quickly moved to allow users to sign up without their Aadhaar numbers. However, the usability of the locker is restricted for such users.

Nayak said that non-Aadhaar-linked users can only upload their own documents on the system, without being able to use any other facility that DigiLocker claims to provide.

“Earlier Aadhaar was necessary but we changed it because people demanded access, but for most services, like getting government documents or requesting documents, it’s [Aadhaar] necessary,” he said. Nayak said this is because Aadhaar is the only way the government can identify the person who is being issued documents.

So what can one do without an Aadhaar on the DigiLocker?

“Without Aadhaar you can dump your garbage in it, which means you can upload your own files on the digital locker system,” Nayak said, “but why would you do that if you have Google Drive and Dropbox-like services?”

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/scroll.in-mayank-jain-september-12-2016-the-digilocker-was-supposed-to-cut-down-paperwork

The Difficult Balance of Transparent Surveillance

kovey — 2013-07-15T04:23:35Z

Is it too much to ask for transparency in data surveillance? On occasion, companies like Microsoft, Facebook, and the other silicon valley giants would say no. When customers join these services, each company provides their own privacy statement which assures customers of the safety and transparency that accompanies their personal data.

This research was undertaken as part of the 'SAFEGUARDS' project that CIS is undertaking with Privacy International and IDRC

Google even publishes annual “Transparency Reports” which detail the data movement behind the scenes. Governments, too, are somewhat open about surveillance methods, for example with the public knowledge of the existence and role of institutions like America’s NSA and India’s CMS. These façades of assurance, however, never satisfy the public enough to protect them from feeling cheated and deceived when information leaks about surveillance practices. And in the face of controversy around surveillance, both service providers and governments scramble to provide explanations for discrepancies between their promises and their practices.

So it seems that transparency might not be too much to ask, but instead is perhaps more complicated of a request than imagined. For some citizens, nothing would be more satisfying than complete transparency on all data collection. For those who recognize surveillance as crucial for national security, however, complete transparency would mean undermining the very efficacy of surveillance practices. And data companies often find themselves caught between these two ends, simultaneously seeking profits by catering to the public, while also trying to abide by political and legal frameworks. Therefore, in the process of modern data surveillance, each attempt at resolution of the transparency issue will become a delicate balance between three actors: the government, the big data companies, and the people. As rightly stated on the Digital Due Process website, rules for surveillance must carefully consider “the individual’s constitutional right to privacy, the government’s need for tools to conduct investigations, and the interest of service providers in clarity and customer trust.”[1]

So we must unpack the idea of transparency.

First, there should be a distinction made between proactive transparency and reactive transparency, or, the announcement of surveillance practices versus the later access to surveillance records. The former is more risky and therefore more difficult to entertain, while the latter may lack any real substance beyond satisfying inquiries. Also consider the discrepancy in motivation for transparency between the actors. For the citizen, is transparency really an end goal, or is it only a stepping stone in the argument for eradication of surveillance practices in the name of rights to privacy? Here, we ascertain the true value of total transparency; will it ever please citizens to learn of a government’s most recent undermining of the private sphere?

Reactive transparency has been achieved only in recent years in India, during a number of well publicized legal cases. In one of the earliest cases of reactive transparency, Reliance Communications made an affidavit in the Supreme Court over the exact number of surveillance directives given by the government. It was released that 151,000 Reliance accounts were monitored for a project between 2006 and 2010, with 3,588 tapped phones just from the Delhi region alone in 2005.[2]

But also there has been controversy over the extent of reactive transparency, because it has been especially problematic to discern the point where transparency once again encroaches on privacy, both for government and the people’s sake. After gathering the data, its release could further jeopardize the citizens and the government. It is important to carefully consider the productive extent of reactive transparency: What will become of the information? Will one publicly reveal how many people were spied on? Who was spied on? What was found when through spying? Citizens must take all of this into consideration when requesting transparency.

Meanwhile, service providers embrace transparency when it can benefit their corporation, or as a recent Facebook statement explained, “we’ve been in discussions with U.S. national security authorities urging them to allow more transparency, so that our users around the world can understand how infrequently we are asked to provide user data on national security grounds.” [a] Many of the service providers mentioned in the recently leaked PRISM report have made well-publicized requests to the U.S. government for more transparency.[3]

Not only have they allegedly written requests to the government to allow them to disclose information, but the companies (including Facebook [a], Apple [b], Microsoft[c], and Google [d]) have all released explanatory statements in the wake of the June 2013 PRISM scandal. Although service providers claim that the request to release data about their cooperation is in the ‘interest of transparency,’ it instead seems that the motivation for this transparency is to ease consumers’ concerns and help the companies save face. The companies (and the government) will admit their participation in surveillance once it has become impossible to deny their association with the programs. This shrewd aspect of transparency can be seen most clearly in statements like those from Microsoft, who included in their statement on June 14^th, “We have not received any national security orders of the type that Verizon was reported to have received.” [c] Spontaneous allusions like this are meant to contrast guilt-conscious service providers favorably to telecom service providers such as AT&T and Verizon, who allegedly yielded the most communications data and who as of now have yet to release defensive public statements.

Currently, we find ourselves in a situation where entities admit to their collusion in snooping only once information has leaked, indignation has ignited, and scandal has erupted. A half-hearted proactive transparency leads to an outrage demanding reactive semi-transparency. These weak forms of transparency neither satisfy the public, nor allow governments and service providers to maintain dignity.

But now is also a crucial moment for possible reevaluation and reformation of this system, especially in India. Not only is India enacting its own national security surveillance system, the CMS[4] but the recent NSA and PRISM revelations are still sending shockwaves throughout the world of cyber security and surveillance. Last week, a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) was sent to the Indian Supreme Court, arguing that nine foreign service providers (Facebook, Hotmail, Yahoo!, Google, Apple, Skype, Paltalk, AOL, YouTube) violated the trust and privacy of their Indian customers through their collusion with the US government’s surveillance programs.[5]

Among other things, the PIL emphatically sought prosecution of the mentioned corporations, demands for the service providers to establish servers in India, and also sought stricter rules to prevent Indian officials from using these foreign services for work involving national security. Ultimately, the PIL was rejected by the Supreme Court; although the PIL stated the grounds of Rule 6 of the Information Technology Rules 2011 for the guidelines in protecting sensitive Indian citizen information, the SC saw the PIL as addressing problems outside of SC jurisdiction, and was quoted as saying “we cannot entertain the petition as an Indian agency is not involved.”[5][6]

The SC considered the PIL only partially, however, as certain significant parts of the petition were indeed within Indian domestic agency, for example the urge to prohibit federal officials from using the private email services such as Gmail, Hotmail, and Yahoo. And although the SC is not the correct place to push for new safeguard legislation, the ideas of the PIL are not invalid, as Indian leaders have long searched for ways of ensuring basic Indian privacy laws in the context of international service providers. This is also not a problem distinctive to India. International service providers have entered into agreements regarding the same problems of incorporating international customers’ rights, formal agreements which India could emulate if it wanted to demand greater privacy or transparency.

For example, there is the Safe Harbor Framework, an institution in place to protect and mediate European Union citizens’ privacy rights within the servers of foreign (i.e. American) Internet companies. These regulations were established in 2000, and serve the purpose of adjusting foreign companies’ standards to incorporate E.U. privacy laws. In accordance with the agreement, E.U. data is only allowed to be sent to outside providers who maintain the seven Safe Harbor principles, several of which focus on transparency of data usage.[7] India could enact a system similar to this, and it would likely alleviate some of the concerns raised in the most recent PIL. These frameworks, however, have not proven completely reliable safeguards either, especially when the service providers’ own government uses national security as a means to override the agreement. Although the U.S. government has yet to fully confirm or deny many of the NSA and PRISM allegations in regards to Europe, there is currently strong room to believe that the surveillance practices may have violated the Safe Harbor agreements by delivering sensitive E.U. citizen data to the U.S. government.[8] It is uncertain how these revelations will impact the agreements made between the big Silicon-Valley companies and their E.U. customers.

The recent PIL also strongly suggested establishing domestic data servers to keep Indian citizens’ information within the country and under the direct supervision of Indian entities. It strongly pushes for self-reliance as the best way to ensure both citizen and national security. The PIL assumes that domestic servers will not only offer better information protection, but also create much needed jobs and raise national tax revenue.[5] If allegations about PRISM and the E.U. prove true, then the E.U. may also decide to support establishment of European servers as well.

Several of the ideas outlined in the PIL have merit, but may not be as productive as the requesters assume. It is true that establishing servers and domestic regulators in India may temporarily protect from unwanted foreign, i.e. American, surveillance. But at the same time, this also increases likelihood of India’s own central government taking a stronger surveillance stance, more stringently monitoring their own servers and databases. It has not yet been described how the CMS will be operate its surveillance methods, but moving data to domestic servers may just result in shifting power from NSA to CMS. Rather than more privacy or transparency, the situation could easily become a matter of who citizens prefer spying over them.

Even if one government establishes rules which enforce transparency, this may clash with the laws of the service providers’ domestic government, i.e. confidentiality in surveillance. Considering all of this, rejection of foreign service providers and promotion of domestic self reliance may ultimately prove the most effective alternative for nations which are growing rapidly in both internet presence and internet consciousness. But that does not make this option the easiest. Facing the revelations and disillusionment of domestic (CMS) and international (PRISM) surveillance methods, countries like India are reaching an impeding critical juncture. Now is the most important time to establish new norms, while public sentiment is at its highest and transition is most possible, not only creating new laws which can safeguard privacy, but also strongly considering alternatives to foreign service providers like those outlined in June’s PIL. Privacy International’s guiding principles of communications surveillance also offer useful advice, urging for the establishment of oversight institutions which can access surveillance records and periodically publish aggregate data on surveillance methods.[9] Although the balance between security on the national level and security on the personal level will continue to be problematic for nations in the upcoming years, and even though service providers’ positions on surveillance usually seem contrived, Microsoft Vice President John Frank made a statement which deserves appreciation, rightly saying, “Transparency alone may not be enough to restore public confidence, but it’s a great place to start.”[c]

[1]. http://digitaldueprocess.org/

[2]. http://bit.ly/151Ue1H

[3]. http://bit.ly/12XDb1Z

[4]. http://ti.me/11Xh08V

[5]. Copy of 2013 PIL to Supreme Court, Prof. S.N. Singh [attached]

[6]. http://bit.ly/1aXWdbU

[7]. http://1.usa.gov/qafcXe

[8]. http://bit.ly/114hcCX

[9]. http://bit.ly/156wspI

[a]. Facebook Statement: http://bit.ly/ZQDcn6

[b]. Apple Statement: http://bit.ly/1akaBuN

[c]. Microsoft Statement:http://bit.ly/1bFIt31

[d]. Google Statement: http://bit.ly/16QlaqB

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/the-difficult-balance-of-transparent-surveillance

The Design & Technology behind India’s Surveillance Programmes

udbhav — 2017-01-20T15:56:44Z

There has been an exponential growth in the pervasive presence of technology in the daily lives of an average Indian citizen over the past few years. While leading to manifold increase in convenience and connectivity, these technologies also allow for far greater potential for surveillance by state actors.

While the legal and policy avenues of state surveillance in India have been analysed by various organisations, there is very little available information about the technology and infrastructure used to carry out this surveillance. This appears to be largely, according to the government, due to reasons of national security and sovereignty.^[1] This blog post will attempt to paint a picture of the technological infrastructure being used to carry out state surveillance in India.

Background
The revelations by Edward Snowden about mass surveillance in mid-2013 led to an explosion of journalistic interest in surveillance and user privacy in India.^[2] The reports and coverage from this period, leading up to early 2015, serve as the main authority for the information presented in this blog post. The lack of information from official government sources as well as decreasing public spotlight on surveillance since that point of time generally have both led to little or no new information turning up about India’s surveillance regime since this period. However, given the long term nature of these programmes and the vast amounts of time it takes to set them up, it is fairly certain that the programmes detailed below are still the primary bedrock of state surveillance in the country, albeit having become operational and inter-connected only in the past 2 years.

The technology being used to carry out surveillance in India over the past 5 years is largely an upgraded, centralised and substantially more powerful version of the surveillance techniques followed in India since the advent of telegraph and telephone lines: the tapping & recording of information in transit.^[3] The fact that all the modern surveillance programmes detailed below have not required any new legislation, law, amendment or policy that was not already in force prior to 2008 is the most telling example of this fact. The legal and policy implication of the programmes illustrated below have been covered in previous articles by the Centre for Internet & Society which can be found here,^[4] here^[5] and here.^[6] Therefore, this post will solely concentrate on the technological design and infrastructure being used to carry out surveillance along with any new developments in this field that the three source mentioned would not have covered from a technological perspective.

The Technology Infrastructure behind State Surveillance in India

The programmes of the Indian Government (in public knowledge) that are being used to carry out state surveillance are broadly eight in number. These exclude specific surveillance technology being used by independent arms of the government, which will be covered in the next section of this post. Many of the programmes listed below have overlapping jurisdictions and in some instances are cross-linked with each other to provide greater coverage:

Central Monitoring System (CMS)
National Intelligence Grid (NAT-GRID)
Lawful Intercept And Monitoring Project (LIM)
Crime and Criminal Tracking Network & Systems (CCTNS)
Network Traffic Analysis System (NETRA)
New Media Wing (Bureau of New and Concurrent Media)

The post will look at the technological underpinning of each of these programmes and their operational capabilities, both in theory and practice.

Central Monitoring System (CMS)

The Central Monitoring System (CMS) is the premier mass surveillance programme of the Indian Government, which has been in the planning stages since 2008^[7] Its primary goal is to replace the current on-demand availability of analog and digital data from service providers with a “central and direct” access which involves no third party between the captured information and the government authorities.^[8] While the system is currently operated by the Centre for Development of Telematics, the unreleased three-stage plan envisages a centralised location (physically and legally) to govern the programme. The CMS is primarily operated by Telecom Enforcement and Resource Monitoring Cell (TERM) within the Department of Telecom, which also has a larger mandate of ensuring radiation safety and spectrum compliance.

The technological infrastructure behind the CMS largely consists of Telecom Service Providers (TSPs) and Internet Service Providers (ISPs) in India being mandated to integrate Interception Store & Forward (ISF) servers with their Lawful Interception Systems required by their licences. Once these ISF servers are installed they are then connected to the Regional Monitoring Centres (RMC) of the CMS, setup according to geographical locations and population. Finally, Regional Monitoring Centre (RMC) in India is connected to the Central Monitoring System (CMS) itself, essentially allowing the collection, storage, access and analysis of data collected from all across the country in a centralised manner. The data collected by the CMS includes voice calls, SMS, MMS, fax communications on landlines, CDMA, video calls, GSM and even general, unencrypted data travelling across the internet using the standard IP/TCP Protocol.^[9]

With regard to the analysis of this data, Call Details Records (CDR) analysis, data mining, machine learning and predictive algorithms have been allegedly implemented in various degrees across this network.^[10] This allows state actors to pre-emptively gather and collect a vast amount of information from across the country, perform analysis on this data and then possibly even take action on the basis of this information by directly approaching the entity (currently the TERM under C-DOT) operating the system. ^[11] The system has reached full functionality in mid 2016, with over 22 Regional Monitoring Centres functional and the system itself being ‘switched on’ post trials in gradual phases.^[12]

National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID)

The National Intelligence Grid (NATGRID) is a semi-functional^[13] integrated intelligence grid that links the stored records and databases of several government entities in order to collect data, decipher trends and provide real time (sometimes even predictive) analysis of data gathered across law enforcement, espionage and military agencies. The programme intends to provide 11 security agencies real-time access to 21 citizen data sources to track terror activities across the country. The citizen data sources include bank account details, telephone records, passport data and vehicle registration details, the National Population Register (NPR), the Immigration, Visa, Foreigners Registration and Tracking System (IVFRT), among other types of data, all of which are already present within various government records across the country.^[14]

Data mining and analytics are used to process the huge volumes of data generated from the 21 data sources so as to analyse events, match patterns and track suspects, with big data analytics^[15] being the primary tool to effectively utilise the project, which was founded to prevent another instance of the September, 2011 terrorist attacks in Mumbai. The list of agencies that will have access to this data collection and analytics platform are the Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT), Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), Directorate of Revenue Intelligence (DRI), Enforcement Directorate (ED), Intelligence Bureau (IB), Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB), National Investigation Agency (NIA), Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), the Military Intelligence of Assam , Jammu and Kashmir regions and finally the Home Ministry itself.^[16]

As of late 2015, the project has remained stuck because of bureaucratic red tape, with even the first phase of the four stage project not complete. The primary reason for this is the change of governments in 2014, along with apprehensions about breach of security and misuse of information from agencies such as the IB, R&AW, CBI, and CBDT, etc.^[17] However, the office of the NATGRID is now under construction in South Delhi and while the agency claims an exemption under the RTI Act as a Schedule II Organisation, its scope and operational reach have only increased with each passing year.

Lawful Intercept And Monitoring Project

Lawful Intercept and Monitoring (LIM), is a secret mass electronic surveillance program operated by the Government of India for monitoring Internet traffic, communications, web-browsing and all other forms of Internet data. It is primarily run by the Centre for Development of Telematics (C-DoT) in the Ministry of Telecom since 2011.^[18]

The LIM Programme consists of installing interception, monitoring and storage programmes at international gateways, internet exchange hubs as well as ISP nodes across the country. This is done independent of ISPs, with the entire hardware and software apparatus being operated by the government. The hardware is installed between the Internet Edge Router (PE) and the core network, allowing for direct access to all traffic flowing through the ISP. It is the primary programme for internet traffic surveillance in India, allowing indiscriminate monitoring of all traffic passing through the ISP for as long as the government desires, without any oversight of courts and sometimes without the knowledge of ISPs.^[19] One of the most potent capabilities of the LIM Project are live, automated keyword searches which allow the government to track all the information passing through the internet pipe being surveilled for certain key phrases in both in text as well in audio. Once these key phrases are successfully matched to the data travelling through the pipe using advanced search algorithms developed uniquely for the project, the system has various automatic routines which range from targeted surveillance on the source of the data to raising an alarm with the appropriate authorities.

LIM systems are often also operated by the ISPs themselves, on behalf of the government. They operate the device, including hardware upkeep, only to provide direct access to government agencies upon requests. Reports have stated that the legal procedures laid down in law (including nodal officers and formal requests for information) are rarely followed^[20] in both these cases, allowing unfettered access to petabytes of user data on a daily basis through these programmes.

Crime and Criminal Tracking Network & Systems (CCTNS)

The Crime and Criminal Tracking Network & System (CCTNS) is a planned network that allows for the digital collection, storage, retrieval, analysis, transfer and sharing of information relating to crimes and criminals across India.^[21] It is supposed to primarily operate at two levels, one between police stations and the second being between the various governance structures around crime detection and solving around the country, with access also being provided to intelligence and national security agencies.^[22]

CCTNS aims to integrate all the necessary data and records surrounding a crime (including past records) into a Core Application Software (CAS) that has been developed by Wipro.^[23] The software includes the ability to digitise FIR registration, investigation and charge sheets along with the ability to set up a centralised citizen portal to interact with relevant information. This project aims to use this CAS interface across 15, 000 police stations in the country, with up to 5, 000 additional deployments. The project has been planned since 2009, with the first complete statewide implementation going live only in August 2016 in Maharashtra. ^[24]

While seemingly harmless at face value, the project’s true power lies in two main possible uses. The first being its ability to profile individuals using their past conduct, which now can include all stages of an investigation and not just a conviction by a court of law, which has massive privacy concerns. The second harm is the notion that the CCTNS database will not be an isolated one but will be connected to the NATGRID and other such databases operated by organisations such as the National Crime Records Bureau, which will allow the information present in the CCTNS to be leveraged into carrying out more invasive surveillance of the public at large.^[25]

Network Traffic Analysis System (NETRA)

NETRA (NEtwork TRaffic Analysis) is a real time surveillance software developed by the Centre for Artificial Intelligence and Robotics (CAIR) at the Defence Research and Development Organisation. (DRDO) The software has apparently been fully functional since early 2014 and is primarily used by Indian Spy agencies, the Intelligence Bureau (IB) and the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) with some capacity being reserved for domestic agencies under the Home Ministry.

The software is meant to monitor Internet traffic on a real time basis using both voice and textual forms of data communication, especially social media, communication services and web browsing. Each agency was initially allocated 1000 nodes running NETRA, with each node having a capacity to analyse 300GB of information per second, giving each agency a capacity of around 300 TB of information processing per second.^[26] This capacity is largely available only to agencies dealing with External threats, with domestic agencies being allocated far lower capacities, depending on demand. The software itself is mobile and in the presence of sufficient hardware capacity, nothing prevents the software from being used in the CMS, the NATGRID or LIM operations.

There has been a sharp and sudden absence of public domain information regarding the software since 2014, making any statements about its current form or evolution mere conjecture.

Analysis of the Collective Data

Independent of the capacity of such programmes, their real world operations work in a largely similar manner to mass surveillance programmes in the rest of the world, with a majority of the capacity being focused on decryption and storage of data with basic rudimentary data analytics.^[27] Keyword searches for hot words like 'attack', 'bomb', 'blast' or 'kill' in the various communication stream in real time are the only real capabilities of the system that have been discussed in the public domain,^[28] which along with the limited capacity of such programmes^[29] (300 TB) is indicative of basic level of analysis that is carried on captured data. Any additional details about the technical details about how India’s surveillance programmes use their captured data is absent from the public domain but they can presumed, at best, to operate with similar standards as global practices.^[30]

Capacitative Global Comparison

As can be seen from the post so far, India’s surveillance programmes have remarkably little information about them in the public domain, from a technical operation or infrastructure perspective. In fact, post late 2014, there is a stark lack of information about any developments in the mass surveillance field. All of the information that is available about the technical capabilities of the CMS, NATGRID or LIM is either antiquated (pre 2014) or is about (comparatively) mundane details like headquarter construction clearances.^[31] Whether this is a result of the general reduction in the attention towards mass surveillance by the public and the media^[32] or is the result of actions taken by the government under the “national security” grounds under as the Official Secrets Act, 1923^[33] can only be conjecture.

However, given the information available (mentioned previously in this article) a comparative points to the rather lopsided position in comparison to international mass surveillance performance. While the legal provisions in India regarding surveillance programmes are among the most wide ranging, discretionary and opaque in the world^[34] their technical capabilities seem to be anarchic in comparison to modern standards. The only real comparative that can be used is public reporting surrounding the DRDO NETRA project around 2012 and 2013. The government held a competition between the DRDO’s internally developed software “Netra” and NTRO’s “Vishwarupal” which was developed in collaboration with Paladion Networks.^[35] The winning software, NETRA, was said to have a capacity of 300 GB per node, with a total of 1000 sanctioned nodes.^[36] This capacity of 300 TB for the entire system, while seemingly powerful, is a miniscule fragment of 83 Petabytes traffic that is predicted to generated in India per day.^[37] In comparison, the PRISM programme run by the National Security Agency in 2013 (the same time that the NETRA was tested) has a capacity of over 5 trillion gigabytes of storage^[38], many magnitudes greater than the capacity of the DRDO software. Similar statistics can be seen from the various other programmes of NSA and the Five Eyes alliance,^[39] all of which operated at far greater capacities^[40] and were held to be minimally effective.^[41] The questions this poses of the effectiveness, reliance and proportionality of the Indian surveillance programme can never truly be answered due to the lack of information surrounding capacity and technology of the Indian surveillance programmes, as highlighted in the article. With regard to criminal databases used in surveillance, such as the NATGRID, equivalent systems both domestically (especially in the USA) and internationally (such as the one run by the Interpol)^[42] are impossible due to the NATGRID not even being fully operational yet.^[43]

Conclusion

Even if we were to ignore the issues in principle with mass surveillance, the pervasive, largely unregulated and mass scale surveillance being carried in India using the tools and technologies detailed above have various technical and policy failings. It is imperative that transparency, accountability and legal scrutiny be made an integral part of the security apparatus in India. The risks of security breaches, politically motivated actions and foreign state hacking only increase with the absence of public accountability mechanisms. Further, opening up the technologies used for these operations to regular security audits will also improve their resilience to such attacks.

^[1] http://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/the-constitutionality-of-indian-surveillance-law

^[2] http://india.blogs.nytimes.com/2013/07/10/how-surveillance-works-in-india/

^[3] https://www.privacyinternational.org/node/818

^[4] http://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/state-of-cyber-security-and-surveillance-in-india.pdf

^[5] http://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/security-surveillance-and-data-sharing.pdf

^[6] http://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/paper-thin-safeguards.pdf

^[7] http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=54679 & http://www.dot.gov.in/sites/default/files/English%20annual%20report%202007-08_0.pdf

^[8] http://ijlt.in/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/IJLT-Volume-10.41-62.pdf

^[9] http://www.thehindu.com/scitech/technology/in-the-dark-about-indias-prism/article4817903.ece

^[10] http://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/india-centralmonitoring-system-something-to-worry-about

^[11] https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/pages/attachments/2016/07/08/ind195494.e.pdf

^[12] http://www.datacenterdynamics.com/content-tracks/security-risk/indian-lawful-interception-data-centers-are-complete/94053.fullarticle

^[13] http://natgrid.attendance.gov.in/ [Attendace records at the NATGRID Office!]

^[14] http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2013-09-10/news/41938113_1_executive-order-nationalintelligence-grid-databases

^[15] http://www.business-standard.com/article/current-affairs/natgrid-to-use-big-data-analytics-to-track-suspects-1

^[16] http://sflc.in/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/SFLC-FINAL-SURVEILLANCE-REPORT.pdf

^[17] http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/natgrid-gets-green-nod-but-hurdles-remain/1/543087.html

^[18] http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/govt-violates-privacy-safeguards-to-secretly-monitor-internet-traffic/article5107682.ece

^[19] ibid

^[20] http://www.thehoot.org/story_popup/no-escaping-the-surveillance-state-8742

^[21] http://ncrb.gov.in/BureauDivisions/CCTNS/cctns.htm

^[22] ibid

^[23] http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/ncrb-to-connect-police-stations-and-crime-data-across-country-in-6-months/articleshow/45029398.cms

^[24] http://indiatoday.intoday.in/education/story/crime-criminal-tracking-network-system/1/744164.html

^[25] http://www.dailypioneer.com/nation/govt-cctns-to-be-operational-by-2017.html

^[26] http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2012-03-10/news/31143069_1_scanning-internet-monitoring-system-internet-data

^[27] Surveillance, Snowden, and Big Data: Capacities, consequences, critique: http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/2053951714541861

^[28] http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/industry-and-economy/info-tech/article2978636.ece

^[29] See previous section in the article “NTRO”

^[30] Van Dijck, José. "Datafication, dataism and dataveillance: Big Data between scientific paradigm and ideology." Surveillance & Society 12.2 (2014): 197.

^[31] http://www.dailymail.co.uk/indiahome/indianews/article-3353230/Nat-Grid-knots-India-s-delayed-counter-terror-programme-gets-approval-green-body-red-tape-stall-further.html

^[32] http://cacm.acm.org/magazines/2015/5/186025-privacy-behaviors-after-snowden/fulltext

^[33] https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2015/india

^[34] http://blogs.wsj.com/indiarealtime/2014/06/05/indias-snooping-and-snowden/

^[35] http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2012-03-10/news/31143069_1_scanning-internet-monitoring-system-internet-data

^[36] http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/tech/internet/government-to-launch-netra-for-internet-surveillance/articleshow/27438893.cms

^[37] http://trak.in/internet/indian-internet-traffic-8tbps-2017/

^[38] http://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21579473-americas-national-security-agency-collects-more-information-most-people-thought-will

^[39] http://www.washingtonsblog.com/2013/07/the-fact-that-mass-surveillance-doesnt-keep-us-safe-goes-mainstream.html

^[40] http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/special/politics/prism-collection-documents/

^[41] Supra Note 35

^[42] http://www.papillonfoundation.org/information/global-crime-database/

^[43] http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/editorial/Revive-NATGRID-with-safeguards/article13975243.ece

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/the-design-technology-behind-india2019s-surveillance-programmes

The dark side of future tech: Where are we headed on privacy, security, truth?

Admin — 2018-12-30T09:24:40Z

#2018 Year-End Special: We now live in a time when devices listen, chips track your choices, and governments can watch from behind a barcode. How do we navigate this world?

The article by Dipanjan Sinha was published in the Hindustan Times on December 29, 2018. Pranesh Prakash was quoted.

“One of the definitions of sanity is the ability to tell real from unreal. Soon we’ll need a new definition,” Alvin Toffler, author of the 1970 bestseller Future Shock, once said.

Privacy. Security. Freedom. Democracy. History. News — the lines between the real and unreal are blurring in each of these fields.

Fake news is helping decide elections; history being rewritten as it happens; rumour has become identical in look, feel and distribution to the actual news.

Devices that listen, governments that watch you from behind a barcode, chips that track where you go, what you eat, how you feel — these used to be the stuff of dystopian novels.

In April, the world learnt of the Chinese government’s social credit system, a programme currently in the works that would employ private technology platforms and local councils to use personal data to assign a social score to every registered citizen.

Behave as the state wants you to, and you could get cheaper loans, easier access to education; it’s unclear what the consequences could be for those who do the opposite, but discredits are likely for bad behaviours that range from smoking in non-smoking zones to buying ‘too many’ video games, and being critical of the government.

We’ve seen this before — totalitarian governments where the individual is under constant surveillance by a state that pretends this is for the greater good. But the last time we came across it, it was fiction — George Orwell’s 1984, set in a superstate where thought police took their orders from a totalitarian leader with a friendly name, Big Brother.

CATCH-22

“Just because you’re paranoid doesn’t mean they aren’t out to get you,” Joseph Heller said, in Catch-22, a novel so layered that you’re never sure which bits are true. Who gets access to the data your phone collects? What is the government watching for, after they’ve assigned citizens unique IDs?

It feels good to be able to criticise China, still something of an anomaly in a global community that is largely democratic and free-market, but the UK had a National Identity Cards Act from 2006 to 2010; India has the Aadhar project; Brazil has had the National Civil Identification document since 2017; Germany, a national identity card since 2010, and Colombia has had one since 2013.

They’re collecting biometric data, assigning numbers to citizens and building national registers — with not much word on what’s in them, who has access, or how secure they are.

“To ask what the risk is with accumulating such big data is like asking what the risk is with computers. They are both embedded in our lives,” says Pranesh Prakash, a fellow at the thinktank Centre for Internet and Society.

Security is just the base layer in the pyramid if risks. There is also the risk of discrimination — whether in terms of benefits, employment, or something like marriage, Prakash says. There is the risk of bad data leading to worse discrimination; there is the risk of public profiling.

“The question here is about transparency,” Prakash says. “The questions of what the data contains, who it is accessed by or sold do, how much of it there is, and what the purpose is of collecting it — need to be clearly answered.”

OPERATION THEATRE

New questions are being asked in the field of medicine as well. Where do you draw the line on designer babies? Should parents get to edit the genes of their child-to-be? How much ought we to tinker — do you stop at mutations, or go on to decide hair colour and intellect?

As it becomes cheaper and easier to sequence DNA, the questions over the next steps — of interpreting and analysing the data — will become more complex, says K VijayRaghavan, principal scientific adviser to the government of India, and former director of the National Centre for Biological Sciences. “From here on, with the data deluge, deciding what and how to do it will become fiendishly complex. Especially as commercial interests become involved.”

We have rules and laws for the use of DNA information in research, but corresponding laws that regulate how one can use personal whole genome information in the public space are still being framed. “The data-privacy discussion will soon get to the genomic-data space,” VijayRaghavan says. “Data sharing is needed for patients to benefit. Yet data privacy is needed to prevent exploitative use. It’s a conundrum, and there are no easy answers.”

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/hindustan-times-dipanjan-sinha-december-29-2018-the-dark-side-of-future-tech

The Dangers Of Birdsong

praskrishna — 2014-02-12T10:29:10Z

Instant gratification? Social media can quickly turn the game into checkmate if you don’t keep your emotions in check.

Namrata Joshi's article was published in Outlook on January 25, 2014. Sunil Abraham is quoted.

“Woke up from a dream in which I had just learned that I was going to keep wickets for India. In my dream, I thought, let me share this news on Twitter. I didn’t, fearing I would be made a laughing stock.” These are few of a series of stream of consciousness tweets about a dream posted this Monday by author-academician Amitava Kumar. Tweets that don’t just have to do with dreaming of a personal achievement, but also about tweeting it. “Twitter has invaded even our sleeping life,” says Amitava on an e-mail but also admits that he didn’t think for a moment that he was sharing something private in a public place while tweeting his reverie. “Instead, perhaps, I was seeking a private connection with a lot of readers.” Which he did rustle up in good measure. He followed it up by tweeting a picture of his son with him, taken by his 10-year-old daughter Ila, as a homage to a similar photostream by author- photographer-art historian Teju Cole.

Amitava’s unfussy and creative candidness about tweeting things personal, which he prefers to see as “grappling with a form of writing” came in the wake of a weekend of vigorous debate on how social media platforms were bringing the private under unblinking public scrutiny—the immediate hook being the sudden, tragic death of Sunanda Pushkar after her no-holds-barred Twitter war with Pakistani journalist Mehr Tarar (over the latter’s alleged liaison with her husband Shashi Tharoor, which was consumed with much amusement by their vicarious, at times vicious, followers). The Tharoor incident is not a stand-alone case. Be it a confidentiality clause or diplomatic tact, a professional decision or personal affair or even a death of someone close to you, social media has become a stage to play out the classified and the confidential (see infographic) by the celebrities and the aam aadmi alike. The payback? Spats, comebacks, breakdowns, meltdowns, resignations, embarrassments, humiliations, kerfuffles....

And it’s not something confined to India alone. “US Congressman Anthony Weiner’s tweet of his, let’s call it, torso, to a young woman in Seattle is perhaps the most egregious example of a US politician behaving badly online,” says Amitava. No surprise then that Weiner became a butt of late-night comedy shows.

But the larger question here is why. Why this urge and urgency to share it all? What is it about a platform like Twitter or Facebook that makes people bare and dare? Is it that the immediacy, speed and reach allows them the easiest way to extend the boundaries of their secluded, lonely lives, get instant attention and fan the curiosity of someone out there who they don’t even know? And why is propriety and moderation getting thrown out of the window in the world of virtual exchanges? Adman-columnist Santosh Desai calls Twitter a “broadcast system to the universe”. The tweets are often “thought bubbles”, “something you mutter” without a full sense of what public means. “The spur of the moment opinion or feeling acquires public currency,” he says. “The unraveling of the human being, the opening up of the closed box then becomes a new source of stimulation and pleasure,” he says. “I sometimes wonder how we shared before Twitter. We talk about what we like, don’t like at the drop of a hat. At times you are vulnerable and vent things out without an agenda and without knowing the repercussions. We creative bunch are like that,” says popular actress Divya Dutta.

According to Sunil Abraham, executive director of the Centre for Internet and Society, Bangalore, private information is a currency in the global attention economy. “One of the many ways of climbing the attention economy is to divulge private information. Those in public life like filmstars and socialites understand this completely and exploit all traditional broadcast channels and contemporary multicast channels like social media to amass public attention,” he says. Look closely and the online space is no different from the real. There are as many exceptions as there are rules. So for every exhibitionist handle that exploits our latent voyeurism, there is a Natasha Badhwar, one of the most life-affirming presences on Twitter. For her, like Amitava, sharing is a mode of expression. “Sharing gives us agency. We take back the power to tell our story, express our views, share our version in our own words,” she says. According to her, “honest” sharing fuels empathy. “It is contagious, it makes the reader want to share too,” she says. And from that sharing could emerge a new pool of acquaintances, friends and well-wishers. It may not be a virtual escape from the real but a journey and connect back to the actual, an expansion of the human circle than a depletion of it.

But not all our friends and followers need necessarily be sympathetic. Often they are also brutally savage. “The anonymity allows people to say exactly what they want without considering the implications. They don’t realise that it’s not just a handle but a human being they are talking to,” says Nikhil Pahwa, founder of medianama.com. Amitava compares it to drone warfare. “The technology of remote destruction has introduced a new experience of war, and a new logic of killing. You can kill with greater abandon; you can strike in unexpected places; you are confronted with few consequences of your fatal mistakes. Similarly, Twitter allows a mode of social exchange with less culpability. There are very few consequences for trolls, but disastrous ones for their victims,” he says.

But surely that doesn’t mean that you blur all the lines between the private and the public? How to exercise caution? How much to open up (or not) and how much of your core to keep to yourself? Life, after all, is too complex and fragile for blame games and finger-pointing at social media alone. It’s those using it who need to own up. “People need to take responsibility for what they say. It’s like someone telling me how he was abused for 15 minutes on the phone when he could have easily cut the call,” says Nikhil Pahwa. “It’s a modern form of communication which you have to embrace but there’s a line you must draw. For instance, my wife and I never interact on FB or Twitter. I keep the family to myself. Jokes are fine but I don’t abuse or use swear words,” says actor Ashwin Mushran. “There has to be a sense of decorum. I won’t put out what I gossip about with my friends. I have no strategy but am guarded by my own belief system,” says actor Rajat Kapoor.

“It’s normal human nature to express. Be it anger or frustration, as a counsellor I tell people to not suppress emotions but some moderation and etiquette need to apply in cyber space,” says Mukta Puntambekar deputy director of Pune-based Muktangan Rehabilitation Centre. “You have to accept that your followers and friends will have access to details about you. You have to exercise discretion in saving something of yourself for yourself. There are areas that need not be opened up for all,” says actor-comedian Vir Das, who recently posted an open letter on FB—‘Twitter Bad? Facebook Evil? or We Stupid?’—on the pointlessness of blaming social media for the Tharoor family tragedy. To extend the argument further, and add another layer to it, aren’t we also living in times when privacy itself is evolving, asks Rajesh Lalwani, CEO of blogworks and a self-confessed people-watcher. “My grandmother would not even eat in public. But we eat in restaurants, on the streets,” he says.

Privacy is also becoming an ambiguous, vague and complex entity. Getting tagged in a friend’s photo compromises your privacy without your involvement or participation. “The line between private and public has mostly dissolved because of the temporal persistence of digital traces in cyberspace, the global nature of the network and the ubiquitous and pervasive surveillance state,” says Abraham. “On Twitter and FB, things get circulated...what we put up, whether it’s a tweet, an update or a picture, is permanent unlike memory,” says Desai. The digital trail stays online. “We are leaving our digital footprints behind. What we post might be easy but the implications of it are complicated,” says writer, filmmaker and media observer Amit Khanna.

According to him, there is a gap between the progression of technology and society. “There are newer windows but our minds are not growing apace to handle the connected world in a mature way,” he says. So one needs to be additionally circumspect about what we do online, how much of us we put out there. The ‘creative minds’ don’t see it as cut and dried. Natasha thinks that sharing can make people vulnerable to ridicule. “Confronting and embracing that vulnerability is the only way forward. These are not real fears to cling to, these are fears to shed as we grow and realise the extent of our individual power.” Amitava says he has seen several careers destroyed because of a single tweet. But he’d hate to back down and be cautious. As he puts it, “You’ve got to push the envelope and experiment with expression. I hope that when my wrong moment comes, people will be forgiving.” Amen to that.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/outlook-namrata-joshi-january-25-2014-dangers-of-birdsong

The Dangers Of Aadhaar-Based Payments That No One Is Talking About

praskrishna — 2017-01-17T14:39:53Z

Less than three months ago, India’s banking sector was hit by a data breach which compromised 32 lakh debit cards and led to fraudulent transactions worth Rs 1.3 crore.

The article by Mayank Jain was published by Bloomberg on January 17, 2017. Sunil Abraham was quoted.

The incident started a debate around security of payment systems. But the debate had just about begun when the government’s demonetisation decision dragged attention away from it. Now as the dust settles and as the government starts to push newer means of digital payments, the focus is back on the security of systems being seen as an alternative to cash.

One such system is Aadhaar-based payments which could potentially allow citizens to pay anytime anywhere with the tap of a finger.

In theory, it sounds simple.

The Aadhaar-based payment system runs on the existing Aadhaar infrastructure through which a person’s biometrics are used to authenticate the user. Once authenticated, the user can transfer funds directly from one bank account to another without going through a mobile wallet or a card.

The payment system requires a smartphone, a working internet connection and a biometric authentication device with the merchant. The customer needn’t have a card or a phone as long as he or she has an Aadhaar-seeded bank account.

National Payments Corporation of India has developed this payments infrastructure over the existing Aadhaar-Enabled Payments System, the railroad on which the public distribution system has been functioning for years now.

Amitabh Kant, chief executive officer of the government policy think tank NITI Aayog said, earlier this month, that all cards and point-of-sale machines will become redundant in the country in the next two-and-a-half years as Aadhaar-based payments become popular.

A Double-Edged Sword

While payments authenticated by biometrics sound like a good idea in a country where less than one in three people actually own a smartphone, there are fears that integrating biometrics with digital payments could prove to be a security headache.

The first part of the problem is that Aadhaar, while effective, is not a fool-proof method of authentication and identification failures are not uncommon. Building a payment system atop the Aadhaar system will simply transfer some of these vulnerabilities.

The possibility of transaction failures due to a biometric mismatch are real, admitted a former high-ranking official from the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) who spoke to BloombergQuint on the condition of anonymity.

Officially, the false reject rate – rejection of a biometric when it’s actually correct – is set at a maximum of 2 percent for devices that get certified from the UIDAI. On the ground, however, failure rates vary widely, said the official quoted above.

According to the official statistics on UIDAI, more than 16 lakh Aadhaar-authentication requests failed in the past week. The type of errors encountered ranged from the biometric data not matching the database to demographic details not checking out.

The failure rates on Aadhaar Enabled Payment System for interbank transactions (which is a part of all Aadhaar authentication requests) were found to be as high as 60 percent by the Watal Committee on digital payments which published its report in December.

Additionally, newer security threats may also emerge if the scope of Aadhaar is widened. These include identity theft if a person’s biometrics are compromised from the payment system, phishing attempts, and the difficulty in revoking access once biometric information is compromised.

Biometrics aren’t an exact science, the official quoted above said, while adding that possible glitches have to be weighed against the benefits of offering a widely accessible non-cash mode of payment to citizens.

How Easy Is It To Beat The System?

Sunil Abraham, executive director of Bangalore based research organisation Center for Internet and Society (CIS) said that one way to assess how secure a system is to understand the cost and effort that goes into breaching it.

In the case of Aadhaar-based payment systems, the costs may not be high.

“There’s the gummy finger method which essentially requires some Fevicol or gum to duplicate someone’s fingerprint which can be enough to transact on someone’s behalf without them being there,” said Abraham in a phone conversation with BloombergQuint. “An average person can’t clone a smart card. Just fevicol and glue can help you make a gummy finger. The biometric lobby will say that advanced scanners defeat the gummy finger attack but more advanced scanners are also more expensive.”

Also, using more sensitive devices could push up the instance of false rejection of transactions, said Abraham.

There are other concerns. Like the fact that devices used for Aadhaar identification could store personal information, which, in turn, could be susceptible to a breach.

There are five main components in an Aadhaar app transaction – the customer, the vendor, the app, the back-end validation software, and the Aadhaar system itself. There are also two main external concerns – the security of the data at rest on the phone and the security of the data in transit. At all seven points, the customer’s data is vulnerable to attack.
Bhairav Acharya, Program Fellow, New America

Acharya, who works at a U.S.-based think tank called New America and focuses on cyber-law, said the key concern is that Aadhaar data can be stolen and misused.

“The app and validation software are insecure, the Aadhaar system itself is insecure, the network infrastructure is insecure, and the laws are inadequate.”

The biometric data collected on the authentication device at a merchant location can potentially be stored on the device as well as the smartphone of a merchant for a long time. Abraham added that there is a possibility that non-certified devices will enter the market, which can store data and use it in the future to do fraudulent transactions.

The concerns over potential misuse of biometric data by private agencies has also been highlighted by the Supreme Court of India. Earlier this month, the apex court refused to expedite the hearing on a petition regarding Aadhaar being utilised for multiple use cases by private companies. It, however, observed that private agencies collecting biometric data “is not a great idea”.

Deficient Privacy Laws

Apar Gupta, a Delhi-based lawyer working on cyber security, says that the lack of strong privacy protecting provisions is another concern that should be kept in mind while moving towards an Aadhaar-based payment system.

“The data stays for a long time with the stakeholders in the system. The requesting agency can keep it for seven years and the UIDAI can store it for five years. There are insufficient safeguards and there’s an absence of privacy law and an independent privacy regulator,” he said.

Acharya agreed.

India does not have the necessary laws to deal with a decentralised, biometrically-authenticated, mobile payments system, according to Acharya.

“Moreover, current laws and policies regarding the Aadhaar project, particularly the centralised database, are inadequate from the point of view of data security and end-user privacy,” he said.

Abraham of CIS said the issue is wider than Aadhaar. The problem is the lack of a strong data security law.

We only have a minimal data security law under the Section 43A of the Information and Technology Act which only applies to the private sector. There’s no law that applies to the government. Even 43A has not been applied consistently. There’s no place for you to go and complain if your identity has been compromised.
Sunil Abraham, Executive Director, Centre for Internet & Society

Gupta noted that, in the event of an identity threat, avenues of recourse are also limited. He said the best option is an appeal in the civil court, which is a long drawn out process.

In final analysis, according to Abraham, credit and debit cards are easier to secure as access can be revoked quickly.

“The trouble with biometrics is that the chain of trust is harder to establish because too many people can get access to biometrics and then you need to devise these convoluted solutions like hardware secure zones,” Abraham said.

“So the advantage of going with a smart card is that it can be easily re-secured, but with biometrics, once I compromise it, it’s lifelong.”

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/bloomberg-mayank-jain-january-17-2017-dangers-of-aadhaar-based-payments-that-no-one-is-talking-about

The Curious Case of Poor Security in the Indian Twitterverse

udbhav — 2016-12-17T00:28:05Z

What are the technical, legal and jurisdictional issues around the recent Twitter and email hacks claimed by the ‘Legion Crew’, and what can targeted entities do to better protect themselves?

The article was originally published in the Wire on December 15, 2016.

The term legion, an oft-referred identity in popular culture, has begun to attain recent notoriety in Indian cyberspace due to the spate of hacks being carried out by a group of hackers calling themselves ‘Legion Crew’. The group has compromised four Twitter and/or email accounts in the past two weeks, with confirmed hacks of Rahul Gandhi, Vijay Mallya, Barkha Dutt and Ravish Kumar. Lalit Modi, Apollo Hospitals and the parliament (sansad) have been singled out as future targets, with dire warnings of catastrophic data leaks if the group were to be investigated by the authorities. The ethical impression of the hacks have been divided, with some segments of the public supporting the supposedly hacktivist outlook of the group while others condemning their actions as reckless and invasive. In the meantime, no individuals or entities have been accused of the hacks by the police, with most reports claiming the foreign origin of the hacks being the biggest impediment to the investigations.

A technical and legal perspective

The hacks first began against the politician Gandhi, whose Twitter account was hacked almost two weeks ago, with various demeaning tweets being posted for a few hours before access to the account was restored to the rightful owner. The same hacks were then carried out on business tycoon Mallya’s Twitter account last Friday but this time around, his bank details (apparently obtained from his compromised email accounts) were also leaked to the public via Twitter. Similar hacks targeting both the Twitter and email accounts of Dutt and Kumar were also carried out the past weekend. Sensitive details and data dumps (around 1.5 GB in size) of the journalists were released to the public, along with escalating warnings about future attacks. The data dumps released by the hackers seemed to be indicative that the hackers obtained far more information than they had disclosed via the Twitter hacks and were willing to leverage this data as ransom. Twitter, via both their Indian policy representatives and their international office, has denied any compromise to their systems and has claimed that all accounts were legitimately accessed with valid credentials at the time of the hacks. This leads to three main questions: How were the Twitter and email accounts hacked? What is the recourse, especially in terms of investigation, available to the afflicted parties and the authorities? What can potential targets do to secure their online presence from such attacks?

Regarding their technical nature, all of these hacks were sustained compromises that lasted for a few hours each (a long time in cyberspace) and seemed to be reflective of only a fragment of the power the hackers held over the individual’s online presence. Considering Twitter’s denial that the attacks were due to a security flaw on their end as well as the fact that legitimate login details were used to gain access to the accounts, a rather simple investigation can show that the most likely attack vector used by the Legion Crew for these hacks was a DNS Hijacking attack in combination with a Man in the Middle (MITM) attack. These methods abuse the rather simple and (by default) insecure DNS system that is responsible for directing the world’s Internet traffic including email. While the use of DNS to map websites to the IP address of the systems where they are physically hosted (for instance, www.thewire.in maps to 52.76.81.135 at the time of writing this article) is fairly well known, the DNS system also directs most of the world’s email. Similar to DNS A and AAA name records regarding websites, DNS MX records direct email sent to domain names to the correct email servers where they are processed for storage or forwarding, as required. If these MX records are compromised, then hackers can easily redirect emails sent to legitimate email address of the domain name (for instance, xyz@thewire.in) to whatever system they want, including other compromised email addresses.

The original operator of the email account is unaware of any email that is redirected in such a way and has no way of knowing the account has been hacked until they notice they are not consistently receiving emails sent to them, which in well planned hacks can be as for many weeks or even months. These attacks can also be further augmented if the hackers also decide to implement an MITM. In an MITM attack, hackers can redirect all traffic attempting to reach an email account via the MX records to a system they operate by changing the MX records on the domain name server to a malicious system. They can access and store all these emails (along with attachments) via the malicious system and also manipulate the information contained in these emails. Then, either in bulk or selectively, they can re-send the emails to the original email accounts they were intended for from their own servers. The owner will then receive the emails in their inboxes with the apparent impression they are private and being received for the first time. This entire MITM process can be setup in a manner that the emails are rerouted to compromised servers by MX records changes, stored for future analysis and then forwarded to the original recipient account in a matter of seconds.

Given the reliance placed by most websites on email IDs being a primary form of identity authentication, compromising an email ID can give access to most of the social networking, entertainment and even banking websites’ login details of the owner to any individual who has the login details of the account. This is because of the password reset or forgotten password feature available in most services that use only email IDs by default as a form of authenticating account ownership and allowing the user to reset their passwords by setting a reset email to their registered email accounts. Once they gain access to the compromised accounts, hackers can perform these resets with impunity, granting them unrestricted access to the online presence of the owner. In fact, hackers can use these attacks to perform password resets on the email accounts themselves, allowing them unlimited access to past conversation, records and login details that may be stored in the email accounts.

Keeping this background in mind, the most likely methodology behind the hacks is quite simple to explain. The Legion Crew most likely first compromised the email systems of these celebrities by changing the DNS MX records of the email IDs which were registered with Twitter as login IDs for these accounts. This allowed them to redirect emails sent to these email IDs to an alternative system of their choosing. They then used the password reset feature of Twitter, which is similar to those provided by most social networking services, to reset the password of these accounts. However, due to the compromise of the MX records of the domain names used by these celebrities, instead of reaching the inboxes of the entities operating the accounts, the password reset emails were sent to the alternative systems set up by the hackers solely for receiving such emails. After receiving this email, it was a simple matter of resetting the account credentials by clicking on the password reset link on the email and changing the passwords of these accounts to unique passwords only known to the hackers.

The hackers then would (and did) have complete control of the account until the service provider itself intervened and provided an emergency reset along with recommending rectifying the MX records from the malicious one’s inserted by the hackers. The only question left to be answered in the methodology followed by the hackers is how they gained access to the MX records, as DNS records can only be changed using the dashboard of the domain name provider, which in turn is protected by a login password. Allegations have arisen that most (if not all) of the compromised accounts used ‘Net4india’ as their domain name provider. Therefore, it is very possible either that it is a vulnerability on the Net4india systems, an internal compromise of the personnel Net4india and so on leading to access detail to domain name accounts from being compromised. Such security and personnel breaches could have been responsible for providing access to the domain name management dashboard of the hacked celebrities email IDs, after which the attack would have followed the methodology described above by changing the MX records to a malicious system.

Jurisdictional issues

The legal avenues available to the affected parties are fairly clear within the Information Technology Act, 2000 and the Indian Penal Code, 1862. Section 66 and Section 66C of the IT Act, which govern hacking and misuse of passwords respectively, would apply along with possible application of the provisions concerning mischief (Section 425), cheating (Section 420) and extortion (Section 383) of the IPC. However, recent investigations have already begun to show that the various jurisdictional symptoms that plague cybercrimes investigations are also hindering investigations for these hacks. The global nature of the internet ensures that the operating servers, attackers, compromised users and unwitting intermediaries are more often than not all located in different jurisdictions, each with their own set of protections, vulnerabilities and laws. For example, investigations by the Delhi police into IP addresses that accessed Gandhi’s Twitter account during the hack have shown that in the period of few hours the account was accessed from the US, Sweden, Canada, Thailand and Romania. Of course, given the pervasive availability of IP spoofing tools, none of these countries is indicative of the actual location of the hacker. Gaining information from these different servers, in order to trace a route of the hacker’s digital geographical journey, is a bureaucratic and legal nightmare with long delays, unanswered Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty requests and unresponsive service providers being the norm. Like in most cybercrime investigation, if the hackers take certain basic steps to mask their identities and geographical location, their odds being caught by traditional law enforcement are negligible. Investigations that have successfully managed to catch such hacker groups, such as the Project Safe Childhood by the FBI against child pornography on the Tor web, take millions of dollars, months of efforts and a high level of skill. Whether these Twitter hacks will generate the sustained, multijurisdictional effort across law enforcement agencies in India required to catch such crimes remains to be seen. Until then, the questions of attribution, liability and justice will remain unanswered like in a majority of large scale cyber hacks.

Possible measures

Given that various other targets have already been singled out by the hacker group, the need for vigilance and improved security is greater than ever. One basic measure, easily available within Twitter and most other services, that should be carried out is enabling two factor authentication (2FA) on both email and social media accounts. 2FA ensures that the user has to input a One Time Password (OTP) generated on a separate device (such as a mobile phone) at the time of logging in or resetting the password for the account. This would mean that even if the hackers obtain the password or compromise the emails being sent to an account, they will be unable to login into an account without also being in physical possession of the device with the OTP generation application. If this option, which is already available within Twitter, was enabled for the four accounts that were hacked, for example, they would have remained protected despite the email account compromise. Further, domain name service providers should also implement Domain Name System Security Extensions and Domain Keys Identified Mail to prevent DNS and email hijacking, as was carried out on Net4India servers in these Twitter attacks. Using HTTPS on all pages on websites will also go a long way in preventing spoofing and securing user information in transit. Finally, nothing can replace customer education and awareness as the most effective tool to combat the growing cyber threats faced by the average netizen. The weakest link in a digital system is often the end user. A core set of security measures that can be percolated into common practice will serve as the first and best line of defence against such attacks in the future, for both the common man and celebrities alike.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/the-wire-udbhav-tiwari-december-15-2016-curious-case-of-poor-security-in-indian-twitterverse