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Thousands queue for iPad 2 across Asia

praskrishna — 2011-05-23T07:10:28Z

The iPad 2 went on sale in countries across Asia and beyond Friday as Apple's updated gadget entered an ever more crowded market. This article written by Joyce Woo was published by AFP on April 28, 2011.

Apple's original iPad defined the tablet computer market and was swiftly followed by offerings from the tech industry's main players, from Samsung and Dell to BlackBerry maker RIM and Toshiba.

A late arrival to the tablet party was Sony, which only this week announced its own tablets a full year after the original iPad went on sale.

Now Apple is moving into round two of the battle of the tablets with a lighter, thinner, camera-equipped version of their original machine.

First in line in a queue of around 400 rain-soaked people outside an Apple store in Hong Kong was 16-year-old mainland Chinese student Dandy Weng, who travelled to the city from neighbouring Guangdong province for a device.

"I have waited for over 12 hours and haven't slept in 48 hours -- I'm very tired but excited," he told AFP. "I will be the first in China to have the iPad 2! I'm speechless, it's so exciting."

A queue snaked around the Apple shop in a major shopping centre, with some shoppers loading trolleys with as many as a dozen iPads, priced from HK$3,888 ($500) for the 16GB Wi-Fi only model to HK$6,488 for the 64 GB Wi-Fi and 3G model.

Those trying to buy an iPad 2 online via Apple's Hong Kong site, however, will have to wait a little longer -- all versions of the gadget were already out of stock before midday.

At an Apple authorised retail shop in Singapore, only 100 devices were available for sale and most official Apple retailers in Malaysia quickly sold out of the iPad 2.

"Each of our flagship stores had 600 devices each on sale and they ran out just like that," an official with a major Apple retail chain in Kuala Lumpur said.

Trade in "grey market" second generation iPads remained brisk in computer malls in the city such as Low Yat Plaza.

"We can charge more because there is a lot of demand and there is still not so much supply in Malaysia," seller Ang Chee Wei, 34, told AFP, adding that he had sold more than 20 of the devices so far.

"I bring in my iPad 2 from the US so I can still make some money until there are more iPads on the market."

Queues also formed outside retailers in the Philippine capital Manila.

John Quindo, 39, was first in line after standing patiently outside an Apple reseller for three hours.

"I'm excited because the Philippines is usually late (with Apple product releases)," he told AFP.

In India, over 150 outlets across the country opened their doors to Apple lovers seeking a new gadget, with the firm reporting a "phenomenal" initial response from customers.

Nishant Shah, director of research at the Centre for Internet and Society in the southern city of Bangalore, said he expected demand for the iPad 2 to be "huge", with Indian consumers increasingly brand-conscious.

Shilpa Malhotra was on the hunt for an iPad in Mumbai, but at an Apple outlet in the upmarket area of Breach Candy she was told that she could not buy one off the shelf immediately.

"I'm going to check to see if any other stores have got it in stock," she said, getting into a taxi.

The shop had taken orders and pre-payment for nearly 50 of the new iPads since Thursday, meaning dozens more customers wanting to buy the gadget on Friday were placed on a waiting list.

Anyone booking on Friday would get their device in 15 days' time, a store worker said.

In South Korea, 100 invited customers lined up from midnight at the central Seoul branch of KT, a local partner for iPhones and iPads.

The iPad 2 was also launched in Japan on Thursday after a month's delay caused by the devastating quake and tsunami.

A Wi-Fi only version of the gadget will be available in China on May 6.

It also hit stores Friday in Israel, Macau, South Africa, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates, after being first released in the United States on March 11.

The California tech firm sold 15 million iPads last year following the original device's launch in April, generating $10 billion in revenue.

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For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/ipad-2-across-asia

New internet rules open to arbitrary interpretation

praskrishna — 2011-05-06T04:58:57Z

Six years after an e-commerce CEO's arrest for a pornographic CD sold from his website, the government has introduced a liability on intermediaries such as Facebook and Google to "act within 36 hours" of receiving information about offensive content. This article by Manoj Mitta & Javed Anwer was published in the Times of India on April 27, 2011.

Under the rules notified on April 11 under the Information Technology Act, the intermediaries are required to work with the internet user "to disable such information that is in contravention" of the prescribed restrictions. While most of the restrictions in the rules are based on the criminal law (stuff that is blasphemous, obscene, defamatory, paedophilic, etc), some are so loosely worded that they could easily be misused against netizens accustomed to speaking their mind freely, whether on politics or otherwise.

One glaring example of an ill-thought-out provision is the prohibition on saying something that is "insulting any other nation". Since this expression has been mentioned without any qualifications, it could be invoked against anybody who talks disparagingly about other countries.

Apart from encroaching on free speech, the subjective notion of insulting a nation â€” as opposed to valid criticism â€” opens scope for arbitrariness and politically motivated interpretation. The authorities may not, for instance, take action against any content that is bashing Pakistan but may be touchy about similar attacks on the US.

Since such violations and the remedial action taken on them could become a subject of police probe, the rules state that "the intermediary shall preserve such information and associated records for at least 90 days for investigation purposes".

Given their legal repercussions, activists termed the new rules "draconian". Pranesh Prakash of Centre of Internet and Society alleged, "The rules seek to expand government's reach to control content on the internet. This is neither reasonable nor constitutional as the rules undermine the free speech guaranteed by the Constitution."

The intermediaries are also required to appoint a grievance officer and publish his contact details as well as the mechanism by which "users or any victim who suffers" can notify their complaints. The grievance officer is required to redress the complaints within one month of the receipt of the complaint.

Industry sources hold that the 36-hour deadline imposed on the intermediaries to take action on complaints would unduly affect their freedom as service providers in the Indian jurisdiction. A Google spokesperson told TOI that the proposed guidelines could be "particularly damaging to the abilities of Indians who are increasingly using the internet in order to communicate, and the many businesses that depend upon online collaboration to prosper."

Read the original article published by the Times of India here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/internet-rules-arbitary-interpretation

India Puts Tight Leash on Internet Free Speech

praskrishna — 2011-05-01T02:20:24Z

Free speech advocates and Internet users are protesting new Indian regulations restricting Web content that, among other things, can be considered “disparaging,” “harassing,” “blasphemous” or “hateful.” This article by Vikas Bajaj was published in the New York Times on April 27, 2011.

An Internet cafe in New Delhi. New rules require Web sites and service providers to remove some content that officials and even private citizens find objectionable.

The new rules, quietly issued by the country’s Department of Information Technology earlier this month and only now attracting attention, allow officials and private citizens to demand that Internet sites and service providers remove content they consider objectionable on the basis of a long list of criteria.

Critics of the new rules say the restrictions could severely curtail debate and discussion on the Internet, whose use has been growing fast in India.

The list of objectionable content is sweeping and includes anything that "threatens the unity, integrity, defense, security or sovereignty of India, friendly relations with foreign states or public order."

The rules highlight the ambivalence with which Indian officials have long treated freedom of expression. The country’s constitution allows “reasonable restrictions” on free speech but lawmakers have periodically stretched that definition to ban books, movies and other material about sensitive subjects like sex, politics and religion.

An Indian state, for example, recently banned an American author’s new biography of the Indian freedom fighter Mohandas Gandhi that critics have argued disparages Mr. Gandhi by talking about his relationship with another man.

Although fewer than 10 percent of Indians have access to the Internet, that number has been growing fast — especially on mobile devices. There are more than 700 million cellphone accounts in India.

The country has also established a thriving technology industry that writes software and creates Web services primarily for Western clients.

Even before the new rules — known as the Information Technology (Intermediaries guidelines) Rules, 2011 — India has periodically tried to restrict speech on the Internet. In 2009, the government banned a popular and graphic online comic strip, Savita Bhabhi, about a housewife with an active sex life. Indian officials have also required social networking sites like Orkut to take down posts deemed offensive to ethnic and religious groups.

Using a freedom of information law, the Center for Internet and Society, a Bangalore-based research and advocacy group, recently obtained and published a list of 11 Web sites banned by the Department of Information Technology. Other government agencies have probably blocked more sites, the group said.

The new Internet rules go further than existing Indian laws and restrictions, said Sunil Abraham, the executive director for the Center for Internet and Society. The rules require Internet “intermediaries” — an all-encompassing group that includes sites like YouTube and Facebook and companies that host Web sites or provide Internet connections — to respond to any demand to take down offensive content within 36 hours. The rules do not provide a way for content producers to defend their work or appeal a decision to take content down.

"These rules overly favor those who want to clamp down on freedom of expression," Mr. Abraham said. "Whenever there are limits of freedom of expression, in order for those limits to be considered constitutionally valid, those limits have to be clear and not be very vague. Many of these rules that seek to place limits are very, very vague."

An official for the People’s Union for Civil Liberties, an advocacy group based in New Delhi, said on Wednesday that it was considering a legal challenge to the constitutionality of the new rules.

"What are we, Saudi Arabia?" said Pushkar Raj, the group’s general secretary. "We don’t expect this from India. This is something very serious."

An official at the Department of Information Technology, Gulshan Rai, did not return calls and messages.

The rules are based on a 2008 information technology law that India’s Parliament passed shortly after a three-day siege on Mumbai by Pakistan-based terrorists that killed more than 163 people. That law, among other things, granted authorities more expansive powers to monitor electronic communications for reasons of national security. It also granted privacy protections to consumers.

While advocates for free speech and civil liberties have complained that the 2008 law goes too far in violating the rights of Indians, Internet firms have expressed support for it. The law removed liability from Internet intermediaries as long as they were not active participants in creating content that was later deemed to be offensive.

Subho Ray, the president of the Internet and Mobile Association of India, which represents companies like Google and eBay, said the liability waiver was a big improvement over a previous law that had been used to hold intermediaries liable for hosting content created by others. In 2004, for instance, the police arrested eBay’s top India executive because a user of the company’s Indian auction site had offered to sell a video clip of a teenage couple having sex.

"The new I.T. Act (2008) is, in fact, a large improvement on the old one," Mr. Ray said in an e-mail response to questions.

Mr. Ray said his association had not taken a stand on the new regulations. An India-based spokeswoman for Google declined to comment on the new rules, saying the company needed more time to respond.

Along with the new content regulations, the government also issued rules governing data security, Internet cafes and the electronic provision of government services.

Read the original article published by the New York Times here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/internet-free-speech

India Can Restrict 'Objectionable' Web Content under New Rules

praskrishna — 2011-05-23T09:48:17Z

Internet sites and service providers in India now have the authority to order the quick deletion of offensive online content – in a move that is causing great concern among free speech proponents. This article by Ed Silverstein was featured in TMCnet Legal on April 27, 2011.

The new rules are called "the Information Technology (Intermediaries guidelines) Rules, 2011" and allow for rejecting content that is found to be objectionable.

"The list of objectionable content is sweeping and includes anything that ‘threatens the unity, integrity, defense, security or sovereignty of India, friendly relations with foreign states or public order," reports The New York Times.

The new rules are also more restrictive than prior laws, Sunil Abraham, the executive director for the Centre for Internet and Society, told The New York Times.

The rules require that intermediaries, who include websites like YouTube and Facebook (News - Alert) and companies that host Web sites, remove offensive content within 36 hours, The Times said. There apparently is no appeal process, The Times adds.

"These rules overly favor those who want to clamp down on freedom of expression," Abraham told The Times. "Whenever there are limits of freedom of expression, in order for those limits to be considered constitutionally valid, those limits have to be clear and not be very vague. Many of these rules that seek to place limits are very, very vague."

The Times of India also complained that, "While most of the restrictions in the rules are based on the criminal law (stuff that is blasphemous, obscene, defamatory, paedophilic, etc.), some are so loosely worded that they could easily be misused against netizens accustomed to speaking their mind freely, whether on politics or otherwise."

For example, one prohibition is saying something that would be "insulting" to "any other nation," The Times of India said.

"Since this expression has been mentioned without any qualifications, it could be invoked against anybody who talks disparagingly about other countries," The Times of India explains.

In addition, India’s MediaNama, adds, "These rules give the Indian government the ability to gag free speech, and block any website it deems fit, without publicly disclosing why sites have been blocked, who took the decision to block it, and just as importantly, providing adequate recourse to blogs, sites and online and mobile businesses, for getting the block removed."

Free speech advocates may try to challenge in the new rules in Indian courts.

In addition, the Indian government has issued new regulations on data security and Internet cafes, The New York Times reports.

The New York Times also reported that an India-based spokeswoman for Google (News - Alert) declined to immediately comment on the new rules.

But a Google spokesperson told The Times of India the guidelines may be "particularly damaging to the abilities of Indians who are increasingly using the internet in order to communicate, and the many businesses that depend upon online collaboration to prosper."

The Bangalore-based Centre for Internet and Society has also published a list of 11 Web sites banned by the India’s Department of Information Technology.

In a related matter, TMCnet reports that Freedom House has ranked India 14th among 37 countries on "free and unrestricted access to the web."

The number of Indians with Internet access is increasing, with many users in the nation favoring mobile devices. Over 700 million cellphone accounts now exist in India, The New York Times said.

Read the original here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/india-can-restrict-objectionable-web-content

Iraqi Minister meets Secretary, Indian Ministry of Panchayat Raj

praskrishna — 2011-05-01T03:52:26Z

His Excellency Mr. Abdul Kareem El-Samarai, the Iraqi Minister of Science and Technology was among 15 other senior bureaucrats from Iraq who met with Mr. ANP Sinha, Secretary, Ministry of Panchayati Raj to discuss the Ministry’s efforts at introducing ICT at the Panchayat level through its e-Panchayat initiatives. This was as part of their study tour to India in association with UNDP-Iraq and UNDP-India. They also met with Mr. Shankar Aggarwal, Additional Secretary, DIT earlier in the day who briefed them about the various aspects of the National e-Governance Plan envisaged by the Government of India to make government services accessible and affordable to all Indian citizens. This news was published by the Karnataka News Network on April 27, 2011.

"India-Iraq cooperation will extend beyond ICT to all other areas of governance within two months" announced Mr. El-Samarai in a separate meeting today as part of the study tour in Delhi convened by Communication Multimedia and Infrastructure (CMAI) Association of India in partnership with the Centre for Internet and Society, Bangalore.

The meeting was also attended by top level telecom officials of the country including Mr. Satya Pal, Advisor to the DoT, Mr. NK Goyal, President, CMAI, Mr. B.M. Baveja, Senior Director and Group Head, Ministry of IT and Mr. S.N. Gupta, Chief Regulatory Officer, BT Telecom among others. Mr. El-Samarai emphasised that Iraq’s newly elected Government is stable and is taking all efforts to use ICT to provide basic services to Iraqi citizens apart from forwarding reforms in health and educational sectors. He stressed on the need for Iraq’s neighbours to respect the sovereignty of the country and welcomed India’s cooperation in Iraq’s efforts in introducing e-governance initiatives and use of ICT in the country. "We look forward to cooperation with India in enhancing our national efforts at governance reform", he said.

"E-Governance is crucial to effect a higher growth rate in India – upto 12% - and ensure that the growth is inclusive and sustainable", said Mr. Aggarwal while noting that e-governance is not only electronic governance but also “empowered governance". The delegates were also addressed about the recent developments in the e-governance strategy of the government including formulation of the National e-Governance Plan, mobile governance and standardisation initiatives, and establishment of data centres and Citizen Service Centres (CSCs) across the country.

The delegation's visit to Delhi was followed by their visit to Bangalore last week in context of the ‘Building e-Iraq National e-Governance Strategy’ of the Iraqi Government which attempts to increase transparency and government accountability in Iraq through ICT in addition to providing better services to citizens through e-governance initiatives. “This visit is not an end in itself but the beginning of an expanded cooperation between Iraqi and Indian Governments in forwarding national efforts at development and reform through use of technology”, said Ms. Caitlin Wiesen, Country Director of UNDP-India.

The delegation visited the National Informatics Centre and got a glimpse of the technology used at the NIC to manage data integration and ICT infrastructure for the entire e-government framework of the country. They also got a direct experience of the technology as they interacted with the NIC officials at Gandhinagar and Chennai directly from the Delhi office through video conferencing technology. Mr. B.K. Gairola, Director General of NIC addressed the delegation about the functions of the NIC including infrastructure for GIS facilities, cyber security for government departments, establishment of data centres and MMPs executed by the NIC to strengthen e-governance processes in the country.

The delegation had a meeting with the Secretary, IT, Government of Delhi yesterday about the National Convergence Mission Plan. They had also visited Narayana Hrudayalaya, Bangalore One Centre and Azim Premji Foundation in Bangalore last week apart from other e-governance initiatives. “We really appreciate the efforts of UNDP in organising the study tour and we will take all efforts to strengthen the relationship that Iraq shares with India”, said Mr. El-Samarai. The last leg of the study tour included a meeting with Mr. Patrice Coeur-Bizot, UNDP Resident Representative who noted that 60 years of cooperation between UNDP-India and the Indian Government resulted in the first ever discussion on e-governance in India under the auspices of the UNDP. “I cannot stress enough on the importance of forging synergy of efforts between UNDP-India and the Iraqi e-Government initiative”, he said. The tour will be concluded by a reception hosted by the Country Representative, UNDP-India before returning to Baghdad.

For more details contact- krithika@cis-india.org (Krithika Dutta, Centre for Internet and Society-Bangalore)

Read the original news published by Karnataka News Network here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/iraq-tour-of-india

The world is your oyster, by invitation only

praskrishna — 2011-05-01T01:40:59Z

Recent trends show the world of social networking actually reflects the social divides and groupings in the real world. This article by Shreya Ray was published in the Livemint on April 26, 2011.

Looking for love and thinking it’s a shame someone as gorgeous as you is single? Worry not, for Beautifulpeople.com is here. The UK-based site guarantees beautiful singletons a chance to find “beautiful relationships” through their network. The homepage gives you a little snapshot into what they are all about. A cluster of model-like people, different ethnicities and yet, ironically, strikingly similar in their Anglo-Saxon good looks: high cheekbones and sharp noses. Membership is open for all with one caveat: The photo you submit must first be rated by your peer group (that is, the people already deemed “beautiful” by the website), only then do you get admission.

Based on a similar principle of peer-group approval is Facebook’s Compare People application, where you rate friends based on their smile, eyes, sex appeal, profile picture (and other school-report card qualities such as “helpfulness”). And then, of course, there are quizzes such as “How Beautiful Are You”, in which too your final score is based on where you stand vis-à-vis other people in the network.

To be fair, this isn’t just a fetish of the beautiful and those who want to officially belong to “beautiful-only” groups. Because, in just the same way, the social networking world is just as populated by people wanting to either be part of “rich-only” (Affluence.org) or “smart only” (Epernicus.com, for researchers) groups, and most recently, the India-based Vagad Visible (Vagadvisible.com, for the Vagads, a small clan within Kutchi Jains), among others. The world of social networking is about everyone wanting to be something “only” and in that sense, to quote Chicago-based social networking expert David Armano, it is “less about being social”.

Exclusivity: The invite-only system allows social networks and other Web platforms to control and stagger the growing load on their infrastructure. Raajan/Mint

Unsocial networking

One of the latest improvements on Facebook towards the end of 2010 was the option that allows you to edit friends with hyperactive user activity (people who are forever cluttering your page with Farmville updates or quizzes) and “hide” such user activity from your feed. “On Facebook, groups are smaller gatherings, individuals which are invite-only. On Twitter, users create lists to help them filter out signal from noise. Lists on Twitter are not really about exclusivity, but they do say something about how people desire to extract more value from a network,” says Armano, in an email interview.

Sunil Abraham, executive director of the research institute Centre for Internet and Society, Bangalore, says the “hierarchy on the online attention economy often reflects the class and social divides in the real world”.The term attention economy was first used by Michael Goldhaber in December 1997 to describe a new arrangement in which the “flow of attention” metaphorically replaced money as the currency of the Internet.

Quantitative research in the Philippines has shown that rich people are less likely to respond to messages that say “will you be my friend”, he adds, citing the work of researcher Raul Pertierra. “On Facebook, the act of friending someone may appear symmetric. But privacy settings on content, groups and feed configurations may be used to fine-tune the exact power dynamics of the relationship. In platforms such as Twitter, the asymmetry is explicit: For example, Twitter, where I can follow you but you need not follow me,” he says.

Technology has aided this aspect of exclusivity. “There are now beta releases of social software which typically get released to a smaller group of influential and digital savvy individuals. There are now services such as Klout that partner with brands to reward individuals who have the largest social graphs,” adds Armano. Klout measures your overall online influence using over 35 variables on Facebook and Twitter and rates you as True Reach, Amplification Probability, and Network Score.

The other way of practising exclusivity—unlike Facebook, Twitter and other “open” networks—is to just come out and say it: invite only. Beautifulpeople.com will only admit you on the basis of your looks; asmallworld (Asmallworld.net), becoming increasingly popular among the First World swish set, can only be accessed by invitation; and Affluence.org very categorically states it is a place for wealthy individuals to “connect” (membership is free but requires a verifiable minimum household net worth of $1 million, or Rs. 4.5 crore) and “engage in meaningful conversations”. There are others that are slightly work oriented: The Behance network (Behance.net) is a place for creative professionals and you have to seek a membership invitation by describing your creative work. Sermo (Sermo.com) is a place for physicians to “share medical insights”.

Vahad Visible is completely restricted to the Vahad community (a user’s credentials are authenticated by a phone interview and other records), and is social networking meets matrimonial meets classified ads.

The why

There are many reasons for this exclusivity. First, technical. “The invite-only system allows social networks and other Web platforms to control and stagger the growing load on their infrastructure,” says Abraham.

There is also a marketing and commercial aspect to it. Affluence.org, for instance, provides a forum for “exclusive, high quality content and advice from experts on subjects such as art, technology and travel”. Similarly, asmallworld has advertisements for accommodation (it also doubles up as a couch-surfing site of sorts, only these are all rich people living in the First World), among others. Both the technical and the commercial aspects, however, are tied to the larger, that is, sociological aspect of exclusivity. For instance, the “invite-only” system also creates a sense of exclusivity and then drives registrations, says Abraham.

Sociologically, the recipient of this exclusivity, according to Armano, “feels special and rewarded for their social status”. “Those who deal in exclusivity are looking to create smaller “higher quality” networks of individuals who they deem are connected in a way which benefits them,” he says. The way we configure our social network and allow access to our feeds on Twitter or the Facebook page are based on our individual priorities and objectives. “Exclusive social networks are meant for those with overlapping priorities and objectives. The generic social networking websites are meant for finding long-lost classmates and friends and weak ties in general. Exclusive social networks are for accumulating new contacts and building strong ties,” says Abraham.

The dichotomy about social networks, adds Armano, is that “in theory, they flatten social norms” and also make certain things more accessible—like personal publishing. “However, networks do not guarantee that you will find yourself in the desirable social circles. You still have to do that the old-fashioned way—networking,” he adds.

Read the original article published by Livemint here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/world-is-your-oyster

CDT Provides Answers to Questions on Internet Neutrality

pranesh — 2012-06-04T05:56:46Z

Pranesh Prakash of CIS asked David Sohn of CDT a few pointed questions on the emerging hot topic of 'Internet neutrality', and received very useful responses. Those questions and Mr. Sohn's responses are documented in this blog post.

As part of the Centre for Democracy and Technology's (CDT's) excellent "Ask CDT" initiative, we were provided the opportunity to clear up some of our doubts around "net neutrality" (which CDT prefers referring to as Internet neutrality rather than network neutrality) by asking an expert: David Sohn, CDT's Senior Policy Counsel. Reproduced below are the questions that I asked (inset and in gray), and David's replies (provided below each question). Some of the questions I asked below were doubts that I had, while some others are instances of donning the roles of devil's advocate. We hope this will be helpful in clarifying doubts that some of the readers of this blog have had as well.

1a. "As far as I can understand, content distribution networks (CDNs) such as Akamai, don't really fall within your understanding of violations of Internet neutrality. Why not? In what cases is 'spending more to get faster speeds' permitted for content hosts? Since not only specialised companies like Akamai, but regular Tier 1 companies like Level3 and AT&T also engage in CDN-like behaviour, does it make it more liable to illicit/underhand/non-transparent service differentiation techniques?"

1a. That's correct, CDNs don't violate either Internet neutrality principles or the FCC's recent rules. I talked about this at some length in a blog post a couple years ago. The short answer is that Internet neutrality does not aim to guarantee that all online content and services will work equally well, but rather to prevent ISPs from exercising "gatekeeper" control with respect to their subscribers. Thus, content providers who have money can purchase various advantages -- for example, more or better servers, upgraded software, or caching services from a CDN such as Akamai. Significantly, things like servers and caching are available from competitive sources; no supplier has gatekeeper control. In contrast, priority treatment on the transmission facilities serving any given Internet user is an advantage that only that user's ISP could provide. Another difference is that when one content provider purchases caching, it doesn't slow anybody else's traffic (indeed, it could speed it up, since it may help reduce overall network congestion). By contrast, when an ISP designates favoured traffic for priority transmission, non-favoured traffic by definition is de-prioritized. Think about a line of "bits" waiting in a router queue -- if you let some bits "cut in line," it inevitably lengthens the wait for those who don't get to cut. Given CDT's general comfort level with CDNs and the existence of competitive offerings in the marketplace, I'm not too concerned about who provides the service (Akamai, Level3, AT&T, etc.). It doesn't seem to be a case of the ISP leveraging its unique control over access to subscribers.

1b. "A large part of the claims of Internet neutrality supporters are founded on the basis of 'dumb networks', which can also be seen as a reformulation of the end-to-end principle. A question arises, which is often posed by the likes of Dave Farber, Bob Kahn and Robert Pepper: why should we stick dogmatically to the end-to-end principle when embedding 'intelligence' in the core is/will soon be a viable option *without* jeopardising the simplicity of the Internet? If you are fine with CDNs, then are you fine with a partial supplanting of the dogmatism of the end-to-end principle (because, after all, CDNs are in a sense, intelligence in the core rather than in the edges)?"

1b. I don't think that supporting Internet neutrality requires a dogmatic opposition to any and all built-in "intelligence" in the network. Certainly a strong case can be made for handling certain network management matters, such as some cyber security issues, at the network level. I get concerned on neutrality grounds not by the mere existence of "intelligence" in the core, but by the use of that intelligence to make judgments and decisions about which applications and services are most important or most in need of special treatment -- as opposed to remaining application-agnositic or, in the alternative, leaving the decision to end users. Intelligence that is put in the service of end users, allowing the users themselves to make judgments about what to prioritize, does not concern me at all. But if the network-level intelligence results in broader reliance on centralized evaluation and categorization of the type or content of Internet communications, and centralized decisions about what to favor or disfavor, then I think it poses a neutrality problem. The bottom line is, the idea that networks could benefit from some built-in intelligence does not argue for giving ISPs unbounded discretion to discriminate among traffic. Indeed, a network that empowered users themselves to determine the relative priority levels of their traffic based on their individual needs would be far "smarter" than on in which ISPs make broad, across-the-board choices.

2. "What is the bright-line rule that separates some IP-based networks that are 'private' (and hence free to do as they please), and others that are part of the 'Internet' (and hence need to follow Internet neutrality)? Where does IPTV fall? (While answering that question, think not only of present-day IPTV, but keep in mind its potential applications.) Where do 'walled gardens' of the WWW fall?"

2. In CDT's view, Internet access service provides a general-purpose ability to send and receive data communications across the Internet. Other services could be exempt from neutrality rules if they serve specific and limited functional purposes and have limited impact on the technical performance of Internet traffic. CDT's comments to the FCC went into considerable detail -- see, for example, the comments we filed in October. The FCC rules took a similar but not identical tack, saying that Internet access services are services that provide the capability to send and receive data "from all or substantially all Internet endpoints" or that provide a functional equivalent of such a service. In any event, the question of how clear the line is between Internet access services that are subject to neutrality rules and other services that are not is an important one that will bear close watching over time. As for IPTV, it offers a specific function -- access to video programming -- rather than general purpose access to the entire Internet. So IPTV can be distinguished from Internet service. As for "walled gardens," it likely would depend how large the garden is. If the garden seeks to offer a wide enough variety of sites that it can be used as a substitute for Internet access, then the FCC could choose to apply neutrality rules. At some point, a garden can become big and general-purpose enough that it is effectively serving as a non-neutral version of an Internet access service. That kind of end-run around neutrality rules shouldn't be allowed.

3a. "Should Internet neutrality be kept at the level of non-enforceable (but still important) enunciation of principles, or should they be enforceable laws? In either case, who has the authority to regulate Internet neutrality, given the non-territoriality of the 'Internet' (and especially keeping in mind the direction that ICANN's been taking with things like the Affirmation of Commitments). Why should the FCC have such powers? Why should any American governmental body have such powers?"

3a. It is important to have some enforceable rules. The FCC enunciated principles back in its 2005 broadband Policy Statement -- but when the agency tried to act after Comcast violated those principles, a court ruled that the FCC had no ability to do so. Enunciated principles are of little value if ISPs are free to violate them without consequence. For U.S. Internet users, I think the FCC is an appropriate agency in which to lodge the authority to police neutrality violations; the FCC has a long history of working to ensure that providers of physical communications infrastructure do not abuse their position. And since the focus is on the provisions of physical communications connections, I don't the the territoriality issue you raise is a major problem. The United States has the authority to establish rules for companies providing last-mile communications links to U.S.-based subscribers. The Internet is of course a global medium, but the endpoint connections have a clear geographic location.

3b. "If Internet neutrality is really about ensuring fair competition (so an ISP doesn't promote one company's content), then why not just allow competition law / anti-trust law to ensure that fair competition? What are the lacunae in global competition laws that necessitate the separate articulation of 'Internet neutrality' principles/rules?"

3b. The ability of antitrust law to protect Internet openness is pretty limited. Absent a clear anticompetitive motive, network operators likely could curtail Internet openness in a variety of ways without running afoul of antitrust law. Antitrust’s prohibition against anticompetitive conduct is a far cry from any kind of affirmative policy to preserve the Internet’s uniquely open network structure. Nor can antitrust law take into account the major non-economic reasons for maintaining an open Internet, such as the impact on independent speech and civic empowerment. Finally, as a practical matter, antitrust cases tend to drag on for many years. Individual innovators and small startup companies – key beneficiaries of Internet openness – are unlikely to be in a position to bring antitrust cases against major network operators.

4a. "One of the strongest arguments of anti-Internet neutrality folks is that adoption of Internet neutrality principles/rules will ensure that it is only the consumers who foot the bill for bandwidth consumption, and bandwidth hogs (like NetFlix) don't ever pay. This, they say, is unfair on consumers. How do you respond to this?"

4a. First, I question the statement that "bandwidth hogs like NetFlix don't ever pay." For starters, NetFlix buys a huge amount of bandwidth connecting its servers to the Internet. Once on the Internet, its traffic is carried onward pursuant to peering agreements between the ISPs and backbone providers. When NetFlix traffic volume grows, it may trigger new payment demands between carriers, as we've seen in the recent dispute between Comcast and Level3. But the bottom line is, nobody is forced to carry any traffic they haven't contractually agreed to handle. Of course, it is true that NetFlix doesn't make payments to (for example) AT&T for delivering NetFlix traffic to AT&T's customers. That might seem unfair if you think of NetFlix as a "bandwidth hog" eating up AT&T's capacity. I believe that is the wrong way to think about it. NetFlix has no ability to forcefeed traffic onto AT&T's network. Every bit it sends was requested by an AT&T subscriber. So if there are "bandwidth hogs" here, they are the end users -- they are the ones that pull all those bits onto AT&T's network. And they have already paid AT&T for the ability to get those bits. I would add that when individual users choose to download huge volumes, I have no problem with the ISP charging them more. Second, you suggest that it may be unfair to ask consumers to foot the full bill for their connectivity. But the Internet is such an open and innovation-friendly platform precisely because it is so user-driven. This user-centric focus could change if ISPs start thinking of themselves as providing services not just to end user subscribers, but also to non-subscribers such as large online content providers to whom the ISPs do not directly provide bandwidth. The ISPs would then have divided loyalties; rather than just focusing on empowering users, they would be collecting fees to steer users in particular directions. Sure, in other contexts there are examples of "two-sided markets" in which end users foot only part of the bill. Newspapers are often cited. But including paid advertising in newspapers doesn't have much impact in how the overall product is perceived or presented to users. In contrast, ISPs charging content providers for special transmission priority would be akin to a newspaper in which advertisers pay not just to place ads, but also to influence where the substantive articles appear -- which ones go on the front page and which on the interior, for example. In turn, content providers of all stripes would need to think about striking deals with multiple ISPs -- something that is not necessary today. In the end, turning the Internet into a two-sided market would make the medium dramatically less open, less innovative, and less empowering of users.

4b. "If a consumer wants a faster connection (to access content faster), she can get that by paying the ISP more and getting more bandwidth. If a business wants a faster connection (to deliver content faster), it can get that by paying the ISP more bandwidth. However, certain kinds of paying for faster delivery of content are sought to be curbed. Where should we draw that line? And Why should we hold on so dearly to a certain model of accounting for costs?"

4b. Consumers and businesses should be able to pay their respective ISPs for more bandwidth. I think that is very different from paying other people's ISPs for preferential treatment. The latter arrangement turns ISPs into gatekeepers with respect to their subscribers -- because once the quality of delivery depends on which content providers have struck a deal with the subscribers' ISP, every content provider needs to negotiate with that ISP in order to keep up with its competitors. We hold on to the Internet's model of accounting for costs because it is part of what makes the Internet such an open, innovative environment: content providers and innovators don't face the hurdle of having to negotiate deals with all their users' ISPs.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cdt-internet-neutrality

India Proposes Restrictions on Tapping Telephone Calls

praskrishna — 2011-05-06T05:53:43Z

An Indian government report has recommended that interception of telephone calls by government agencies should be limited to situations when there is a "public emergency" or "public safety" is at stake. John Riberio's article appeared in the PC World, TechWorld and CIO. Pranesh Prakash, program manager from the Centre for Internet and Society has been quoted in these articles.

John Riberio's article was published in the following publications:

PC World [April 26, 2011]
TechWorld [April 26, 2011]
CIO [April 26, 2011]

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/tapping-telephone-calls

The DNA Profiling Bill 2007 and Privacy

elonnai — 2012-03-21T09:40:56Z

In 2007 a bill known as the Draft DNA Profiling Bill was piloted by the Centre for DNA Fingerprinting and Diagnostics, an autonomous organization funded by the Department of Biotechnology, Ministry of Science and Technology, Government of India. The below is a background to DNA collection/analysis in India, and a critique of the Bill a from a privacy perspective.

Introduction

In 2007 a bill known as the Draft DNA Profiling Bill was piloted by the Centre for DNA Fingerprinting and Diagnostics, an autonomous organization funded by the Department of Biotechnology, Ministry of Science and Technology, Government of India[1]. The Bill is pending in parliament. The DNA Profiling Bill looks to legalize the collection and analysis of DNA samples for forensic purposes. We believe that it is important that collection of DNA has associated legislation and regulation, because DNA is sensitive physical evidence that if used correctly can benefit the public good, but if misused can lead to serious privacy and human rights violations. Therefore it is important to create a balance between the constitutional rights of an individual and the public interest and bring accountability and transparency to the practice of DNA collection and testing.

In our research we consulted with GeneWatch UK to learn from their work and experience with DNA testing in the UK. This briefing is meant to give a background on the logistics of DNA testing, highlight ways in which DNA testing raises privacy concerns, and provide a critique of the DNA Profiling Bill.

Background Facts about DNA and DNA testing:

What is DNA: DNA is material that determines a persons hereditary traits such as hair color, eye color, body structure etc. Most DNA is located in the cell nucleus, and wrapped up in small structures called chromosomes. Every person inherits 50% of genetic material from their mother and 50% from their father. Genetic disorders are caused by mutations in a person's DNA, and comparing DNA within families can reveal paternity and non-paternity. DNA is found in every cell of our bodies, and each person has a unique strand of DNA [2]. Thus, DNA is seen as a useful form of identification with marginal room for error [3].

What is a DNA profile/ DNA database, and how can it be used/misused:

When DNA samples are taken from individuals they are analyzed in laboratories to produce a digitized representation of numbers known as a DNA profile. Once created, a DNA profile is stored on a DNA database (i.e. an electronic database) with other identifying information from the individual and information from the crime scene. A DNA profile is based on parts of a person's DNA, so it is not unique to an individual. The probability of an individual's DNA profile matching a stranger's by chance is very small, but not impossible. To collect a sample of DNA police normally use a mouth swab to scrape cells from inside the suspect's cheek. If the individual refuses, their DNA can be obtained by pulling some hairs out of their head (cut hair does not contain DNA, it is only in the roots), if the law allows DNA to be taken without consent. DNA samples are also collected from crime scenes, for example from a blood stain, and analyzed in the same way. DNA samples are sometimes stored indefinitely in the laboratory with a bar code number (or other information) that allows them to be linked back to the individual [3]. Stored DNA profiles from crime scenes can be helpful to exonerate an innocent person who is falsely accused of a crime if their DNA does not match a crime scene DNA profile that is thought to have come from the perpetrator. However, stored DNA profiles from individuals are not needed for exoneration because the individual's DNA can always be tested directly (it does not need to be stored on a database). Collecting DNA profiles from individuals can be useful during an investigation, to compare with a crime scene DNA profile and either exonerate an individual or confirm they are a suspect for the crime. Corroborating evidence is always needed because of the possibility of false matches (which can occur by chance or due to laboratory errors) and because there may be an innocent explanation for an individual's DNA being at a crime scene, or their DNA could have been planted there. Storing DNA profiles from individuals on a database is only useful to implicate those individuals in possible future crimes, not to exonerate innocent people, or to solve past crimes. An individual is implicated as a possible suspect for a crime if their stored DNA profile matches a new crime scene DNA profile that is loaded on to the database. For this reason, most countries only store DNA profiles from individuals who have committed serious crimes and may be at risk of re-offending in the future. Stored DNA profiles could in theory be used to track any individual on the database or to identify their relatives, so strict safeguards are needed to prevent misuse [4].

DNA testing in India:

At present, India does not have a national law that empowers the government to collect and store DNA profiles of convicts, but DNA collection and testing and is taking place in many states. For instance, in Pune the army is currently considering creating DNA profiles of troops who are involved in hazardous tasks inorder to help identify bodies mutilated beyond recognition [5]. In December of this year a judge in the Supreme Court ordered DNA testing on a congress spokesmen to determine if his child was really his child [6]. Also in December this year a news article announced the establishment of the first DNA profiling databank in Nehru Nagar [7]. Additionally DNA has been used to identify criminals , for instance in the Tandoor Murder DNA testing was used to reveal the identity of the culprit [8].

India hosts both private and public DNA labs. Public labs are sponsored by the Government, and use DNA purely for forensic purposes. For example The Centre for DNA Fingerprinting and Diagnostics (CDFD) located in Hyderabad is sponsored by the Department of Biotechnology and Ministry of Science. CDFD runs DNA testing for: establishment of parentage, identification of mutilated remains, establishment of biological relationships for immigration, organ transplantation, property inheritance cases, identification of missing children and child swapping in hospitals, identification of rapist in rape cases, identification in the case of murder.

Cases are only accepted by CDFD if they are referred by law enforcement agencies or by a court of law. Only an officer of the rank Inspector of Police or above may forward DNA cases to CDFD. Copies of DNA report are released to individuals if they are able to prove needed interest in the case through a notarized affidavit [9]. In 2010 CDFD received 100 cases from law enforcing agencies. Additionally, in 2010 CDFD was given rupees eighteen lakhs thirty nine thousand five hundred and forty five from the Government of India towards DNA fingerprinting services [10]. The Indian Government has also established National Facilities for Training in DNA Profiling in order to train individuals in DNA testing and expand the number of DNA examiners and laboratories available in the country [11].

Examples of private DNA labs include DNA labs India and Truth Labs. DNA labs India runs paternity testing, forensic testing, prenatal testing, and genetic testing [12]. Truth Labs is a private lab that provides legal services directly, without a court or police order [13].

The Complexity of privacy and DNA collection/ testing:
As mentioned above, the personal and sensitive nature of DNA, the use of DNA raises many privacy concerns. The concerns fall into three basic areas: first, if a person has given consent to have his or her DNA used for a specific purpose, must the DNA be destroyed or can it be used for other purposes as well? Related to that, if a person must give consent for a specific purpose, what happens if the person is no longer able to give consent -- if, for example, the person has died? Finally, if the testing of one person's DNA yields information that is likely, or probable, or certain to impact another person, does that person have a right to know the information discovered? There are variations on these questions -- as for example does DNA is permitted to be taken without consent (to test for a crime, perhaps), does that lack of need for consent permit all uses of DNA that others want. Who decides? The complexity of these questions demonstrates that in the situation of DNA collection and testing privacy cannot be protected simply through consent from an individual. Instead the law must permit specific thresholds to be established in order to cover the privacy needs of different situations.

Can DNA evidence be considered self-incriminating evidence?
According to the Supreme Court fingerprinting and other physical evidence is not covered by article 20(3). In the case of State of Bombay v. Kathi Kalu Oghad, the courts answered the question of whether or not the freedom against self-incrimination guaranteed under article 20(3) of the Constitution of India – which is meant to protect a person from torture from the police – can be extended to the collection of DNA? the courts answered this question by upholding that
“To be a witness may be equivalent to ‘furnishing evidence’ in the sense of making oral or written statement, but not in the larger sense of the expression so as to include giving of thumb impression or impression of palm or foot or fingers or specimen writing or exposing a part of the body by an accused person for purposes of identification [14]”

Critique of the DNA Profiling Bill 2007

Does India already have sufficient legislation?
The collection and use of biometrics for identification of criminals legally began in India during the 1920's with the approval of the Identification of Prisoners Bill 1920 [15]. The object of the Bill is to “provide legal authority for the taking of measurements of finger impression, foot-prints, and photographs of persons convicted or arrested…”[16] The Bill is still enforced in India, and in October 2010 was amended by the State Government of Tamil Nadu to include “blood samples” as a type of forensic evidence [17]. Other Indian legislation pertaining to forensic evidence is the CrPC and the Indian Evidence Act. In 2005 section 53A of the CrPC was amended to authorize investigating officers to collect DNA samples with the help of a registered medical practitioner, but the Indian Evidence Act fails to manage science and technology issues effectively [18]. The current state of statutes for DNA collection in India are not sufficient as the neglect to lay out precise procedures for collection, processing, storage, and dissemination of DNA samples. One question to consider though is if the Prisoners Identification Bill, CrPC, and Indian Evidence Act could be amended to incorporate DNA, and the needed safeguards, as a type of forensic evidence for all of India.

Lack of requirement for additional evidence: The preamble of the DNA Profiling Bill states that “The Deoxyribose Nucleic Acid (DNA) analysis of body substances is a powerful technology that makes it possible to determine whether the source of origin of one body substance is identical to that of another, and further to establish the biological relationship, if any, between two individuals, living or dead without any Doubt.” This statement is untrue as DNA test can be compromised under many circumstances including: techniques for declaring a match, the proficiency of examiners, laboratory control standards and statistical problems, and DNA samples can become degraded due to age or exposure to chemical or bacterial agents [19]. Because DNA is not foolproof individuals can be falsely implicated in a crime as a result of an incorrect DNA match. The Bill needs to put in place procedures for the court to recognize the fact that DNA is not 100% foolproof, present the statistics correctly, and require supporting evidence [20].

Scope for DNA Collection: The stated object of the DNA Bill is to: “enhance protection of people and administration of justice, analysis of DNA found at the crime scene, establish identity of victim and offender”. The list of offenses and situations in which the collection and testing of DNA is permitted, found in the Schedule of the Bill, provides for the collection DNA from individuals who are not related to a crime scene, are not victims, and are not criminals. Furthermore, section 13(xxii) allows this list to be expanded by the DNA board. We believe these sections should be omitted from the scope of the Bill, so that it is limited to only identifying individuals who are victims and offenders, and that a statutory body besides the DNA board be given the authority to expand the list of proposed offences [21]. Furthermore, within the Bill there are many places where vague language permits the DNA testing of individuals who are not yet convicted of a crime, which will constitute an invasion of privacy unless the DNA is provided voluntarily to release a person suspected or accused of a crime [22]. Additionally as mentioned above it is critical that the Bill recognizes and allows for different thresholds of privacy when collecting, analyzing and sharing DNA profiles.

Clear definition of when collection of DNA samples can be taken: The schedule of the Bill only lists the offenses and situations for which the collection of DNA is permitted. We believe a provision must be added that clarify when exactly DNA can be collected e.g. whether the DNA can be collected on arrest or on charge, whether the DNA has to be relevant to the offence, or whether the police decide this for themselves, and what are the oversight mechanisms for these decisions [23].

Privacy Principles: The Bill enables the DNA Profiling Board to recommend privacy protection statutes, regulations, and practices concerning: use and dissemination, accuracy, security, and confidentiality, and destruction of DNA information [24]. Privacy principles should not be left to recommendations by the board or to regulations of the Bill, but instead should be incorporated into the Bill itself to ensure that such practices are in place if the Bill is passed. Furthermore, the appropriate collection, access, and retention of DNA information should be specified in this Bill.

Obligations for DNA laboratories: Section 19 of the Bill lays out the obligations of DNA laboratories [25]. We recommend that the implementation of a privacy policy should be mandatory under this section.

Storage of DNA profiles and samples: Currently the Bill allows for the complete storage of DNA of: volunteers, suspects, victims, offenders, children (with parental consent), and convicted persons. DNA samples taken from individuals contain unlimited genetic information (including health-related information) and are not needed for identification purposes once the profiles have been obtained from them, thus we recommend that the bill requires that DNA samples be stored temporarily for quality assurance purposes (e.g. for up to six months) and then destroyed to prevent misuse. This is an important privacy protection, which also reduces the cost of storing samples. The only purpose of retaining DNA profiles on a criminal database is to help identify the individual if they reoffend. Thus we recommend that the criminal databases should be restricted to holding DNA profiles only from convicted persons, and the types of offence and time period for retention should be limited. Although DNA profiles may have alternative uses other than solving crimes (e.g. identifying missing persons) we recommend that the missing persons databases are kept separate from criminal databases. Furthermore, although collecting DNA from victims and volunteers may be useful during the investigation of a crime, DNA profiles obtained from victims and volunteers should be destroyed once an investigation is complete.

Conflicting Clauses: Section 14 of the Bill provides that DNA laboratories can only undertake DNA procedures with the approval, in writing, from the DNA profiling Board. Section 15(2) contradicts this statement by permitting already existing DNA laboratories to function and use DNA already collected even before they receive approval from the DNA profiling Board. We suggest that Section 14 is clearly written so that DNA laboratories that have already been set up are unable to continue functioning until they have met the approval of the DNA Profiling Board, and Section 15(2) should thus be deleted.

Access: According to section 41 of the Bill, the Data Bank Manager is given sole discretion as to who may have access to the DNA database, including persons given access for training purposes [26]. Low standards such as these vest too much discretion in the Data Bank Manager. We recommend that access is strictly limited to trained personnel who have undergone proper security clearance. Furthermore, we recommend that the role of Data Bank Manager be analogous to a custodian for the databank. Thus, the manager would be accountable for the integrity and security of the data held in the DNA databank.

Offenses: Though the Bill provides for penalties such as unauthorized access, disclosure, destruction, alterations, and tampering [27], the Bill fails to provide punishment for the illegal collection of DNA samples. This should be made an offense under the Bill.

Redress: The Bill provides no redress mechanism to an individual whose DNA was illegally used or collected. Furthermore, section 49 (1) only permits the Central Government or DNA Profiling Board to bring complaints to the courts [28]. Thus, we recommend that individuals are enabled to bring charges against entities (such as DNA labs or police officials) for the misuse of their data.

Delegation of powers: The Bill allows the DNA Profiling Board to form committees of the members and delegate them the powers and functions of the board. This clause could allow outsourcing, and could allow a dilution of authority by which the DNA Profiling Board weighs approval or rejection of requests [29]. We recommend that the outsourcing of functions be limited to administration duties and jobs that do not directly relate to the core duties of the DNA Profiling Board.

Access by law enforcement agencies: The Bill currently allows for the DNA Profiling Board to grant law enforcement agencies access to DNA profiles [30]. We recommend that DNA profiles are only accessed by the Data Bank Manager. Law enforcement agencies should send requests for matches to the Data Bank Manager, and the Manger would provide the needed intelligence [31].

Public interest: The Bill allows for DNA laboratories to continue to operate, even if the laboratory has violated the specified procedures, if the DNA Profiling Board finds it in the public interest [32]. We believe that where there have been violations, a laboratory should be required to demonstrate remediation before being allowed to resume operations.

Contamination of DNA samples: Currently the Bill holds laboratories responsible for “minimizing the contamination of DNA.”[33] DNA Laboratories should be held fully and legally responsible for preserving the quality of DNA samples. If a DNA sample is contaminated, and the DNA lab does not follow due diligence to discard the contaminated sample and or collect a new sample, and subsequently the DNA used wrongly against an individual - an individual should have the ability to press charges against the institution.

Audits: The Bill provides for the auditing of DNA laboratories, but the DNA Profiling Board must also undergo annual audits [34].

Indices Held by DNA Banks: Under section 33 (4),(5)The Bill provides for the DNA data bank to set up indices that hold DNA identification records and DNA analysis from: crime scenes, suspects, offenders, missing persons, unknown deceased persons, volunteers and such other indexes as specified by regulations. We believe the DNA data bank should not hold indexes on suspects, missing persons, or volunteers without consent and the ability for the individual to withdraw their consent. Furthermore, the Bill requires the taking of a victim’s DNA, but it is not listed as an index. We recommend that this section be deleted, as the creation of a DNA index is simply another copy of a DNA profile, and it does not serve a particular purpose.

Communicating of DNA Profile with Foreign States: Section 35 permits, with the approval of the Central Government, the sharing of DNA profiles with Foreign States [35]. We recommend that communication and use of a DNA profile with Foreign States should be limited to comparison only.

Access to Data Banks for administration purposes: Section 39 of the Bill permits access to the databank for “administrative purposes”. We recommend that the Bill clarify what exactly constitutes “administrative purposes”, and clarify that the process/procedures that permit access to data banks for administration purposes will not require access to data stored in Data Banks [36].

Enforcement for the removal of innocents: Section 36(3) of the Bill requires that the DNA profile of individuals who are found innocent be removed from the database. This provision should have legal mechanisms to ensure enforcement of the provision e.g. reporting by the Board [37].

Ability to access one’s own DNA Profile: A provision should be added to the Bill that gives individuals the right to ask the police for any of their own details held on police databases, so an individual has the ability to know if their data is being held against the law [38].

Clear Definition of identity: Section 33(6)(i) maintains that the DNA Data Bank will contain in relation to each of the DNA profiles… the “identity of the person”. The Bill needs to define what is "identity" and how “identifying” information can be used. Furthermore, it is important to ensure that no other information (like an identity number) that would allow for function creep, is included in the DNA data base[39].

Transparency of the DNA board: Section 13 of the Bill describes the powers and functions the DNA Board. In this section the DNA board should be required to publish and submit minutes and annual reports including detailed information on how it has exercised all its functions to the public and to Parliament. The report should include: numbers of profiles added to the database; numbers removed on acquittal, numbers of matches and solved crimes; costs; numbers of quality assurance inspections, and breakdowns of these figures by state [40].

Restricted use of DNA database: Section 39 (1) of the Bill permits the DNA database to be used for identification purposes that are not related to solving a crime including the “ identification of victims of: accidents, disasters or missing persons or for such other purposes”. The DNA database should be restricted to the identification of a perpetrator of a specified criminal offence, and consent or a court order must be sought for any other use of the database for identification purposes.

Probability of error published: Because profiles found in the DNA data base are comprised of only parts of individuals DNA, the profiles are not unique to individuals. Thus, the number of false matches that are expected to occur by chance between crime scene DNA profiles and stored individual's profiles depends on how the profiling system used, how complete the crime scene DNA is before it is added to the database (many crime scene DNA stains are degraded and not complete), and how many comparisons are done (i.e. how big the database it is and how often it is searched). With a population the size of India, the number of these false matches could be very high. The DNA board needs to take this probability for error into consideration and publish researched statistics on how many false matches they expect to occur purely by chance, based on the numbers of profiles they expect to store under the proposed criteria for entry and removal of profiles [41].

Cost analysis: The DNA board should publish a cost benefit analysis for the implementation the Bill. This should include the cost of storing samples, collecting sample, and testing samples [42].

Bibliography

http://www.cdfd.org.in/
http://ghr.nlm.nih.gov/handbook/basics/dna
Adhikary, Jyotirmoy. DNA Technology in Administration of Justice. Lexis Nexis. 2007 pg.6, 22
Ibid email conversation with Dr. Wallace from Genewatch UK April 2nd 2002
http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-01-02/india/28371869_1_dna-data-bank-blood-samples-bodies
http://www.merinews.com/article/justice-s-rabindra-bhatt-orders-dna-test-for-nd-tiwari/15838508.shtml
http://www.dnaindia.com/mumbai/report_nehru-nagar-first-region-in-country-to-have-dna-profiling-database_1477211
Adhikary, Jyotirmoy. DNA Technology in Administration of Justice. Lexis Nexis. 2007. Pg.263
http://www.cdfd.org.in/servicespages/dnafingerprinting.html
ibidhttp://www.cdfd.org.in/image/AR_2009_10.pdf
http://planningcommission.nic.in/plans/planrel/fiveyr/11th/11_v1/11v1_ch8.pdf
http://www.dnalabsindia.com/
http://www.truthlabs.org/
AIR 1961 SC 1808
The Prisoners Identification Bill was most recently amended 1981
http://lawcommissionofindia.nic.in/51-100/report87.pdf
http://www.tn.gov.in/stationeryprinting/extraordinary/2010/305-Ex-IV-2.pdf
Adhikary, Jyotirmoy. DNA Technology in Administration of Justice. Lexis Nexis. 2007 pg. 259
Adhikary, Jyotirmoy. DNA Technology in Administration of Justice. Lexis Nexis. 2007 pg. 245
Email conversation with Dr. Wallace from Genewatch UK. April 2nd
Schedule of offenses 5) Miscarriage or therapeutic abortion, b. Unnatural offenses, 7) Other criminal offenses b. Prostitution 9) Mass disaster b) Civil (purpose of civil cases) c. Identification purpose 10) b) Civil:1) Paternity dispute 2) Marital dispute 3) Infidelity 4) Affiliation c) Personal Identification 1) Living 2) Dead 3) Tissue Remains d)
2 (xxvii) “offender” means a person who has been convicted of or is under trial charged with a specified offense.
2(1)(vii) “crime scene index” means an index of DNA profiles derived from
forensic material found: (a) at any place (whether within or outside India) where a specified offense was, or is reasonably suspected of having been, committed;
or (b) on or within the body of the victim, or a person reasonably
suspected of being a victim, of an offense (DNA Profiling Bill)
Adhikary, Jyotirmoy. DNA Technology in Administration of Justice. Lexis Nexis. 2007 Pg. 291
Section (1) (xv) –(xvi) of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 19 of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 41(i) (ii) of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 45, and section 46 of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 49 (1) of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 52 (2) The DNA Profiling Board may, by a general or special order in writing,
also form committees of the members and delegate to them the powers
and of the Board as may be specified by the regulations.
Section 13(x), Section(2) The DNA Profiling Board may, by a general or special order in writing,also form committees of the members and delegate to them the powers and functions of the Board as may be specified by the regulations.
Adhikary, Jyotirmoy. DNA Technology in Administration of Justice. Lexis Nexis. 2007 Pg. 300
Section 17 (2) of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 22 of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 28 of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 35 (1) of DNA Profiling Bill
Section 39 of DNA Profiling Bill
http://www.genewatch.org/sub-539478
http://www.genewatch.org/sub-539478
http://www.genewatch.org/article.shtml?als[cid]=492860&als[itemid]=567376
Email conversation with Dr. Wallace from Gene Watch UK April 2nd
Standard setting and quality regulation in forensic science. GeneWatch UK submission to the Home Office Consultation.
October 2006.
Standard setting and quality regulation in forensic science. GeneWatch UK submission to the Home Office Consultation.
October 2006.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/privacy/dna-profiling-bill

An Interview with Activist Shubha Chacko: Privacy and Sex Workers

elonnai — 2012-03-28T06:26:03Z

On February 20th I had the opportunity to speak with Shubha Chacko on privacy and sex workers. Ms. Chacko is an activist who works for Aneka, an NGO based in Bangalore, which fights for the human rights of sexual minorities. In my interview with Ms. Chacko I tried to understand how privacy impacts the lives of sex workers in India. The below is an account of our conversation.

Introduction

In our research we have been exploring where and how privacy is found in different areas of Indian society, law, and culture. As part of our research we have been holding public conferences across the country to raise awareness and gather opinions around privacy. One area that was discussed in the public conference in Bangalore was the privacy of sex workers. Shubha Chacko, who is from Aneka - an NGO located in Bangalore which fights for the human rights of sexual minorities, made a presentation that focused on the privacy challenges that sex workers in India face. In our interview Ms. Chacko pointed out many misconceptions that society holds about sex workers’ lives. She also detailed the challenges of stigma and discrimination that sex workers face, and described the precarious position that sex workers find themselves in as their work is constantly being pushed out of the public sphere by the law and society. I later interviewed Ms. Chacko to follow up on her presentation on privacy and sex workers. During the interview I had the opportunity to speak with both Ms. Chacko and a board member from the Karnataka Sex Workers Union. The following is meant to provide a perspective on how and in what ways society, law, media and tradition invades the privacy of sex workers. Though the piece is focused on the lives of sex workers, many of the issues raised are not limited to only sex workers, but characterize other marginalized communities as well.

When I began the interview with Ms. Chacko I was hoping to do a piece that looked at the different elements of a sex worker’s life, and identified the points at which their privacy was invaded – such as in contacting a client, going to the doctors, etc. After I began my interview only, I realized how privacy impacts sex workers is much more complicated than a life cycle analysis. Among other things, privacy issues for sex workers prompt questions challenging social definitions of public and private, having the right to an identity and a recognized profession, and having the autonomy to control decisions about oneself.

Basic Facts and Background Information:

Karnataka has been found to have 85,000 sex workers, and India has an estimated 2 million female sex workers [1]

Sex work is not against the law in India, but any commercialized aspect of the trade is prohibited – including running a brothel or soliciting a client.

Sex work is a multi-faceted profession with many positive and negative complexities that are rarely known to the public.

Understanding the Challenge of the Public and the Private

My interview with Ms. Chacko began with my seeking an understanding of the challenges that traditional notions of the public sphere and the private sphere pose for sex workers. Ms. Chacko explained that to understand how privacy impacts the life of a sex worker, it is important to first understand that sex workers by profession confront and question traditional conceptions of the public and the private. Sex and everything associated with it is seen as something that is to be kept only in the private sphere. The work of sex workers brings sex into the public sphere, and thus the workers are seen as being public women not entitled to privacy, because they stand on street corners and conduct their work in the public. This notion that sex workers are public women without a right to privacy shows through in the way they are treated by the media, the police, NGOs, and researchers. An example of this tension and society’s response can be seen in the recent elections. On April 6th, a Times of India news article reported that the election commission will be setting up “special booths” for sex workers to vote in because “while the sex workers had been waiting in queues to cast their votes, common people were not comfortable with that”[2]

What is the Challenge of the Public and the Private?

“It starts with a conception of issues around privacy vis-à-vis sex workers. The general perception is that sex workers are considered “public women”, because they are considered available to the public and because they sell sexual services on the streets (and are seen in contrast to the “good” woman who is confined to the private world of the home This then leads people to assume that then sex workers have are not entitled to privacy. Also sex workers are forced to reckon with issues of sex and sexuality, and if you talk about issues of sexuality - issues that are considered private are forced into the public domain, so sex workers by their presence force these issues into the public domain. So notions of privacy become complicated by this challenge of what is public and private, because the sex workers’ presence brings into the public domain what is private.”

How does this tension of the public and the private translate into privacy violations?

"Due to the stigma around sex work all rights of sex workers are seriously compromised; with impunity. Thus, privacy is a threshold issue.

The violation of privacy happens at various points, for example the way the media deals with them – publishing their photographs, outing them without their consent, talking about them without their consent. There are the police who are often engaged in so called “rescue and rehabilitation” work, but in the process of rescuing the sex workers, disregard the harmful impacts that compromising their right to privacy will do to them. The HIV prevention intervention programs that are in place now that target sex workers (along with other ‘high risk groups”) also erode their right to confidentiality. Besides intimate details of their lives being recorded, their address and other coordinates are noted. This information along with other sensitive information including their HIV status, is often accessible to a host of people and is a potential threat to their privacy and anonymity. Researchers and NGOs too often quiz sex workers about a range of intimate details about their lives with little sensitivity and expect them to be totally candid. These interviews also raise questions that relate to privacy."

Stigma, Discrimination, and Identity

Ms. Chacko also spoke about how the stigma and discrimination that sex workers face invades their privacy. Society views sex workers in one light – as immoral women. This stigma is attached to them permanently and is a source of violence and discrimination in the home, from the state, and from society. The sex workers’ right to anonymity and identity is also restricted because of the stigma attached to their work. Sex workers do not have the ability to control information about themselves, and they face challenges in obtaining official documents like a PAN card or a passport. This stigma and its consequences impedes sex workers from functioning comfortably in society and creates a difficult tension for sex workers to live with. Society denies the presence of sex workers, and police patrol parks and other public areas chasing away individuals whom they believe to be sex workers. The increased passivisation of public spaces – parks, (for example) and the over gentrification of the neighborhoods squeeze them out

In New York, one way that sex workers have overcome this constant and sometimes violent confrontation with society is through the use of mobile phones. Sex workers will contact clients only through mobile phones. This allows them to find their clients in private and anonymous ways, and it eliminates the need of a pimp or other type of ring leader. When I asked Ms. Chacko if sex workers are using this same technique in India, she recognized that they are, but said that it is not a yet widely practiced - especially among women in rural areas.

How Restricting is the Stigma?

“Huge - hardly ever does a person’s entire identity get conflated with her with occupation or livelihood option; the way it does with sex workers. … I mean, for example, if you go to a movie - people would not say; oh, look, there is a researcher come to see a movie - people would call you by name, but if a sex worker goes to a movie they always say: oh, look, there is a sex worker. There is only one side to her identity according to society. And everyone wants to know the same thing - How did they get into sex work. There is an excessive interest in this aspect alone (and generally they are seeking simple answers) - they never ask other questions about them as a person, only about them as a sex worker. Thus, real issues of violence and exploitation are never dealt with”.

HIV Initiatives, Medical Counseling , and Privacy

Medical consultations, especially those related to HIV/AIDS, in many ways violate the privacy of sex workers.

HIV Initiatives

HIV initiatives run by the Government are often invasive and function off of privacy-violating techniques. The government runs many HIV initiatives where sex workers are employed to be “peer educators.” A peer educator’s job is to spread awareness about HIV, distribute condoms, and bring sex workers for HIV testing. The privacy and anonymity of peer educators is compromised in the job title itself. Everyone in the community knows that to be a peer educator, one must also be a sex worker. Thus, if a person is a peer educator or with a peer educator, she is immediately outed and identified as a sex worker. Furthermore, HIV testing is compulsory for sex workers, though on paper it looks as though it is a choice. Because there are quotas that must be filled, sex workers often go through HIV testing without full consent.

How do Government HIV Initiatives Violate Privacy?

“The whole HIV intervention itself violates sex workers’ privacy. Both in the sense that people get jobs as peer educators and they have to carry condoms around and talk to other sex workers, and everyone thinks that if you are a peer educator then you are a sex worker, and there is no protection for these people even though it is sponsored by the state government.”

Line Listing

The HIV programs and testing centers also violate the privacy of sex workers. The clinics have a system known as line listing, which is meant to ensure that there are no duplications in data. In order to ensure this they collect identifying information from sex workers including address and phone number. The information is not protected and is easily accessible to whoever wishes to see it.

Line Listing and Privacy

“HIV programs have a process called line listing, which is to ensure that there is no duplication. So they take all your facts from you, and from that a sex workers address and such go out, and it’s put out with no safeguards.”

HIV Counselors and Doctors

HIV counselors also violate the privacy of sex workers. Though a patient’s HIV status is only supposed to be known to the counselor at the testing clinic and the lab technician, it often becomes the case that HIV results are widely shared. As per protocol, doctors and counselors must follow up with sex workers every three months if a sex worker is HIV negative. This is to ensure that they are still HIV negative, and to provide them treatment at the soonest if they do contract the disease. To carry out this follow-up work, counselors keep a list of patients whom they have seen. This list is supposed to be confidential, but other personnel in the hospital are assigned to do the follow-up phone calls, and thus the list is in fact easily accessible. If a person’s name disappears from the list, it is obvious that the person is now HIV positive, and that person’s privacy is violated and her status known.

How does HIV Counseling compromise Privacy?

“…only the counselor and the lab technician is supposed to know about it, but it turns out a whole number of people know about it, because of follow up. The counselor is supposed to follow up on the list with people every three months for further testing, but if you are positive then you do not need to follow up. Plus, these results are shared with everyone. Because of the stigma attached to HIV there is a need for privacy to be protected, so confidentiality is routinely violated.”

Media and Research

Media

Media was another area of contention that Ms.Chacko pointed out. Though the media plays an important role as being a channel for the voice of sex workers, it can also be intrusive on the sex worker by publishing stories without their consent, or reporting in ways that can be misconstrued. Through their coverage, the media can also deepen the stigma against sex workers and place them under an unwanted social spotlight. For example, a news article in The Hindu spoke about the World Cup bringing an “off day” for sex workers.

“With hoards of supporters glued to their television screens for the World Cup cricket final between India and Sri Lanka on Saturday, sex workers are anticipating a slow day, but they are not disappointed. It is a rare weekend for them with their children. The prospects of fewer clients coming in only buoyed the enthusiasm of the women in Sonagachi, the largest red-light area in the city…”[3]

The media is also often a part of raids by cover stories of brothels being uncovered, and in doing so expose the lives of sex workers, often printing sensitive information, including addresses, while portraying the sex workers as victims. The media, along with NGOs and the police will conduct raids that severely violate the privacy of sex workers. For example, in an Express India article a raid was described that took place in Pune with NGOs and the police in which sex workers were dragged out, beaten, and molested by the police against their will [4].

How does the media violate the privacy of sex workers?

“The media conducts raids, and so do NGOs in an attempt to rescue them. Once they are rescued and taken back with police escorts to their village, the whole village knows that she was in sex work, and then her privacy is violated because she was publicly returned. My problem is not about them being rescued, but they need to have consent from the person. If a person wants to do sex work – this decision needs to be respected. The media is difficult because you don’t want to ask for a ban, so we don’t ask for banning, but we do put pressure on the media to be more responsible in their reporting.”

Research/Films

Ms. Chacko also spoke about how research often violates the privacy of sex workers, in ways that range from the words that are used to describe sex workers to the one-sided victim story that is too often used to describe the lives of sex workers, to the methods researchers use to find their facts. Thus, perhaps without meaning to, research can de-legitimatize the work that sex workers do, and can work to increase the amount of violence or abuse that they are exposed to.

Research and Privacy

“Researchers who are writing a report on sex workers - land up in some village and end up violating their privacy as everyone in the village wants to know why the researchers came. The researchers also ask invasive questions. They want to know details about the sex workers’ lives: what kind of sex they have and with whom? What do they experience with their clients? What is their relationship with their partners? What is the status of their relationship.? They do not have a sense of whether the workers will want to talk about their lives or not…Some people make films and some make them in extremely exploitative ways. Films are also often incorrect and invasive of privacy in that way as well.”

The Role of a Privacy Legislation

In our research, we are looking at how a privacy legislation could help remedy the challenges to privacy that different people face in society; or ,if a privacy legislation cannot offer a solution, if there are other ways in which a legislation or society can offer solutions. When I asked Ms. Chacko if a privacy legislation or the right to privacy could improve the lives of sex workers, she was not certain if a privacy legislation would make a difference directly, and thought it might in fact overlook sex workers because currently they are seen in society as immoral women that are not to be afforded the right to privacy. In fact, it is the law and enforcers of the law itself that is invading their privacy. For example, in a study done by the World Health Organization it was found that in India 70 per cent of sex workers in a survey reported being beaten by the police, and more than 80 per cent had been arrested without evidence [5]. Thus, before a right to privacy can apply to sex workers, sex work itself must be decriminalized and recognized as a legitimate profession worthy of labor rights and other rights. Furthermore the debate around sex work needs to move away from the traditional dialogue of who is having sex and who is not to one that looks at what rights should be protected for every person. At that point perhaps a law which protects dignity and regulates the use of information could be useful. On another note, the UID (the Unique Identification Project) could be a potential benefit for sex workers as it would serve as identity that would give only a yes or no response at the time of a transaction.

Could a Privacy Legislation help?

“Some of the privacy is violated by the raids that happen by the police. So those raids are problematic. What kind of laws would help? One would be to decriminalize sex work itself and also work with society to gain understanding and perspective. Because now people think: they are immoral women ,so what privacy do they deserve? The sexual debate should not be about who is having sex and who is not, but about who has the power…”

The Current Law

In India, the Immoral Trafficking prevention Act ( ITPA) is the law that governs sex work. The ITPA does not make prostitution illegal, but instead tries to target the commercialized aspects of the trade such as brothel keeping, pimping, and soliciting. Though the law does not attack the sex workers as individuals, and its stated purpose is to prevent the trafficking of sex workers, the law has become a tool of harassment and abuse by law enforcement agencies. Sections 5A, 5B, 5C, which pertain to trafficking are the most troublesome, because the clauses do not distinguish between trafficking and sex work, but instead defines them as the same[6]. Thus, the new definitions of prostitution and trafficking leave room for reading all sex work as within the meaning of trafficking, and thus criminalizing sex work by defacto.[7] In addition, under the new Section 5C, clients visiting or found in a brothel will face imprisonment and/or fines [8]. Penalization of clients is a significant modification to the the ITPA, which formally targeted 'third parties' profiting from prostitution and not sex workers or clients themselves [9]. Sex workers have fought for a long time to overturn the ITPA. In June 2008, sex workers went on a hunger strike in the hopes of forcing the bill to be discarded [10]. In 2010 sex workers demonstrated against the amendment of the ITPA that would hold the clients of sex workers liable. Despite their protests and demands for their occupation to be treated equally, the Indian courts are slow to move forward and recognize sex work as a dignified profession. “A woman is compelled to indulge in prostitution not for pleasure but because of abject poverty,” the court said last month. “If such woman is granted opportunity to avail some technical or vocational training, she would be able to earn her livelihood by such vocational training and skill instead of selling her body.” The court has also promised to initiate a program in May for vocational training of sex workers [11]. Unfortunately, vocational training fails to address the actual issues and violations that sex workers face – a fact that was demonstrated by one sex worker’s saying: “If we can’t solicit clients without getting arrested, we will naturally rely on pimps to carry on our trade…What we need are practical measures that free us from exploitation created by the law itself.”

Solutions

One of the most impactful source of aid for sex workers currently is the sex workers union. I had the opportunity to speak with a member from the board of the Karnataka Sex Workers
union. She spoke about the challenges that sex workers face and how the Union provides assistance to the sex workers. The union helps them obtain benefits, helps with enrolling their children in schools, and answers questions that they would not be able to seek legal or other assistance on. The union is a confidential and safe space for sex workers to function in society. The person interviewed feels as though the information about herself that should be kept confidential is: her medical information, her clients, where she meets her clients, and information about her family. Ms. Chacko also spoke about the positives that an identity scheme like the UID could have on sex workers, because the transactions would be done through a yes/ no response, and no one will be denied a UID number. Most importantly, Ms. Chacko stressed that it is important to recognize sex work as a legitimate profession,and focus on the actual problems, rather than limiting the debate to stigmas around sex. The interview with Ms. Chacko demonstrated that protection of sex workers’ and sexual minorities’ privacy cannot be addressed simply by a law, but must be embodied by an ethos and a culture before that law is meaningful.

Bibliography

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/privacy/privacy_privacyandsexworkers

Iraqi delegation in Bangalore to study e-governance projects

praskrishna — 2011-04-21T09:41:45Z

A 20-member delegation from Iraq, led by its Science and Technology Minister Abdul Kareem El-Samarai, is in this tech hub for a firsthand account of the e-governance projects used for community development and as an interface between the government and citizens. This news was published in the Economic Times, April 20, 2011.

The delegation, on a three-day study tour since Tuesday in partnership with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Centre for Internet & Society, visited multi-specialty hospital Narayana Hrudayalaya to learn about tele-medicine services, which provide healthcare in remote villages using information and communication technology (ICT).

"The e-governance projects and ICT practices employed for citizen services and community development in India could be a useful guide in developing a strategy for e-governance in our country," Deputy Iraqi Science and Technology Minister Samir Salim Raouf said in a statement late Wednesday.

The delegation, comprising officials and experts from various fields, also visited the Azim Premji Foundation , a not-for-prof IT organisation set up by IT bellwether Wipro's chairman Azim Premji. The delegation wanted to gain insight into the foundation's efforts to reform school education across the country through ICT and modern management practices.

"What is interesting is that the civil society and the private sector innovate and contribute to governance in India and everything is not left for the government to deal with," Raouf noted.

After interacting with officials and experts in-charge of the e-governance projects in Karnataka, the delegation went to mobile and wireless communications firm Geodisc Ltd to study its innovative product GeoAmida, an open source handheld device for e-governance and banking solutions.

"The mobile device, which can be used in diverse domains such as e-governance, banking, healthcare, transportation and retail, is a unique solution to address various societal problems faced by the Iraqi government, which is set to formulate a policy for e-governance and use ICT for social reform and development," the statement added.

The delegation, which is a part of the 'Building e- Iraq National e-Governance Strategy' of the Iraqi government, will go to New Delhi Friday for studying similar projects of the central government.

"Our objective is to increase transparency and accountability in Iraq through ICT and provide citizen services through e-governance initiatives," Raouf added.

Read the original in Economic Times here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/iraqi-delegation-in-bangalore

Dark waders

praskrishna — 2011-04-20T05:22:10Z

Akhila Seetharaman finds out why a group of artists and researchers are preoccupied with chasing shadows. This article was published in Time Out Bengaluru, Vol. 3, Issue 20, April 15 - 28, 2011.

The New Bharat Brass Band from Kalasipalayam performed an unusual ditty at the Chitrakala Parishat last month. In a typical concert, the band plays raucous renditions of the latest hit Hindi film songs, but the music at this gig had its origin in a database of photographs of the city. These images had been taken by a group of student-artists, who converted the visual data into binary codes of 0s and 1s, and then transcribed the codes into musical notation, which they asked the band to perform. The result: strange, random, almost robotic music which represented a uniquely distilled experience of the city, peppered with the band’s characteristic filmy flourishes.

This performance was one among the several experimental art projects developed by participants as part of the Space the Final Frontier project, an initiative by the Dutch Art Institute and Centre for Experimental Media Arts at Srishti School of Art, Design and Technology to get students to – as described in a introduction to the project – articulate “spaces of flux” and “index the shadow worlds” of the city.

“When we speak about mapping the city, we immediately think in terms of physical geography. We don’t usually approach it in an aesthetic or theoretical way,” said Deepak DL, an art student from Chitrakala Parishat who participated in the two-week programme. His group chose to map shadow sounds – birds, buses on the street, sounds from a bar, and pressure cookers whistling in homes – piecing together an aural landscape of the city. “This project was about mapping the non-spaces. For instance when you go to a restaurant, you rarely see what’s going on behind the wall in the kitchen. We tried to do just that using sound,” said Deepak.

“Wherever there is light, there is also shadow. For all the spaces getting attention, there are many more spaces not getting attention, but surviving and often thriving,” said Prayas Abhinav, faculty member and researcher at CEMA and one of the organisers of Space the Final Frontier. In collaboration with Renée Ridgeway, founder of an online platform for art activities called n.e.w.s., and a third collaborator Stephen Wright, Abhinav is currently working on a book which examines the distribution of human attention in the art world, based on a concept known as “attention economy”.

The trio’s fascination with the theme also led them to hunt for shadow art activities on the internet. In the course of their search they found themselves wondering how to find art online without necessarily limiting themselves to work that described itself as “art”. For Abhinav and his colleagues this became more than a technical problem, since search engines assume that users are looking for what others are looking for and throw up the most popular or valid entries first, leaving the vast majority of less popular entries in the shadow. “Lesser known artists don’t refer to themselves as ‘lesser known artists’, so finding them online via Google isn’t all that easy,” said Abhinav. “Everyone is operating in the same space with established hierarchies. Shadows exist, but how do we look for them?”

“In the 1990s we used to have a culture of community web sites that looked really bad, but were thriving hubs,” said Abhinav. He pointed out that over the decade, with the advent of search engines, the larger databases gained priority among users. To democratise search results, Abhinav and Ridgeway, along with the Centre for Internet and Society, launched the Shadow Search Project with an open call for entries in early 2010 to find an algorithm that could bring up entries that otherwise exist under the radar, through search.

“If the new currency is attention – that is, if users are supposed to pay not money but time –, certain kinds of priorities are set up and vast amounts of information will always remain invisible,” said Nishant Shah, researcher at the Centre for Internet and Society. The Shadow Search Project is intended to serve as a platform to look for these shadows and give them visibility.

The winning entry, a search engine called Narcissus, which will be demonstrated this fortnight, takes the search results of a regular search engine like Google and reverses it, such that the user gets the last page first. “The least popular results come up first, and as those become more popular, the new least popular results come up. This continues in a cyclical manner,” said Ridgeway.

Data gathered and indexed by students during the Space the Final Frontier programme will be used to test the Narcissus algorithm. “If one of the strengths of the Internet is serendipity – stumbling upon a small, but great find by chance – the idea of a search engine plug in like Narcissus that scrambles Google results and presents it in a democratic manner, definitely has appeal,” said Shah.

Read the original in Time Out Bengaluru here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/chasing-shadows

We are anonymous, we are legion

sunil — 2012-03-21T09:38:56Z

Online anonymity is vital for creativity and entrepreneurship on the Web, writes Sunil Abraham. The article was published in the Hindu on April 18, 2011.

During his keynote at the International World Wide Web Conference recently, Sir Tim Berners-Lee argued for the preservation of online anonymity as a safeguard against oppression. This resonated with his audience in Hyderabad, given the recent uproar in the Indian blogosphere and twitterverse around the IT Act (Amendment 2008) and the recently published associated rules for intermediaries and cyber cafes.

Over time, there has been a dilution of standards for blanket surveillance. The Telegraph Act allowed for blanket surveillance of phone traffic only as the rarest of exceptions. The IT Act and the ISP licence on the other hand, authorise and require ISPs and cyber cafes to undertake blanket surveillance as the norm in the form of data retention. The transaction database of the UID (Unique Identification Number) project will log of all our interactions with the government, private sector and other citizens; all these are frightening developments for freedom of expression in general and anonymous speech in particular.

Anonymous speech is a necessary pre-condition for democratic and open governance, free media, protection of whistle-blowers and artistic freedom. On many controversial areas of policy formulation, it is usually anonymous officials from various ministries making statements to the press. Would mapping UIDs to IP address compromise the very business of government? A traditional newspaper may solicit anonymous tips regarding an ongoing investigative journalism campaign through their website.

Would data retention by ISPs expose their anonymous sources? Whistle-blowers usually use public Wi-Fi or cyber cafes because they don't want their communications traced back to residential or official IP addresses. Won't the ban on open public Wi-Fi networks and the mandatory requirement for ID documents at cyber cafes jeopardise their safety significantly? Throughout history, great art has been produced anonymously or under a nom de plume. Will the draft Intermediary Due Diligence Rules, which prohibits impersonation even if it is without any criminal intent, result in artists sanitising their art into banality?

Anonymous speech online is facilitated by three forms of sharing — shared standards, shared software and shared identities. Shared or open standards such as asymmetric encryption and digital signatures allow for anonymous, private and yet authenticated communications. Shared software or Free/Open Source Software reassures all parties involved that there is no spy-ware or back door built into tools and technologies built around these standards.

Shared identities, unlike shared software and standards, is a cultural hack and, therefore, almost impossible to protect against. V for Vendetta, the graphic novel by Alan Moore gives us an insight into how this is could be done. The hero, V, hides his identity behind a Guy Fawkes mask. Towards the end of the novel, he couriers thousands of similar masks to the homes of ordinary citizens.

In the final showdown between V and the oppressive regime, these citizens use these masks to form an anonymous mob that confuses the security forces into paralysis. Shared identities online therefore, is the perfect counterfoil to digital surveillance.

As Dr. Berners-Lee spoke in Hyderabad, the Internet Rights and Principles Dynamic Coalition of the Internet Governance Forum released a list of 10 principles for online governance at the meeting convened by the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression in Stockholm.

The fifth principle includes “freedom from surveillance, the right to use encryption, and the right to online anonymity”. One hopes that Gulshan Rai of CERT-IN will heed the advice provided by his international peers and amend the IT Act rules before they have a chilling effect on online creativity and entrepreneurship.

Read the article originally published in the Hindu, here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/online-anonymity

You Have the Right to Remain Silent

anja — 2011-08-02T07:55:22Z

India has a long history of censorship that it justifies in the name of national security. But new laws governing the Internet are unreasonable and — given the multitude of online voices — poorly thought out, argues Anja Kovacs in this article published in the Sunday Guardian on 17 April 2011.

In March 2011, Indian media - both social and traditional - was ablaze with fears that a new set of rules, proposed to complement the IT (Amendment) Act 2008, would thwart the freedom of expression of India's bloggers: contrary to standard international practice, the Intermediary Due Dilligence Rules seemed intent on making bloggers responsible for comments made by readers on their site. Only a few weeks earlier, the threat of online censorship had manifested itself in a different form: although the block was implemented unevenly, mobile applications market space Mobango, bulk SMS provider Clickatell, hacking-related portal Zone-H.com and blogs hosted on Typepad were suddenly no longer accessible for most Indian netizens, without warning or explanation.

Censorship in India is nothing new. At the time of Independence, there was widespread fear among its lawmakers that unrestricted freedom of expression could become a barrier to the social reforms necessary to put the country on Nehru's path to development – particularly as the memory of Partition continued to be vivid. Although freedom of expression is guaranteed by the Constitution, it is therefore subject to a fairly extensive list of so-called "reasonable" restrictions: the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence. But while this long list might have made sense at the time of Partition, in the mature democracy that India has now become, its existence, and the numerous opportunities for censorship and surveillance that it has enabled or justified, seems out of place. Indeed, though all these restrictions in themselves are considered acceptable internationally, there are few other democratic states that include all of them in the basic laws of their land.

An appetite for censorship does not only exist among India's legislature and judiciary, however. Especially since the early nineties, instances of vigilante groups destroying art, preventing film screenings, or even attacking offending artists, writers and editors have become noteworthy for their regularity. But it is worth noting that even more progressive sections of society have not been averse to censorship: for example, section of the Indian feminist movement have voiced strong support for the Indecent Representation of Women Act that seeks to censor images of women which are derogatory, denigrating or likely to corrupt public morality.

What connects all these efforts? A belief that suppressing speech and opinions makes it possible to contain the conflicts that emanate from India's tremendous diversity, while simultaneously ensuring its homogenous moral as much as political development. But if the advent of satellite television already revealed the vulnerabilities of this strategy, the Internet has made clear that in the long term, it is simply untenable. It is not just that the authors of a speech act may not be residents of India; it is that everybody can now become an author, infinitely multiplying the number of expressions that are produced each year and that thus could come within the Law's ambit. In this context, even if it may still have a role, suppression clearly can no longer be the preferred or even dominant technology of choice to manage disagreements. What is urgently needed is the building of a much stronger culture of respectful disagreement and debate within and across the country's many social groups. If more and more people are now getting an opportunity to speak, what we need to make sure is that they end up having a conversation.

Yet the government of India so far has mostly continued on the beaten track, putting into place a range of legislations and policies to meticulously monitor and police the freedom of expression of netizens within its borders. Thus, for example, section 66F(1)(B) of the IT (Amendment) Act 2008 defines "cyberterrorism" so broadly as to include the unauthorised access to information on a computer with a belief that that information may be used to cause injury to...decency or morality. The suggested sentence may extend to imprisonment for life. The proposed Intermediary Due Dilligence Rules 2011 privatise the responsibility for censorship by making intermediaries responsible for all content that they host or store, putting unprecedented power over our acts of speech into the hands of private bodies. The proposed Cyber Cafe Rules 2011 order that children who do not possess a photo identity card need to be accompanied by an adult who does, constraining the Internet access of crores of young people among the less advantaged sections of society in particular. And while the US and other Western countries continue to debate the desireability of an Internet Kill Switch, the Indian government obtained this prerogative through section 69A of the IT (Amendment Act) 2008 years ago.

Such measures are given extra teeth by being paired with unprecedented systems of surveillance. For example, there are proposals on the table that make it obligatory for telecommunication carriers and manufacturers of telecommunications equipment to ensure their equipment and services have built-in surveillance capabilities. While at present, records are only kept if there is a specific requirement by intelligence or security agencies, the Intelligence Bureau has proposed that ISPs keep a record of all online activities of all customers for at least six months. The IB has also suggested putting into place a unique identification system for all Internet users, whereby they would be required to submit some form of online identification every time they go online.

Proponents of such legislation often point to the new threats to safety and security that the Internet poses to defend these measures, and it is indeed a core obligation of any state to ensure the safety of its citizens. But the hallmark of a democracy is that it carefully balances any measures to do so with the continued guarantee of its citizens' fundamental rights. Despite the enormous changes and challenges that the Internet brings for freedom of expression everywhere, such an exercise seems to sadly not yet have been systematically undertaken in India so far.

The recent blocking of websites with which we started this article reflects the urgent need to do so. In response to RTI applications by the Centre for Internet and Society and Medianama, the Department of Information Technology, which is authorised to order such blocks, admitted to blocking Zone-H, but not any of the other websites affected earlier this year. In an interview with The Hindu, the Department of Telecommunication too had denied ordering the blocking of access, despite the fact that some users trying to access Typepad had reported seeing the message "this site has been blocked as per request by Department of Telecom" on their screen. In the mean time, Clickatell and Mobango remain inaccessible for this author at the time of writing. That we continue to be in the dark as to why this is so in the world's largest democracy deserves to urgently become a rallying point.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/your-right-to-remain-silent

Beyond Clicktivism

praskrishna — 2011-04-20T04:33:53Z

Moral support Hazare has in plenty. Count the missed calls, writes Debarshi Dasgupta in this article published in the Outlook on April 18, 2011.

Want to commit sedition against the government?” “Join Dandi March-II.” “A Mahatma announces a fast-unto-death.” These were some of the clarion calls that organisers of the protest against corruption led by Anna Hazare were making online. And people from all classes responded in massive numbers. Possibly fed up with the scale of the CWG and 2G scams and exasperated by the petty and mundane corruption they encounter daily.

Anna Hazare and Jantar Mantar were among the top 10 global trending topics on Twitter on April 7 afternoon. “Earthquake named Anna Hazare lashes on corrupted Indian Politicians, epicenter India, it measures 1.22 Billion Richter Hearts,” said one. A disengaged youngster tweeted: “OK, enough of ignorance...time to read up on Anna Hazare.” On the ‘India Against Corruption’ page on Facebook, people from across the country left posts either announcing their local programme to support Hazare or asking for advice to organise one. Leaflets urged people to give a missed call on a Mumbai landline expressing support. With 6,00,000 missed calls, the organisers were urging more to call in to take that number to over 25 lakh.

Sunil Abraham, executive director of the Bangalore-based Centre for Internet and Society, said the organisers of this social media campaign had adopted a “funnel approach”, in which they get people involved gradually. “Clicking on the ‘Like’ function on Facebook to making a call—they are increasing the action, incrementally getting people to become proper activists from being armchair slacktivists.”

Read the original here

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/beyond-clicktivism