We are anonymous, we are legion

CCTVs in Public Spaces and the Data Protection Bill, 2021

Anamika Kundu and Digvijay S Chaudhary — 2022-04-28T02:29:42Z

This article has been authored by Ms. Anamika Kundu, Research Assistant at the Centre for Internet and Society, and Digvijay S. Chaudhary, Researcher at the Centre for Internet and Society. This blog is a part of RSRR’s Blog Series on the Right to Privacy and the Legality of Surveillance, in collaboration with the Centre for Internet & Society.

The article by Anamika Kundu and Digvijay S. Chaudhary was originally published by RGNUL Student Research Review on April 20, 2022

Introduction

In recent times, Indian cities have seen an expansion of state deployed CCTV cameras. According to a recent report, in terms of CCTVs deployed, Delhi was considered as the most surveilled city in the world, surpassing even the most surveilled cities in China. Delhi was not the only Indian city in that list, Chennai and Mumbai also made it to the list. In Hyderabad as well, the development of a Command and Control Centre aims to link the city’s surveillance infrastructure in real-time. Even though studies have shown that there is little correlation between CCTVs and crime control, deployment of CCTV cameras has been justified on the basis of national security and crime deterrence. Such an activity brings about the collection and retention of audio-visual/visual information of all individuals frequenting spaces where CCTV cameras are deployed. This information could be used to identify them (directly or indirectly) based on their looks or other attributes. Potential risks associated with the misuse, and processing of such personal data also arise. These risks include large scale profiling, criminal abuse (law enforcement misusing CCTV information for personal gains), and discriminatory targeting (law enforcement disproportionately focusing on a particular group of people). As these devices capture personal data of individuals, this article seeks data protection safeguards available to data principals against CCTV surveillance employed by the State in a public space under the proposed Data Protection Bill, 2021 (the “DPB”).

Safeguards Available Under the Data Protection Bill, 2021

To use CCTV surveillance, the measures and compliance listed under the DPB have to be followed. Obligations of data fiduciaries available under Chapter II, such as consent (clause 11), notice requirement (clause 7), and fair and reasonable processing (clause 5) are common to all data processing entities for a variety of activities. Similarly, as the DPB follows the principles of data minimisation (clause 6), storage limitation (clause 9), purpose limitation (clause 5), lawful and fair processing (clause 4), transparency (clause 23), and privacy by design (clause 22), these safeguards too are common to all data processing entities/activities. If a data fiduciary processes personal data of children, it has to comply with the standards stated under clause 16.

Under the DPB, compliance differs on the basis of grounds and purpose of data processing. As such, if compliance standards differ, so do the availability of safeguards under the DPB. Of relevance to this article, there are three standards of compliance under the DPB wherein the standards of safeguards available to a data principal differ. First, cases which would fall under Chapter III and hence, not require consent. Chapter III lists grounds for processing of personal data without consent. Second, cases which would fall under exemption clauses in Chapter VIII. In such cases, the DPB or some of its provisions would be inapplicable. Clause 35 under Chapter VIII gives power to the Central Government to exempt any agency from the application of the DPB. Similarly, Clause 36 under Chapter VIII, exempts certain provisions for certain processing of personal data. Third, cases which would not fall under either of the above Chapters. In such cases, all safeguards available under the DPB would be available to the data principals. Consequently, safeguards available to data principals in each of these standards are different. We will go through each of these separately.

First, if the grounds of processing of CCTV information is such that it falls under the scope of Chapter III of the DPB, wherein the consent requirement is done away with, then in those cases, the notice requirement has to reflect such purpose, meaning that even if consent is not necessary for certain cases, other requirements under the DPB would still apply. Here, we must note that CCTV deployment by the state on such a large scale may be justified on the basis of conditions stated under clauses 12 and 14 of DPB – specifically, the condition for the performance of state function authorised by law, and public interest. The requirement under clause 12 of “authorised by law” simply means that the state function should have legal backing. Deployment of CCTVs is most likely to fall under clause 12 as various states have enacted legislations providing for CCTV deployment in the name of public safety. As a result, even if section 12 takes away the requirement of consent for certain cases, data principals should be able to exercise all rights accorded to them under the DPB (chapter V) except the right to data portability under clause 19.

Second, processing of personal data via CCTVs by government agencies could be exempted from DPB under clause 35 for certain cases under the clause. Another exemption that is particularly concerning with regard to the use of CCTVs is the exemption provided under clause 36(a). Section 36(a) says that the provisions of chapters II-VII would not apply where the data is processed in the interest of prevention, detection, investigation, and prosecution of any offence under the law. Chapters II-VII govern the obligations of data fiduciaries, grounds where consent would not be required, personal data of children, rights of data principals, transparency and accountability measures, and restrictions on transfer of personal data outside India respectively. In these cases, the requirement of fair and reasonable processing under clause 5 would also not apply. As a broad justification provided for CCTVs deployment by the government is crime control, it is possible that section 36(a) justification can be used to exempt the processing of CCTV footage from the above-mentioned safeguards.

From the above discussion, the following can be concluded. First, if the grounds of processing fall under Chapter III, then standards of fair and reasonable processing, notice requirement, and all rights except the right to data portability u/s 19 would be available to data principals. Second, if the grounds of processing fall under clause 36, then, in that case, consent requirement, notice requirement, and the rights under DPB would be unavailable as that section mandates the non-application of those chapters. In such a case, even the processing requirements of a fair and reasonable manner stand suspended. Third, if the grounds of processing of CCTV information doesn’t fall under Chapter III, then all obligations listed under Chapter II would have to be followed. Moreover, the data principal would be able to exercise all the rights available under Chapter V of the DPB.

Constitutional Standards

When the Supreme Court recognised privacy as a fundamental right in the case of Puttaswamy v. Union of India (“Puttaswamy”), it located the principles of informed consent and purpose limitation as central to informational privacy. It recognised that privacy inheres not in spaces but in an individual. It also recognised that privacy is not an absolute right and certain restrictions may be imposed on the exercise of the right. Before listing the constitutional standards that activities infringing privacy must adhere to, it’s important to answer whether there exists a reasonable expectation of privacy in CCTV footage deployed in a public space by the State?

In Puttaswamy, the court recognised that privacy is not denuded in public spaces. Writing for the plurality judgement, Chandrachud J. recognised that the notion of a reasonable expectation of privacy has elements both of a subjective and objective nature. Defining these concepts, he writes, “Privacy at a subjective level is a reflection of those areas where an individual desire to be left alone. On an objective plane, privacy is defined by those constitutional values which shape the content of the protected zone where the individual ought to be left alone…hence while the individual is entitled to a zone of privacy, its extent is based not only on the subjective expectation of the individual but on an objective principle which defines a reasonable expectation.” Note how in the above sentences, the plurality judgement recognises “a reasonable expectation” to be inherent in “constitutional values”. This is important as the meaning of what’s reasonable is to be constituted according to constitutional values and not societal norms. A second consideration that the phrase “reasonable expectation of privacy” requires is that an individual’s reasonable expectation is allied to the purpose for which the information is provided, as held in the case of Hyderabad v. Canara Bank (“Canara Bank”). Finally, the third consideration in defining the phrase is that it is context dependent. For example, in the case of In the matter of an application by JR38 for Judicial Review (Northern Ireland) 242 (2015) (link here), the UK Supreme Court was faced with a scenario where the police published the CCTV footage of the appellant involved in riotous behaviour. The question before the court was: “Whether the publication of photographs by the police to identify a young person suspected of being involved in riotous behaviour and attempted criminal damage can ever be a necessary and proportionate interference with that person’s article 8 [privacy] rights?” The majority held that there was no reasonable expectation of privacy in the case because of the nature of the criminal activity the appellant was involved in. However, the majority’s formulation of this conclusion was based on the reasoning that “expectation of privacy” was dependent on the “identification” purpose of the police. The court stated, “Thus, if the photographs had been published for some reason other than identification, the position would have been different and might well have engaged his rights to respect for his private life within article 8.1”. Therefore, as the purpose of publishing the footage was “identification” of the wrongdoer, the reasonable expectation of privacy stood excluded. The Canara Bank case was relied on by the SC in Puttaswamy. The plurality judgement in Puttaswamy also quoted the above paragraphs from the UK Supreme Court judgement.

Finally, the SC in the Aadhaar case, laid down the factors of “reasonable expectation of privacy.” Relying on those factors, the Supreme Court observed that demographic information and photographs do not raise a reasonable expectation of privacy. It further held that face photographs for the purpose of identification are not covered by a reasonable expectation of privacy. As this author has recognised, the majority in the Aadhaar case misconstrued the “reasonable expectation of privacy” to lie not in constitutional values as held in Puttaswamy but in societal norms. Even with the misapplication of the Puttaswamy principles by the majority in Aadhaar, it is clear that the exclusion of a “reasonable expectation of privacy” in face photographs is valid only for the purpose of “identification”. For purposes other than “identification”, there should exist a reasonable expectation of privacy in CCTV footage. Having recognised the existence of “reasonable expectation of privacy” in CCTV footage, let’s see how the safeguards mentioned under the DPB stand the constitutional standards of privacy laid down in Puttaswamy.

The bench in Puttaswamy located privacy not only in Article 21 but the entirety of part III of the Indian Constitution. Where transgression to privacy relates to different provisions under Part III, the tests evolved under those Articles would apply. Puttaswamy recognised that national security and crime control are legitimate state objectives. However, it also recognised that any limitation on the right must satisfy the proportionality test. The proportionality test requires a legitimate state aim, rational nexus, necessity, and balancing of interests. Infringement on the right to privacy occurs under the first and second standard. The first requirement of proportionality stands justified as national security and crime control have been recognised to be legitimate state objectives. However, it must be noted that the EU Guidelines on Processing of Personal Data through video devices state that the mere purpose of “safety” or “for your safety” is not sufficiently specific and is contrary to the principle that personal data shall be processed lawfully, fairly and in a transparent manner in relation to the data subject. The second requirement is a rational nexus. As stated above, there is little correlation between crime control and surveillance measures. Even if the state justifies a rational nexus between state aim and the action employed, it is the necessity part of the proportionality test where the CCTV surveillance measures fail (as explained by this author). Necessity requires us to draw a list of alternatives and their impact on an individual, and then do a balancing analysis with regard to the alternatives. Here, judicial scrutiny of the exemption order under clause 35 is a viable alternative that respects individual rights while at the same time, not interfering with the state’s aim.

Conclusion

Informed consent and purpose limitation were stated to be central principles of informational privacy in Puttaswamy. Among the three standards we identified, the principles of informed consent and purpose limitation remain available only in the third standard. In the first standard, even though the requirement of consent has become unavailable, the principle of purpose limitation would still be applicable to the processing of such data. The second standard is of particular concern wherein neither of those principles is available to data principals. It is worth mentioning here that in large scale monitoring activities such as CCTV surveillance, the safeguards which the DPB lists out would inevitably have an implementation flaw. The reason is that in scenarios where individuals refuse consent for large scale CCTV monitoring, what alternatives would the government offer to those individuals? Practically, CCTV surveillance would fall under clause 12 standards where consent would not be required. Even in those cases, would the notice requirement safeguard be diminished to “you are under surveillance” notices? When we talk about exercise of rights available under the DPB, how would an individual effectively exercise their right when the data processing is not limited to a particular individual? These questions arise because the safeguards under the DPB (and data protection laws in general) are based on individualistic notions of privacy. Interestingly, individual use cases of CCTVs have also increased with an increase in state use of CCTVs. Deployment of CCTVs for personal or domestic purposes would be exempt from the above-mentioned compliances as that would fall under the exemption provision of clause 36(d). Two additional concerns arise in relation to processing of data concerning CCTVs – the JPC report’s inclusion of Non-Personal Data (“NPD”) within the ambit of DPB, and the government’s plan to develop a National Automated Facial Recognition System (“AFRS”). A significant part of the data collected by CCTVs would fall within the ambit of NPD.With the JPC’s recommendation, it will be interesting to follow the processing standards for NPD under the DPB. AFRS has been imagined as a national database of photographs gathered from various agencies to be used in conjunction with facial recognition technology. The use of facial recognition technology with CCTV cameras raises concerns surrounding biometric data, and risks of large scale profiling. Indeed, section 27 of the DPB reflects this risk and mandates a data protection impact assessment to be undertaken by the data fiduciary with respect to processing involving new technologies or large scale profiling or use of biometric data by such technologies, however the DPB does not define what “new technology” means. Concerns around biometric data are outside the scope of the present article, however, it would be interesting to look at how the use of facial recognition technology with CCTVs could impact the safeguards under DPB.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/rssr-anamika-kundu-digvijay-s-chaudhary-april-20-2022-cctvs-in-public-spaces-and-data-protection-bill-2021

CCTV plays Sherlock

praskrishna — 2016-04-24T04:51:04Z

Whether it's the Mercedes hit-and-run in Delhi or the antics of the chaddi baniyan gang in Mumbai, police are increasingly relying on CCTV footage to solve crimes. Sunday Times looks at how the small picture is getting bigger. .

The article by Raj Shekhar, Arun Dev, V Narayan & A Selvaraj with inputs from Sindhu Kannan and Somreet Bhattacharya was published by the Times of India on April 24, 2016. Pranesh Prakash was quoted.

In case after high-profile case, cameras have been the big stars of Delhi police investigations in recent months. After the Civil Lines hit-and-run case, where a 17-year-old driving a Mercedes was caught on camera speeding away from his victim, reliable witness to the crime came from a nearby CCTV. A few weeks ago, in the Vikaspuri lynching on Holi eve that threatened to take on communal colours, it was CCTV footage that clinched the case.

Across India, police officials reel off cases where CCTVs have made all the difference in identifying offenders and speeding up investigations. "Petty crimes like snatchings have been brought down by 50% in areas like Chandni Chowk since 2014," estimates Madhur Verma, DCP (north), Delhi Police. "Even if the face cannot be fully recognised, the timing shown on the CCTV grabs, and proof of the accused being present at the spot, can be useful corroborating evidence for the court," says DCP Dhananjay Kulkarni, explaining how CCTV helped nail the infamous "chaddi baniyan gang" in Borivli, Mumbai.

CCTV cameras have proliferated across our public spaces in the last few years, mutely observing our movements. It's not just the police; shops, companies and individuals install them too, and these come in handy for law enforcement. For instance, Delhi has about 1,79,000 CCTV cameras installed around the city, out of which 4,000 have been placed by the Delhi government, and the rest by private agencies who collaborate with the Delhi Police under its 'Eyes and Ears' scheme. "Cameras are a fact of life around the world, there's no going back for the police or for anyone else," says N Ramachandran, a former IPS officer, now president of the Indian Police Academy think-tank.

Whether London, Boston or Bengaluru, it is often a terrorist attack that shocks a city into ramping up its CCTV network. After the Church Street attacks, the police got cracking on surveillance, using crime-mapping techniques and shortlisting vantage points. While they currently use 300 cameras, the police believe the figure must be taken up to 2,500 to keep a better eye on the city.

But does CCTV control crime? To that question, there is only one unsatisfying answer — it depends. The debate is torn between those who see CCTVs as the embodiment of an eerie Orwellian warning, and those who believe that the more cameras there are, the less crime there will be. Studies, though, suggest that CCTV has specific and narrow uses.

Obviously, it helps catch people who have committed an offence, after the event. CCTV networks, though, have no noticeable impact on crime rates according to several reviews in the US and UK. The UK is the most monitored nation in the world, but as a Home Office study in 2005 concluded, there was no statistically significant reduction in crime, once other variables like seasonal and national trends, and other police initiatives, were factored in.

While CCTVs are not easy to isolate as a determining factor in crime control, they are demonstrably effective in some contexts. They can reduce some kinds of disorder and petty crime, particularly in car parks and public transit. Micro-level analyses of aspects like environmental features, camera line-of-sight, enforcement activity, and camera design suggest that the power to deter crime depends greatly on how the CCTV sites are chosen, and police operations designed.

The downsides are well known. The more mundane footage there is, the harder it is for police to sift through. There is often a displacement effect — the presence of a camera pushes the crime off-stage into other areas, or prompting criminals to change tactics in pursuit of the same ends (ie, rather than carry out a drug transaction on the street, arrange online and deliver). What's more, CCTVs can be gamed. In Mumbai, the police has found out that criminals apply toothpaste or flash a torchlight at the lens, or cover up with helmets and burqas, or even steal the digital video recorder in the CCTV. These cameras have to be constantly maintained. "Many believe that CCTV installation is a one-time investment, but it needs to be serviced to yield results," says S. David, who runs an electronics shop and sells CCTV cameras in Chennai's Ritchie Street.

If there is no overwhelming impact on crime prevention, why are India's security forces investing so heavily in CCTVs, and is it worth the inevitable tradeoff with privacy? More worryingly, it is doing so without any comprehensive regulation on their use.

Before this technology of databases and recording, "we seldom had situations where a police official or private detective was trailing you all day, recording your movements, which is more or less the situation with CCTVs now," says Pranesh Prakash of the Centre for Internet and Society. "Yes, you're in a public space, but that doesn't denude you of privacy".

But as Farhad Manjoo, a prominent tech blogger in the US, pointed out, the benefits outweigh our fears about privacy. "When you weigh cameras against other security measures, they emerge as the least costly and most effective choice. In the aftermath of 9/11, it's impossible for you to get into tall buildings, airports, many museums, concerts, and even public celebrations without being subjected to pat-downs and metal detectors. When combined with competent law enforcement, surveillance cameras are more effective, less intrusive, less psychologically draining, and much more pleasant than these alternatives," wrote Manjoo in Slate.

What we need is public oversight over the surveillance apparatus — in other words, we need to watch how they watch us. If there is clear respect for the principles of proportionality, accountability and transparency, "there need not be a conflict between ethical and effective use of these cameras," says Ramachandran.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/the-times-of-india-raj-shekhar-arun-dev-v-narayan-a-selvaraj-cctv-plays-sherlock

CCTV in Universities

merlin — 2011-09-01T09:50:09Z

Basic Closed Circuit Television (CCTV) Infrastructure is used to observe movements from a central room, and consists of one or more video cameras that transmit video and audio images to a set of monitors or video recorders.

A Brief History of CCTV's

Video surveillance as a means of policing gained prominence in the 1950s when the UK police installed two pan-tilt cameras on traffic lights to monitor traffic near the Parliament. Since then the United Kingdom has become the country with the most number of surveillance cameras.[1]

The proliferation of CCTVs has been attributed to the growing radicalization of human behaviour wherein organized groups terrorized entire nations and threatened their internal security. The 1985 terror attack on the then Prime Minister of Britain by the IRA and many such instances thereafter have led many countries to adopt CCTV as a means of policing. In India, terror attacks on the Mumbai stock market and successive instances have pushed the Indian Government to install CCTVs in prominent public areas so that it is possible to monitor suspicious movements.[2]

CCTVs and Public Perspective

Since the 1950'sCCTVs have become ubiquitous and ever present, monitoring our daily movements, and infringing into our personal space. Though governments believe CCTVs are essential security instruments, the public is less convinced. The early anxiety to be safe from an unseen danger has given way to a new unease amongst the people, that of constantly being watched by an unseen eye.

CCTVs in Educational Institutions

CCTVs are typically used by the government or private agencies for surveillance in areas frequented by the public that need monitoring. Recently though, universities across the length and breadth of the country have resorted to the use of CCTVs for policing campus activities and to keep the students in check and under control. Huge budgets are set to wire campuses with CCTV infrastructure, t causing students to protest as well as laud the initiative by the administration. The debate on CCTVs has gained momentum in recent years with students staging huge rallies both in support of and against it.

Example 1:

The most prominent of the agitations against CCTVs was staged by the students of Jadavpur University in Kolkata on the administration’s decision to install 16 CCTVs on the four main exit points of the campus and other strategic locations.[3] The installation cost Rs.20 lakh. The students protested loudly against the decisions and ‘gheraoed’ the office of the vice chancellor for 52 hours. The students claimed that the administration was curbing their individual freedom and robbing the campus of it’s democratic atmosphere. The administration refused to remove the cameras, and claimed that the move was necessitated for the security of the students and to prevent any unforeseen incident.

Example 2:

The girl’s residing in the Women’s Hostel of The University of Pune protested against the setting up of CCTV cameras’ in the entrances of the hostel to check for unauthorized visits from boyfriends and friends. The girl’s vandalized the camera and claimed that they were an infringement to their privacy. The hostel authorities insisted that the cameras did not infringe on the privacy of the women, and were only installed at the entrance gates to keep a tab on visitors.[4] The authorities claimed that this step was taken in congruence with the hostel’s policy of not allowing visitors to stay the night.

Example 3:

The girls of the Churchgate’s Government Law College succeeded in getting the CCTV camera removed from the Girl’s Common Room, as it was seen as an infringement to their privacy. The MNS stepped up the agitation in favor of the students which led the college administration to finally take notice and remove the camera from the common room.[5]

The Flip Side

The issue of CCTVs in campuses takes an interesting turn when the students support the move to install cameras in campuses.

Example 1:

Delhi University installed CCTV cameras in their campuses after the Delhi Police issued an advisory for the same. They claimed that the advisory issued was to monitor the instances of on campus ragging. The Delhi Police also helped fund the setting up of CCTVs in the college. This move was lauded by the students, and the colleges took instant measures to wire their campuses.[6]

Example 2:

Recently, after the murder of a Delhi University student named Radhika Tanwar in broad day light, many student union groups assembled for a candle light vigil. They demanded CCTV cameras near the Satya Niketan bus stop where Radhika was killed which is an isolated stretch of a road. The massive agitation of almost a week brought the National Commission of Women into the foray who seconded the demand put forth by the student body.[7]

Example 3:

The recent instance of an RTI exposing inflated bills for setting up CCTVs in the Punjab University Campus also throws light on an interesting facet to this debate as the students do not mind the CCTVs in their campus. The student’s union of the university demanded the authorities to look into the discrepancies of the budget, and also expressed anger as the CCTVs installed did not work. The students claimed that the rising violence in the campus is because of disinterested security men and non working CCTV cameras.[8]

Conclusion

The decisions to use CCTVs as a means of surveillance evokes mixed responses. On one side of the debate they are seen as a deterrent to crime while on the other side of the debate they are seen as beinggross infringements on privacy. CCTV surveillance remains as a bone of contention amongst students. If they feel that their personal space is being invaded by these cameras then it needs to be addressed by the administration in a manner which appeases their fear. Universities randomly adopt the policy of CCTV surveillance, disregarding any voice of dissent. Kashmir University put up CCTVs in it’s campus to shoo away lovebirds and the Aligarh Muslim University has installed 57 CCTV cameras in it’s campus to keep a check on students. The rise of the CCTVs in colleges relates to not the actual crime but to the fear of crime. Therefore, CCTVs have become a tool of re-assurance [9]which feeds a notion of safety and security to the authority in charge.

There is no black and white regarding the implementation of CCTVs in universities. A policy can only benefit both sides when decisions are taken with the students, and not on behalf of them. Indian Universities have no guidelines and policies regarding the implementation of CCTVs and students remain unaware of any decisions in this regard. The Universities should clearly spell out their take on CCTVs including:

University policy regarding CCTVs policies
The reasons for introducing CCTVs
The proposed uses of CCTV infrastructure
Which areas in the campus will be kept under surveillance
How will the data collected be stored
How long will the data be retained
How will the data be deleted[10]

The Universities should address all these issues to dispel fear from the minds of the students, and the student unions should be included in the discussions regarding the implementation of CCTVs.

Notes

[1].Webster,William; CCTV policy in the UK: Reconsidering the evidence base; sueveillanceandsociety.org.

[2].Norris, Clive;MC Cahill, Mike;Wood, David; The Growth of CCTV: A Global Perspective on the international diffusion of video surveillance in publically accessible space; surveillance-and-society.org.

[3].Timesnow.tv/jadavpuruniversity, www.haata.com.

[4].http://www.ndtv.com/article/cities/female-hostellers-damage-cctv-cameras-to-protect-privacy-83889, http://toostep.com/debate/is-it-right-to-install-a-cctv-in-girls-hostel-to-stop-unauth.

[5].http://www.mumbaimirror.com/index.aspx?page=article§id=2&contentid=201101212011012104560935753ecb888, http://ibnlive.in.com/news/cctv-cameras-in-hostel-rob-pune-women-of-freedom/142681-3.html.

[6].http://www.expressindia.com/latest-news/after-delhi-police-advisory-du-to-install-cctv-cameras/761421/.

[7].http://www.indianexpress.com/news/women-constables-cctv-cameras-in-girl-stude/766083/.

[8].http://www.punjabcolleges.com/5526999-itemdisplay-Misappropriation-of-funds-on-CCTV,-RTI-exposed-it-Chandigarh.htm.

[9].www.surveillance-and-society.org/ojs/index.php/journal/article/view/prozac/prozac.

[10].www.ucl.ac.uk/estates/security/documents/cctvpolicy.doc, http://www.wustl.edu/policies/cctv-monitoring-and-recording.html.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/privacy/cctv-in-universities

CCI leaves Google searching for answers

Admin — 2018-02-19T02:26:17Z

If you go to the Google search box and type "nuance", the first result that shows up is "CCIBSE 0.00 % Judgement on Google". No, we just made that up.

The article by Nirmal John was published in the Economic Times on February 13, 2018

The Competition Commission of India's (CCI) landmark ruling enforcing a Rs 135.86-crore fine on Google for "search bias" and abusing its "dominant position" is one of the more finely considered judgements in the technology industry. According to Sunil Abraham, executive director of Bengaluru-based research organisation, the Centre for Internet and Society, "CCI is returning to the roots of the competition law, where it is as important to prevent concentration of power as it is to look at how pricing affects people. The emphasis here is now also on protecting innovation and competition itself."

To begin with, according to the CCI, the rules of engagement are different for early-stage markets and mature markets.

CCI has differentiated between early-stage markets and mature markets. In an earlier judgement when two radio cab operators, FastTrack and Meru, had accused Ola of offering discounts and predatory pricing, the CCI had ruled in favour of Ola. CCI had said a lack of market maturity in the cab-hailing space was central to its decision. "At this stage, it is difficult to determine with certainty the long-term impact of this pricing strategy, as the market is yet to mature," the CCI had ruled.

The search market is different. Google is the 800-pound gorilla and pretty much the entire zoo in this market. The Google judgement, according to a lawyer who chose to remain off the record, "is based on the principle that a higher degree of responsibility is cast on Google because it has a dominant position in the market".

The nub of the argument is that Google, by the showcasing of flights in its search page, has used its role as a gateway to offer a specific service.

As the judgement notes: "Google is leveraging its strong position in various online search markets to enter into and enhance its position in ancillary markets. Not only does that cause direct harm to competitors in vertical markets, it also causes direct harm to other website owners, since their websites are moved down on SERP [search engine results page] and hence, they receive less clicks as a result of lessened traffic. Further, this also harms consumers as they no longer receive the most relevant results at the top of SERP."

But why should the consumers care? After all they are getting the cheapest price.

This is where CCI's second important point comes in. There needs to be a balance between the short-term concerns of consumers with their long-term benefits.

Even if consumers who used Google flights to find options for firming up travel plans may have saved money, the CCI has, in this instance, taken the view that what may be of immediate benefit to the consumer may not be good for them in the long term because of the distortion of the market it creates.

Apart from prices, there is another benefit that comes from Google's search aggregation. Sid Talwar of Lightbox Ventures, a Mumbai-based VC firm, brings into light an interesting paradox: Is the addition of an extra step to the search process in consumer interest? Talwar argues that the consumer may be more interested in the most efficient way to find what he is looking for, which is the import of Google's mission. By aggregating results from various sources and offering it right at the search page, it could be fulfilling a consumer need.

This is where another facet of the judgement -- the pre-eminence of product and user-interface (UI) design and its relationship with controlling user behaviour -- establishes the anti-competitive nature of Google's search results page. The manipulation of UI design has been key to the debate on anti-competitive behaviour across the world. Europe's competition commissioner Margrethe Vestager became one of the most important proponents of this idea when the European Commission fined Google a record $2.9 billion in mid-2017 for "abusing its dominance in Europe by giving prominent placement in searches to its comparison shopping service and demoting rival offerings".

As NS Nappinai, a Mumbai-based lawyer and author of Technology Laws Decoded, points out, the ruling establishes a precedent and helps the CCI build a reputation for itself as a body that shows strength in evaluating technology. "Tech companies will now have to take cognisance of abuse of their dominant position in India," she says.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/economic-times-february-13-2018-nirmal-john-cci-leaves-google-searching-for-answers

Cause and effect Facebook-style

praskrishna — 2011-04-01T15:44:47Z

While the world is crediting Facebook for triggering the Arab revolution, do Facebook groups in India say anything about top of mind causes for young Indians? Crime touches a chord - the pages that have sprung up for Radhika Tanwar and Aarushi Talwar illustrate this - but it's the ideological issues that have made it to our top five list. Anja Kovas, a fellow at the Centre for Internet and Society, a Bengaluru-based research organisation, analyses the success of these causes.

Save the Tiger: The biggest Indian group on Facebook 'Save the Tiger' has a following of over 8,43,663 people.

Content talk: The site tracks news items about the tiger and features comments and quotes about the animal. The group's motto 'Read between the stripes' encourages members to 'like' conservation.

Pages: As the most popular cause, this also links to over 30 pages such as the 'Save the Leopard', Save the Tiger Fund' and 'Only 1411 left in India'

Anja-speak: This campaign was successful because several celebrities were a part of the cause. TV campaigns and celebs always ensure a larger audience. Also world over, environmental issues triggers stronger reactions.
Terrorism: It's a subject that affects every single Indian, and 'Stop Terrorism in India' has already clocked 1, 39, 436 members.

Content talk: "If you want to sleep peacefully then wake up now…" It's comments like these that would best explain what the group is all about. Members of this group share videos of 26/11, violence in Kashmir, Salman Khan, anti-hunger campaign and other subjects like peace, liberty and justice.

Pages: Other related pages are 'Stop terror in India and specially Mumbai'. 'Stop Terror in India, Pakistan'

Anja-speak: The Mumbai attacks shook the nation and touched a chord with everyone across age groups, classes and beliefs.
Kashmir: Over four lakh Kashmiris have been displaced from their state since 1989-90. It's not surprising then that Kashmir comes third in our list of causes. 'Frontline Kashmir' supports the 'freedom movement' and has about 24,000 members.

Content talk: Peppered with calls for freedom, the comments on the walls also speak out against separatists. Pages: For various viewpoints on Kashmir, also check out Amnesty International, Revolt, I Cry, We Love Syed Ali Shah Geelani.

Anja-speak:Facebook played an important role in letting young Kashmiris voice their opinions online. It's obviously a platform for young Kashmiris who want to air grievances.
Corruption: Despite the fact that corruption is one of the foremost issues in India today, the largest group against corruption 'India Against Corruption' has only 16,499 members.

Content talk: From information on marches to news articles, this page deals with anything related to corruption in India. A much talked about issue on this page is the CWG and the 2G scam. Pages: Do check out the 'Commonwealth Jhel' page as well and the 'I Paid A Bribe' and 'Choosna Bandh Campaign'!

Anja-speak: It's a topic that unites people across classes in India. With big scams unfolding every other day, people are definitely interested in such a group.
Free Binayak Sen: With 8,479 'likes', the Facebook page 'Release Dr Binayak Sen: Protest against mockery of justice against him', a cause by the same name that is supported by 7,745 people, stands as the most popular group.

Content talk: The campaign on Facebook is an offshoot of a section of society that believes Dr Sen has been denied justice by the state and speaks of all related matters including the sedition law. Pages: There are 15 groups and 22 pages related to Dr Binayak Sen, including 'Free Binayak Sen! Repeal Section 124A IPC' and 'Free Binayak Sen - Global Campaign'.

Anja-speak: This campaign owes its success, in terms of its outreach, to years of determination and relentless action by those that support Dr Sen.

This article by Malvika Nanda was published in the Hindustan Times on March 13, 2011. Read the original here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/cause-and-effect

Caught in the Web

praskrishna — 2011-12-12T15:32:28Z

Do we need a cyber Big Brother watching us? A look at both sides of the coin.

In the summer of 2009, a hue and cry was raised by netizens when the Government blocked a hugely popular adult-oriented cartoon site called Savitabhabhi.com. The site was blocked after complaints that Savita Bhabhi's lurid tales were highly offending to the sensibilities of those grounded in Indian traditions. Those who opposed the move said that this was done without granting the creators an opportunity to defend their right to freedom of expression.
Recent ruffles

A similar brouhaha erupted recently when Communication and IT Minister Kapil Sibal, in a hurriedly called press conference, announced that the Government will bring in a law to pre-filter content posted on social networking Web sites. The trigger for this was certain pictures, with religious connotations, uploaded on various social networking sites including Facebook and Google Plus. Sibal claims that despite Government appeals the Web site refused to remove the content. If the new law is implemented, your status updates or videos will be screened by the internet company for objectionable content before it is published.

The move has angered Internet users, promoters of free speech and social networking companies. “As it is the status of freedom of speech in India is in a bad shape. Sibal's new rules will only make it worse,” says Sunil Abraham, Executive Director, Centre for Internet and Society.

Abraham's point is buttressed by a report from the United Nations Democracy Fund called ‘Freedom on the Net 2011' which gives Indian Internet usage a “partly free” status clubbed along with the likes of Egypt, Jordan, Rwanda and Venezuela.

“Pressure on private intermediaries to remove certain information in compliance with administrative censorship orders has increased since late 2009, with the implementation of the amended IT Act. While some observers acknowledge that incendiary online content could pose a real risk of violence, particularly given India's history of periodic communal strife, press freedom and civil liberties advocates have raised concerns over the far-reaching scope of the IT Act, its potential chilling effect, and the possibility that the authorities could abuse it to suppress political speech,” the report says.
User content removal

When Google began reporting government requests for data and content removal in early 2010, India ranked third in the world for removal requests and fourth for data requests. Between July 1, 2009, and December 31, 2009, India had submitted 142 removal requests. By June 2011, the Internet search giant received requests from the Indian government to remove 358 items. In a breakdown of reasons for such requests, 255 items were classified under the “government criticism” category. In May 2008, two men were arrested and charged for posting derogatory comments about Congress party chief Sonia Gandhi on Orkut. There are many other instances of Government intervention over the past 3 years.

Those who support monitoring argue that content on social media network should be scanned because the users are not responsible enough. California-based media commentator Andrew Keen blames the Internet users in a book called The Cult of the Amateur where he writes that technology has fostered a “dictatorship of idiots”. “.....the masses are liable to be further vulgarised by the overwhelming surfeit of their own voluntary contributions, which are inherently without value (otherwise they wouldn't have been offered freely). Without cultural elites empowered to control public discourse and deify their chosen superstars, the monkeys are running the show,” Keen declares.

Abraham says this argument is flawed because there is no empirical evidence to determine that people use the Internet for a single purpose. “There is no cause and effect here. People may use the Internet for anything ranging from pornography to science. One cannot generalise user behaviour. If Internet was a tool for the Egypt uprising, the same may not work in some other country,” says Abraham.
Monitoring issues

Then there are others who want the social network Web sites to take some responsibility. Rajesh Chharia, President of the Internet Service Providers Association thinks that multi-national Internet firms cannot get away by saying that they conform to standards of their country alone.

But experts feel that it is practically impossible for any social networking Web site to monitor everything that's posted on their site due to sheer volume. For instance, YouTube has 48 hours of videos uploaded every minute and Facebook has 38 million users in India posting thousands of pictures and messages every day. “The Internet is like a sea, you just cannot control everything that's thrown into it unless you man the entire coastline. Even if you block someone from posting content on one site, they will find another way to get in,” said one of major Internet firms.

Meanwhile the Savita Bhabhi site is back with all new content at a new address. So much for the Government's desire to monitor the Internet.

This article by Thomas K Thomas was published in the Hindu Business Line. Sunil Abraham was quoted in this article. Read the original here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/caught-in-web

Caught in a filter bubble

praskrishna — 2016-11-24T01:45:35Z

The country seems to be polarised over demonetisation and its after-effects. And more likely than not, you’ve had plenty of news stories to read that corroborate what you believe, regardless of whether you think the scrapping of the Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 notes was an ingenious plan or not, especially if you get most of your news on social media.

The article by Chetana Divya Vasudev was published by Deccan Herald on November 22, 2016. Rohini Lakshané was quoted.

However, does the news you’re consuming give you a clear picture of everything going on around you or is it merely helping you live in your own bubble? This has become a hot topic of discussions post the US Presidential elections, with Facebook also coming under fire for it.

Social media sites in particular and the internet in general have been serving people stories that put forth points of view they largely agree with. “This is a phenomenon called the social media filter bubble,” says Rohini Lakshane, programme officer, Centre for Internet and Society. This means that because most people in your network think like you, what you read mostly concurs with your opinions, reinforces your bias, reducing your chances of coming across opposing viewpoints, she explains. “It’s all-pervasive, Twitter also tailors your feeds and the ‘while you were away’ section, unless you uncheck it in your settings,” she says. Using incognito mode for Google searches and clearing cookies are a couple of other steps you could take to check this filter bubble, she adds.

“As someone into policy research, I can’t let my personal prejudices affect what I read or understand,” she offers. “So I also ensure I constantly interact with people from different walks of life.” Keeping an open mind to multiple perspectives could help people remain more informed, she suggests.

Entrepreneur Devashish Mamgain says he makes a conscious effort to search for stories he knows he wouldn’t agree with. “I do this because I’m already up to date with what I like or support, and I think it’s important to know the other side as well,” he says. He doesn’t rely on social media for his news but knows many who do and thinks it limits their knowledge.

Savitha A Isaac, a content writer, says she unsubscribes to newsfeeds on Facebook she doesn’t want to read. “I get annoyed when it shows up what’s trending — videos and memes that are going viral. I feel most of this is US-centric; almost like it’s telling us we have to care about what’s happening there. My husband and I have noticed that Google keeps tabs on what you’re searching for and comes up with suggestions,” she says. This is also true of Facebook.

“I usually read a lot of investigative and feminist stories from certain sites. And when such links pop up as suggestions on your wall — or is reflected in the adds you see — it feels really nice. But it also feels wrong,” she says. “It’s creepy, almost as if someone’s stalking you.”

Uroosa Ayman Fathima, her colleague, believes most content on social media is not accurate. “I only click on a link if it’s that of a news website I trust to be at least 80 per cent accurate,” she says. And she verifies what catches her interest with news in the print media, a more credible source, she believes.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/deccan-herald-november-22-2016-chetana-divya-vasudev-caught-in-a-filter-bubble

Catch-all approach to Net freedom draws activist ire

praskrishna — 2011-04-01T15:43:55Z

The Internet has revolutionized the way we socialise, date and even protest. Online activism is a faster, more effective way to get more people to react to a cause. But at the same time it is this speed that makes Internet-generated protests a far graver danger than offline protests. Egypt faced an Internet shutdown when the protest started gaining steam and China has been throttled with heavy cyber censorship for years. Unfortunately, silencing the voices of dissent online is as easy as raising them. This article by Annie Johnny appeared in the Sunday Guardian, New Delhi on 13 March 2011.

A workshop recently conducted at the Constitution Club in New Delhi brought together human rights activists, bloggers and techies and explored the challenges faced by online activists.

“When the Internet was in its nascent stage, there was the Utopian belief that the government would not have the same role to play as it does offline. However, the Internet is being increasingly regulated by the government,” says Dr. Anja Kovacs, fellow, Centre for Internet and Society, Bangalore.

The Binayak Sen and Pink Chaddi campaigns provide a picture of how fast and efficient online activism is. “Initially, the campaign was restricted to a centralised network of people and was a way for me and my friends to vent out our thoughts. But it grew beyond our expectations. Between March 2008 and May 2009, we had about 1.5 million visitors. Our experience with the Internet as an effective tool in mobilising people has been very positive,” says Satya Sivaraman, one of the initiators of the Free Binayak Sen Campaign website.

Blocking websites that promote child pornography and hate speech is acceptable. Activists, however, are concerned about the mysterious disappearances of blogs and the vague explanations given to justify them.

“There is a provision for spam in the IT Act. While the rule is meant for only for spam, it is extended over a much wider area. According to it, anything that is deemed objectionable can be blocked. Instead of targeting offensive material, the act should target harmful content. Child pornography and hate speeches cause harm, whereas what is ‘offensive’ is subjective,” says Pranesh Prakash, programme manager, Centre for Internet and Society.

Bloggers in countries like Thailand and Singapore face serious consequences for posting anti-state views online. However, very few people all over the world are standing up against the curtailing of the right to freedom of expression online.

“There are ways to access blocked sites but most people do not bother to do that. If a site is blocked, they will simply accept it. The government in India is becoming increasingly restrictive. While their reason for concern is valid as the restrictions are in place to protect national security, the way they are dealing with this is inappropriate. Drafting vague rules related to objectionable content’ without specifying whom the content is objectionable to, is not going to help. There needs to be clearly defined categories for banning sites,” says Kovacs.

Rising against the growing restrictions and the wide gaps in Internet accessibility, The Internet Rights and Principles coalition, which works on Internet rights, is coming up with a Charter for Human Rights and Principles for the Internet.

The charter, which is still being drafted and has been put online for suggestions, emphasises that human rights apply the same way online as they do offline, and lays down rules and Internet policies necessary to protect human rights.

Another interesting observation is that most online protests don’t always spark parallel offline protests. The Meter Jam protest against the high auto fares in Mumbai is one such example.

“While it helped the middle class vent their frustration, on the day of the actual offline protest, hardly anyone boycotted autos. Business went on as usual,” says Kovacs.

See the article on the Sunday Guardian website
Download the original pdf here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/catch-all

Cases on the right to be forgotten, what have we learned?

praskrishna — 2015-11-08T02:24:22Z

Internet Governance Forum (IGF) 2015 will be held at Jao Pessoa in Brazil from November 10 to 13, 2015. The theme of IGF 2015 is Evolution of Internet Governance: Empowering Sustainable Development. Jyoti Panday is attending the workshop on "Cases on the right to be forgotten, what have we learned?" to be held on November 11, 2015 at IGF 2015.

Click to read the full details on the IGF website.

Since the EU Court of Justice ruled to uphold and codify the Right to Be Forgotten, Free expression activists fear that the decision will open the door to corporate and government censorship. However and apart from the European case, how much do we know from the rest of the world? It is part of a cross-workshop collaboration with Workshop 31 that look at the procedural and legal implications of such rulings.

In a conversational format, the roundtable seek to understand arguments, scope, discussions and current situation of the Right to be Forgotten outside the EU and around the world in rulings and legislations (enacted and proposed).

The round table will start with kick off presentations (3 minutes) of cases by local activists, such as

Mexican data authority IFAI fine to Google
Colombian Court case against El Tiempo and ultimately Google
Chilean bill intended to modify the Data Protection Act
Legislation in Nicaragua codifying the ‘right to be forgotten’
Japan's court case against Google
South Korean analysis process to adopt the ‘right to be forgotten’

After those presentations, participants will be divided into groups to be facilitated by the speakers. These groups will discuss and note problems, challenges and enabling environments on the cases in order to draw some “lessons learned”. The full group will reconvene on the roundtable format to detect particularities of the debate beyond EU and will present, discuss and define 10 lessons that can be drawn from these experiences to protect freedom of expression in these debates.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/cases-on-the-right-to-be-forgotten-what-have-we-learned

Cartonama Workshop

praskrishna — 2012-02-14T10:21:16Z

HasGeek presents an intensive, hands-on training for managing and building location based services at the Centre for Internet & Society (CIS), Bangalore on 2nd and 3rd March, 2012. CIS is a partner for this event.

About the Workshop

Around 95% smartphone users around the world - which translates to about 468 million people - are using Location Based Services to look for points of interests, ATMs, restaurants, hotels and many other services. They are checking traffic status, and sharing locations and check-ins with friends on various social networks. In the last four years, this industry has grown six times, to a whooping $6 billion.

Cartonama Workshop will provide developers, neo-geographers and entrepreneurs working on location based services with hands-on training on advanced tools to manage and represent their geographic data.

The trainers will help participants to learn use of tools such as databases, tile servers, tile studios, Geocoding APIs, search APIs and JavaScript libraries through an application building exercise. The learning process is interspersed with lectures and discussion sessions on issues such as quality of geographic data, commercialization, licensing and privacy. For more details about the workshop sessions, visit the HasGeek funnel.

Speakers

Schuyler Erle
Free Software developer and evangelist for over fifteen years. He was a co-author of 'Mapping Hacks' and 'Google Maps Hacks'. He was also a co-founder of the OpenLayers and TileCache projects, and is a charter member of the OSGeo Foundation. He also works in the fields of wireless networking, intelligent search engines and the Semantic Web and was the lead developer of NoCatAuth which is an open source wireless captive portal. He built geocoder.us, which is an open source United States. address geocoder. More recently, Schuyler helped found the Humanitarian OpenStreetMap Team and serves on its Board of Directors. He currently resides in San Francisco.

Mikel Maron
Programmer and geographer working for impactful community and humanitarian uses of open source and open data. He is co-founder of Ground Truth Initiative, and of the Map Kibera project. He’s on the Board of the OpenStreetMap Foundation, and President of the Humanitarian OpenStreetMap Team, having helped to facilitate the OSM response to the Haiti earthquake. He’s travelled widely, organizing projects in India, Palestine, Egypt, Swaziland, and elsewhere. Previously, he co-founded Mapufacture and worked on collaborative platforms, and geoweb standards, with a wide spectrum of organizations from UN and government agencies to anarchist hacker collectives.

In 2008, Mikel Maron and Schuyler Erle conducted a series of workshops in India. From Delhi to Ludhiana, Pune, Mumbai, Kerala and Bangalore. The workshop series poked people like Arun Ganesh and inspired them to map and build applications. Arun and his friends mapped Chennai extensively and created beautiful maps. They also put the data together into busroutes.in

. BusRoutes.in remains as one of the best examples of using crowdsourced geographic information to create applications that are useful.

Sessions


Introduction to OpenStreetMap	GPS Surveying for OpenStreetMap	Downloading from GPS	Editing Data for OpenStreetMap

Tagging and Map Features	Geographic File Formats	Geo-enabled Databases	Processing OpenStreetMap Data

Data Swiss Army Knives	Creating Shapefiles	Tiles	Tilemill

Java Script Mapping APIs	Serving Tiles	Geocoding and Location queries	Putting it all together

Why You Should Attend the Workshop?

The workshop is only open to 30 participants. This is to ensure that the trainers can pay individual attention to each participant.

The workshop will train you with both back-end as well as front-end tools necessary for developing functional location based services and will enable you to build maps which can be used on devices ranging from phones to tablets to computers. It is aimed at teaching you the entire technology stack, right from managing the data to deploying the data on the server, and finally presenting it to your end user. During the hands-on sessions, you will develop web-based location services and learn how to manage your geographic data by creating interactive maps.

Mikel and Schuyler have extensive experience working with interactive maps, open data, Open Street Maps (OSM) and diverse communities on the ground. Participants will benefit immensely from the knowledge, experience and expertise of the trainers.

Registration

Tickets are priced at Rs. 10,000. Participants can register through the DoAttend portal. Or, you can pay offline through cheques and DD. Your ticket price covers workshop facilities and the facilitators' travel to India. The Centre for Internet and Society (CIS) has sponsored part of the workshop expenses.

Participants are expected to bring their own GPS devices / mobile phones and computers for the application building exercises.

If you have any queries, write to Sajjad Anwar.

Buy Tickets Now

Venue

The workshop will be held at the Centre for Internet and Society (CIS), Bangalore. The congenial atmosphere at CIS facilitates both formal and informal interactions, and peer-to-peer learning.

No. 194, 2nd C Cross, 4th Main
Opposite Domlur Club
Domlur 2nd Stage, Bangalore - 560 071

The Centre for Internet & Society

The Centre for Internet and Society (CIS) is a Bangalore-based independent, non-profit research organisation. CIS is primarily involved in research on the Internet and its relationship to society. Through its academic and research programmes, campaigns, and advocacy, CIS brings together scholars, academics, students, programmers and scientists to engage in a large variety of issues concerning the Internet: from histories of the Internet to enhancing accessibility for persons with disabilities, openness, telecom and Internet governance, among others.

CIS is supporting the Cartonama Workshop by providing the venue and hosting the workshop facilitators in Bangalore.

HasGeek

HasGeek was initiated in September 2010 to create discussion spaces for developers around emerging technologies. Our events are developer-focused. We began by organizing five editions of the DocType HTML5 conference in Bangalore, Chennai, Pune, Hyderabad and Ahmedabad.

In 2011, we organized a series of events in Bangalore starting with the Android Camp in April, PHP and Cloud Computing in June, JSFoo in October, and Droidcon India in November. Each of these events had an open talks submission and voting system, which made every event more participant-focused.

In 2012, we are attempting to reach out to a wider audience of developers, entrepreneurs and students, across large and small Indian cities, by addressing interesting technology problems such as UI Engineering, Data Science, SMS and email notifications, among others.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/cartonama

Cartonama Conference

praskrishna — 2012-09-17T13:59:05Z

HasGeek is organising a Cartonama Conference on September 22, 2012 at the TERI Complex in Bangalore, from 9.30 a.m. to 6.00 p.m.

Cartonama conference is centered around geospatial data, mapping and location based services. It deals with two primary themes: infrastructure for managing geospatial data including mapping software, cartographic techniques and tools; and application of geospatial data, primarily location-based services. Cartonama is open to entrepreneurs, developers, individuals and institutions working with GIS and cartographic techniques, advocacy groups, among others.

We will also host four workshops which will provide hands-on training about tools for managing geospatial data and how to build location-based services. Workshops will be held between September 23 to 25, 2012. Tickets for the Cartonama conference can be bought at http://cartonama.doattend.com

About HasGeek

HasGeek is a Bangalore-based organisation. We put together events for developers with the intention of creating discussion spaces about technologies that are new today, and could become mainstream tomorrow. HasGeek is supported by CIS.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/cartonama-conference

Card transactions with Aadhaar validation need more time: experts

praskrishna — 2013-12-26T06:25:04Z

Cost and supply implications are seen by experts as the main hurdles in implementing the RBI directive.

The article by Kirti V. Rao and Moulishree Srivastava was published in Livemint on December 5, 2013. Sunil Abraham is quoted.

The Reserve Bank of India’s (RBI’s) move to introduce a new card payment infrastructure able to authenticate transactions using Aadhaar unique identity number-linked biometrics may take some time to implement as it has cost and supply implications.

“All new card present infrastructure has to be enabled for both EMV chip and PIN and Aadhaar (biometric validation) acceptance,” RBI said in a notification on 26 November.

Europay MasterCard Visa, or EMV, chip and PIN authentication involves card information stored in a chip that is accessible through a PIN or personal identification number, which replaces a cardholder’s signature.

Currently, all card infrastructure in India such as automated teller machines (ATMs) and point-of-sales (PoS) machines are moving towards full compliance with the global EMV standard that requires reading integrated circuit cards to authenticate credit and debit card transactions.

Although all transactions through debit cards are now required to be authenticated by PIN, validating financial transactions by using the biometric Aadhaar identity number database is yet to gain traction. Such a service is expected to begin in May.

Not all experts are in favour of the central bank’s move to use biometrics data to authenticate transactions.

“This is a terrible idea. Biometrics should never be used as authentication factor since it cannot be revoked when it is compromised,” said Sunil Abraham, executive director of Bangalore-based think-tank Centre for Internet and Society. “Digital signatures and its variations like the EMV chip are the right way to proceed.”

A banker did not fully agree with Abraham.

Pulak Sinha, general manager (payment solutions) at State Bank of India, said: “In our experience, there is a need for biometric authentication in certain geographical segments in the country. Our bank has used biometric authentication for financial inclusion initiatives and has found it very useful. Having said that, each bank is the best judge as to which technology is more relevant for their customers.”

Sinha added, “Also changing new infrastructure to accept all types of technologies has its own challenges as well as financial implications. Again, business cases need to be built and when people get additional services they may have to pay.”

There are cost implications if the RBI directive is to be implemented, according to Rajiv Kaul, chief executive of CMS Info Systems Pvt. Ltd, which runs two cash management companies and has recently received an order from SBI to deploy 8,000 cash machines across the country.

“Some of the ATM infrastructure currently installed have some of the capabilities for EMV chip cards, but even as they are hardware-equipped, software will need to be upgraded,” Kaul said. “For biometric compliance, both hardware and software will need to be installed, which will result in extra cost. So, for the short term, from the biometric perspective, the cost will go up.”
Some experts hold that the notification provides a chance to assess the as-yet-untested Aadhaar-linked biometrics model where the EMV model may be hard to implement.

“RBI has been pragmatic in mandating it incrementally as it is giving Aadhaar a runway to evolve in terms of operations, use cases, risk, technology standards, dispute resolution and get these things in order,” Uttam Nayak, group country manager, India and South Asia at Visa Consolidated Support Services (India) Pvt. Ltd, told Mint on 26 November. “Because Aadhaar is tokenless and doesn’t need a card, it has great potential for inclusion.”

Biometrics-enabled cash and PoS machines will require additional expenditure as they need high-speed Internet connectivity to transmit biometrics data, Rajeev Chandrasekhar, member of the upper house of Parliament, said in a letter to RBI governor Raghuram Rajan.

“The hardware and software cost of upgrading a single unit with biometrics hardware is not very much but changing the entire ecosystem would have costs,” acknowledged SBI’s Sinha. “When people get additional services they will have to pay.”

“A high percentage of the population is still unbanked. The opportunity (to reach people through biometric validation and Aadhaar) is too tempting for the acquirers (banks and others using PoS devices) to not take this up,” said Robin Roy, associate director of financial services at consultancy firm PricewaterhouseCoopers Pvt. Ltd.

Whether there would be enough suppliers of machines to implement the directive is also a concern, some experts said.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/livemint-december-5-2013-kirthi-v-rao-moulishree-srivastava-card-transactions-with-aadhar-validation-need-more-time

Capturing Gender and Class Inequities: The CCTVisation of Delhi

Aayush Rathi and Ambika Tandon — 2019-09-27T15:24:10Z

Ambika Tandon and Aayush Rathi generated empirical evidence about the CCTV programme well underway in Delhi. The case study was published by Centre for Development Informatics, Global Development Institute, SEED, in the Development Informatics working paper series housed at the University of Manchester.

Abstract

Cityscapes across the global South, following historical trends in the North, are increasingly being littered by closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras. In this paper, we study the wholesale implementation of CCTV in New Delhi, a city notorious for incredibly high rates of crime against women. The push for CCTV, then, became one of many approaches explored by the state in making the city safer for women.

In this paper, we deconstruct this narrative of greater surveillance equating to greater safety by using empirical evidence to understand the subjective experience of surveilling and being surveilled. By focussing on gender and utilising work from feminist thought, we find that the experience of surveillance is intersectionally mediated along the axes of class and gender.The gaze of CCTV is cast upon those already marginalised to arrive at normative encumbrances placed by private, neoliberal interests on the urban public space. The politicisation of CCTV has happened in this context, and continues unabated in the absence of any concerted policy apparatus regulating it. We frame our findings utilising an analytical data justice framework put forth by Heeks and Shekhar (2019). This comprehensively sets out a social justice agenda that situates CCTV within the socio-political contexts that are intertwined in the development and implementation of the technology itself.

Click to download the full research paper

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/development-informatics-paper-number-81-aayush-rathi-and-ambika-tandon-capturing-gender-and-class-inequities

Can Uber, Ola apps be blocked? Govt fighting cyber odds

praskrishna — 2015-06-14T09:52:28Z

The Delhi government is trying to block taxi hailing apps like Uber and Ola Cabs, but is it really possible?

The article by Siladitya Ray published in the Hindustan Times on June 4, 2015 quotes Sunil Abraham.

Taxi aggregators are in the firing line over passenger safety again after a 21-year-old Delhi woman alleged she was molested by a driver in an Uber cab near Gurgaon on Saturday morning.

The allegation came just six months after a 25-year-old financial analyst was allegedly raped in an Uber cab in Delhi, over which the victim took the cab aggregator's parent company to court in the US.

Following an order from the Delhi government, the Department of Telecommunication had issued an order to Internet Service Providers to block the websites and apps of taxi hailing aggregators like Uber, TaxiForSure and Ola Cabs.

But Internet Service Providers (ISP) have apparently expressed inability to block Uber, Ola as the web services feature strong end-to-end encryption.

How ISPs block sites

Often when an ISP blocks a website it severs your connection with the domain name. For example if ISPs want to block Google they simply block your access to www.google.com (i.e. Google's domain name), pretty simple. But if you are using an app like Google Now there is no domain name involved here the app talks directly to the server through using some form of encryption.

If we were to use an analogy, think of the ISP as a bridge that connects you to the web. The sites can be thought of as cars and their domain names as license plates. If the ISP wants to block a car with a certain license plate from going through it can do so with ease. But if a car's number plates are obscured (encryption) then ISP cannot block the car from passing through.

Uber and Ola

Most users book cabs from Ola or Uber using the company's apps, which use strong encryption effectively making their data virtually undetectable to ISPs.

"It's possible to block apps but it's much more difficult than before. Earlier you had to deal with a finite set of IP addresses but now these services are hosted on multiple cloud servers," said Sunil Abraham, the executive director of Bangalore based research organisation, the Centre for Internet and Society. "The ISPs themselves don't want to go through the pain of blocking these apps so they are asking the government to give them a solution," he added.

The government and the Department of Telecommunication are fighting near improbable odds in their endeavor to block these services on the web.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/hindustan-times-siladitya-ray-june-4-can-uber-ola-apps-be-blocked

Can this curb your addiction?

Admin — 2018-10-03T14:15:33Z

Facebook and Instagram also set to roll out tools to tell you how hooked you are to social media browsing.

The article by Surupasree Sarmmah was published in Deccan Herald on September 5, 2018. Swaraj Paul Barooah was quoted.

YouTube has rolled out a new feature that helps you manage the time you spend on it. The feature, it says, is an attempt to allow users to take charge of their digital life.

You can now go to your YouTube profile and get details of time spent on the app today, yesterday and the past week. You also get a daily average under the tab ‘Time Watched’.

YouTube now offers tools that remind you to ‘take a break’ from notifications. You can also disable sound for a specific period.

Kala Balasubramanian, counselling psychologist and psychotherapist at Inner Dawn Counselling and Training services LLP, categorises social media users into three types: people who use it extensively with awareness, people who use it extensively without awareness, and people addicted to it.

“If you fall into the second category, this feature will make no or very less impact on your social media usage. However, if you know you are spending too much time and want to get out of it, keeping a tab on the usage can be beneficial,” says Kala.

The addicts need help, she advises. Such well-being tools being introduced by social media giants like Google can be seen as a recognition of the extent of damage excessive social media usage can cause, she says.

Social media should not be used to the point of damage to ourselves and our relationships, but users must be ready to help themselves, she urges.

“This message necessarily needs to be learned at a social level in our families, schools and colleges and workplaces too. The tool can only attempt to help us, we need to help ourselves,” she says.

Not just YouTube, but Facebook and Instagram have also announced they would soon add controls to help people measure how much time they are spending on these sites.

Swaraj Barooah, policy director, Centre for Internet and Society, Bengaluru, says the feature is a “weak step.”

“I have tried out the feature and it is more like the snooze button of an alarm: one can dismiss it immediately or change the settings. Even to get to the settings takes an active effort. People by default will go with default settings,” he says.

He sees the feature as an ‘eyewash’: social media giants can now claim they have done something to curb addiction without actually doing anything effective.

“The algorithm feeds on people’s vulnerability. It would be better to see these platforms offering more transparency in how algorithms are viewing people so that people can choose what they want to see and not what the algorithms are determining for them,” he says.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/news/deccan-herald-september-5-2018-surupasree-sarmmah-can-this-curb-your-addiction