We are anonymous, we are legion

Interview with the Tactical Technology Collective on Privacy and Surveillance

maria — 2013-10-18T09:56:16Z

The Centre for Internet and Society recently interviewed Anne Roth from the Tactical Technology Collective in Berlin. View this interview and gain an insight on why we should all "have something to hide"!

For all those of you who haven't heard of the Tactical Technology Collective, it's a Berlin and Bangalore-based non-profit organisation which aims to advance the skills, tools and techniques of rights advocates, empowering them to use information and communications to help marginalised communities understand and effect progressive social, environmental and political change.

Tactical Tech's Privacy & Expression programme builds the digital security awareness and capacity of human rights defenders, independent journalists, anti-corruption advocates and activists. The programme's activities range from awareness-raising comic films aimed at audiences new to digital security issues, to direct training and materials for high-risk defenders working in some of the world's most repressive environments.

Anne Roth works with Tactical Tech on the Privacy & Expression programme as a researcher and editor. Anne holds a degree in political science from the Free University of Berlin. She cofounded one of the first interactive media activist websites, Indymedia, in Germany in 2001 and has been involved with media activism and various forms of activist online media ever since. She has worked as a web editor and translator in the past. Since 2007 she has written a blog that covers privacy, surveillance, media, net politics and feminist issues.

The Centre for Internet and Society interviewed Anne Roth on the following questions:

How do you define privacy?
Can privacy and freedom of expression co-exist? Why/ Why not?
What is the balance between Internet freedom and surveillance?
According to research, most people worldwide care about their online privacy – yet they give up most of it through the use of social networking sites and other online services. Why, in your opinion, does this occur and what are the potential implications?
Should people have the right to give up their right to privacy? Why/ Why not?
What implications on human rights can mass surveillance potentially have?
“I'm not a terrorist and I have nothing to hide...and thus surveillance can't affect me personally”. Please comment.
Do we have Internet freedom?

VIDEO

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/interview-with-the-tactical-technology-collective

Interview with Bruce Schneier - Internationally Renowned Security Technologist

maria — 2013-10-17T08:54:32Z

Maria Xynou recently interviewed Bruce Schneier on privacy and surveillance. View this interview and gain an insight on why we should all "have something to hide"!

Bruce Schneier is an internationally renowned security technologist, called a "security guru" by The Economist.

He is the author of 12 books -- including Liars and Outliers: Enabling the Trust Society Needs to Survive -- as well as hundreds of articles, essays, and academic papers. His influential newsletter "Crypto-Gram" and his blog "Schneier on Security" are read by over 250,000 people. He has testified before Congress, is a frequent guest on television and radio, has served on several government committees, and is regularly quoted in the press.

Schneier is a fellow at the Berkman Center for Internet and Society at Harvard Law School, a program fellow at the New America Foundation's Open Technology Institute, a board member of the Electronic Frontier Foundation, an Advisory Board Member of the Electronic Privacy Information Center, and the Security Futurologist for BT -- formerly British Telecom.

The Centre for Internet and Society (CIS) interviewed Bruce Schneier on the following questions:

Do you think India needs privacy legislation? Why/ Why not?
The majoity of India's population lives below the line of poverty and barely has any Internet access. Is surveillance an elitist issue or should it concern the entire population in the country? Why/ Why not?
“I'm not a terrorist and I have nothing to hide...and thus surveillance can't affect me personally.” Please comment.
Can free speech and privacy co-exist? What is the balance between privacy and freedom of expression?
Should people have the right to give up their right to privacy? Why/ Why not?
Should surveillance technologies be treated as traditional arms/weapons? Why/ Why not?
How can individuals protect their data (and themselves) from spyware, such as FinFisher?
How would you advise young people working in the surveillance industry?

VIDEO

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/interview-with-bruce-schneier

Internet, Mobile & Digital Economy Conference (IMDEC) 2013

praskrishna — 2013-10-25T06:18:25Z

FICCI, in association with the Ministry of Communications & IT, Government of India is organizing Internet, Mobile & Digital Economy Conference (IMDEC) 2013 on 17th October 2013 at Federation House, FICCI, New Delhi. The theme for this year’s conference is “Internet to Equinet: Empowering a Billion Online”. Sunil Abraham is a speaker in the session on "The Internet We Want: A Multistakeholder Approach".

This was published by FICCI on their website on October 16, 2013. Download the agenda here.

Shri Kapil Sibal, Hon’ble Minister for Communications & Information Technology has kindly consented to inaugurate the conference and will deliver the keynote address during the inaugural session. Shri Nehchal Sandhu, Deputy National Security Advisor; Shri M F Farooqui, Secretary, DoT; and Mr. Fadi Chehadé, CEO, ICANN have also agreed to address the participants during the inaugural session of the conference.

The conference will deliberate on the empowerment of Indian citizens and growth of the digital economy, using internet and mobile technologies. The first conference will specifically debate on thematic and business issues as below:

Inaugural Session: Internet to Equinet: Empowering a Billion Online

Session I: The Internet We Want: A Multistakeholder View

Session II:M2M: The Internet of 50 Billion Devices

Session III: Mobile Internet is the Future: What Stands in the Way?

The conference which will include CEOs and senior government, industry and academia participants, will explore the challenges in connecting the unconnected and making them part of the global information society on one hand, while discussing the implementation and impact of new emerging technologies such as M2M. It will provide an opportunity to hear the views of various stakeholders and thought leaders in the internet, mobile and digital economy space. IMDEC 2013 is open to business leaders, economists, researchers, analysts and decision-makers from government entities, industry, academia, and international organizations.

Bhairav Acharya, Elonnai Hickok and Purba Sarkar also participated in the event.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/ficci-october-17-2013-internet-mobile-digital-economy-conference-2013

CIS Cybersecurity Series (Part 11) - Anja Kovacs

purba — 2013-10-15T15:25:07Z

CIS interviews Anja Kovacs, researcher and activist, and director of the Internet Democracy, Project as part of the Cybersecurity Series.

"Having the cyber security debate become more and more important was a real challenge for civil society. I think in part because many of us who were focused on human rights aren't necessarily techies. And so, when you have a conversation with a government bureaucrat, and ask questions about the kind of decisions they decided to take, very often they will come up with a technical answer in response. And then, if you don't have that expertise, it is difficult to react. In the meantime though, I think it has become clear that this is one of the biggest issues in the internet field at the moment. It is also one of the big issues that is driving the desires of governments to have a bigger role to play in internet governance. So it is an area that is unavoidable for activists. What has happened slowly is that we have come to realize that the first thing, as in most other areas, is not the technical details, but principles, and those principles are fairly similar to how they are in many other fields." - Anja Kovacs, Internet Democracy Project

Centre for Internet and Society presents its eleventh installment of the CIS Cybersecurity Series.

The CIS Cybersecurity Series seeks to address hotly debated aspects of cybersecurity and hopes to encourage wider public discourse around the topic.

In this installment, CIS speaks to Anja Kovacs, director of the Internet Democracy Project. Her work focuses on a wide range of questions regarding freedom of expression, cybersecurity and the architecture of Internet governance as they relate to the Internet and democracy. Anja is currently also a member of the of the Investment Committee of the Digital Defenders Partnership and of the interim Steering Group of Best Bits, a global network of civil society members.

(Bio from internetdemocracy.in)

Internet Democracy Project homepage: http://internetdemocracy.in/

This work was carried out as part of the Cyber Stewards Network with aid of a grant from the International Development Research Centre, Ottawa, Canada.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-cybersecurity-series-part-11-anja-kovacs

Interview with Big Brother Watch on Privacy and Surveillance

maria — 2013-10-15T14:24:27Z

Maria Xynou interviewed Emma Carr, the Deputy Director of Big Brother Watch, on privacy and surveillance. View this interview and gain an insight on why we should all "have something to hide"!

For all those of you who haven't heard of Big Brother Watch, it's a London-based campaign group which was founded in 2009 to protect individual privacy and defend civil liberties.

Big Brother Watch was set up to challenge policies that threaten our privacy, our freedoms and our civil liberties, and to expose the true scale of the surveillance state. The campaign group has produced unique research exposing the erosion of civil liberties in the UK, looking at the dramatic expansion of surveillance powers, the growth of the database state and the misuse of personal information. Big Brother Watch campaigns to give individuals more control over their personal data, and hold to account those who fail to respect our privacy, whether private companies, government departments or local authorities.

Emma Carr joined Big Brother Watch as Deputy Director in February 2012 and has since been regularly quoted in the UK press. The Centre for Internet and Society interviewed Emma Carr on the following questions:

How do you define privacy?
Can privacy and freedom of expression co-exist? Why/Why not?
What is the balance between Internet freedom and surveillance?
According to your research, most people worldwide care about their online privacy – yet they give up most of it through the use of social networking sites and other online services. Why, in your opinion, does this occur and what are the potential implications?
Should people have the right to give up their right to privacy? Why/Why not?
What implications on human rights can mass surveillance potentially have?
“I'm not a terrorist and I have nothing to hide...and thus surveillance can't affect me personally.” Please comment.
Do we have Internet freedom?

VIDEO

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/interview-with-big-brother-watch-on-privacy-and-surveillance

The quest for genuine clout on the internet

praskrishna — 2013-10-29T07:08:40Z

There is a lot of interest and speculation on the impact of social media on politics because of its amplification effects.

The article by Karthik Subramanian was published in the Hindu on October 13, 2013. T. Vishnu Vardhan is quoted.

There is no denying that it has overtaken the traditional media in certain facets of news - most notably when it comes to breaking news and that it provides grounds for expressing one's ideas unbounded.

But the marketing and the advertising world are only just coming to grips with the medium. (Twitter is set to launch its IPO soon and Facebook is going to increasingly face the need to monetize its services. The Web has a history of complaints where users have found it tough to different between user-generated content and 'promoted' content.)

In effect, the question of the “influence” that social media and its star patrons wield is still being assessed, especially in the loaded context of whether its proactive use would translate to votes in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. Not only are the number of active social media users negligible in the Indian context, there are doubts on whether a 'cause and effect' scenario is possible.

There are two predominant points of view, while talking about the influence of social media campaigns on politics: One that closely reads the Facebook ‘likes’ and Twitter trends as an important measure of public pulse; and the other which dismisses any sort of influence that social media has on real and grass root level politics.

T. Vishnu Vardhan, a researcher at Bangalore-based Centre for Internet and Society, prefers the middle ground. “It is important to not ignore the growing popularity of social media in India with [telecom] service providers providing Facebook access at Rs. 1 for an entire day. However, I would refrain from seeing a direct correlation between a person's participation on social media to real-time events in society including politics.”

Propaganda fallacy

“In India and especially in Tamil Nadu it has been proved that the Propaganda Model is a fallacy. There is no simple formula, whether it be cinema of 1970s or the Social Media of the 2010s. There are too many factors and layers that influence real-time events.”

Companies around the world are trying to make sense of this 'Big Data' that people's digital lives are generating. And whilst individuals and even some clever campaigns make snap pronouncements based on superficial data and analysis, there are a few companies that are looking at it through the prism of complex algorithms and technology-enabled web crawling.

One such company Kochi-based startup Riafy Technologies is attempting to make sense of the digital noise in a broad sweeping sense looking at three domains: relational intelligence, predictive analysis and big data.

One of the their applications 'Movie Tarot' predicts the outcome of Friday releases at the movie box office, based on the digital traffic on the days preceding the release. Not every instance of praise or every denouncement is treated equally. Instead, they have an intelligent algorithm that they apply to predict the box office collections and the ultimate verdict. (They claim to have a fairly accurate track record thus far.)

The company's CEO John Mathew says there is a correlation between a person's online presence and behaviour in the real world. “This influence is significant in age groups of 18-34,” he says. “As for Lok Sabha elections, the 'social media influenced' voter turnout would be marginal when we look at the country as a whole, but this number would be substantial in the 'swing constituencies'.”

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/the-hindu-october-13-2013-karthik-subramanian-the-quest-for-genuine-clout-on-the-internet

Fragmentation in a Democracy : The Role of Social Movements and the Media

praskrishna — 2013-10-29T07:45:31Z

The Observer Research Foundation, Delhi, together with the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, Berlin, will be convening a Round-table on Fragmentation in a Democracy : The Role of Social Movements and the Media on October 16, 2013 at the Observer Research Foundation in New Delhi. Sunil Abraham is a speaker in the session on Impact of Media, Social Media & Technology on Democracy / Governance.

The round-table will examine the changing role of civil society as a political actor and also how this is being impacted by the Media and Social Media.

This round-table is being designed as a brainstorming session and therefore there will not be any formal written papers. Ideally, we will aim to have one or two prepared comments in each session to lay out the issues and a general discussion thereafter.

Agenda

10.00 10.05	Opening Remarks by Roundtable Chairperson:
10.05 11.45	Session 1: The Changing Role of Civil Society in a Democracy/Democratic Governance Trilochan Sastry, Founder and trustee, Association for Democratic Reform, Bangalore Chakshu Rai,/PRS Legislative Research Institute for Policy Research Studies, Delhi Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, Independent Journalist, Delhi Anand Kumar, Professor, JNU, Delhi
11.45 12.00	Tea/Coffee Break
	Session 2: The Impact of Media, Social Media & Technology on Democracy / Governance Sunil Abraham, CIS Bangalore Aditya Kalra, Thomson Rueters, Delhi R. Swaminathan, ORF, Mumbai Niranjan Sahoo, ORF, Delhi
13.45	Lunch

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/fragmentation-in-a-democracy

Concerns Regarding DNA Law

bhairav — 2013-10-29T10:09:26Z

Recently, a long government process to draft a law to permit the collection, processing, profiling, use and storage of human DNA is nearing conclusion. There are several concerns with this government effort. Below, we present broad-level issues to be kept in mind while dealing with DNA law.

Background

The Department of Biotechnology released, in 29 April 2012, a working draft of a proposed Human DNA Profiling Bill, 2012 ("DBT Bill") for public comments. The draft reveals an effort to (i) permit the collection of human blood, tissue and other samples for the purpose of creating DNA profiles, (ii) license private laboratories that create and store the profiles, (iii) store the DNA samples and profiles in various large databanks in a number of indices, and (iv) permit the use of the completed DNA profiles in scientific research and law enforcement. The regulation of human DNA profiling is of significant importance to the efficacy of law enforcement and the criminal justice system and correspondingly has a deep impact on the freedoms of ordinary citizens from profiling and monitoring. Below, we highlight five important concerns to bear in mind before drafting and implementing DNA legislation.

Primary Issues

Purpose of DNA Profiling

DNA profiling serves two broad purposes – (i) forensic – to establish unique identity of a person in the criminal justice system; and, (ii) research – to understand human genetics and its contribution to anthropology, biology and other sciences. These two purposes have very different approaches to DNA profiling and the issues and concerns attendant on them vary accordingly. Forensic DNA profiling is undertaken to afford either party in a criminal trial a better possibility of adducing corroborative evidence to prosecute, or to defend, an alleged offence. DNA, like fingerprints, is a biometric estimation of the individuality of a person. By itself, in the same manner that fingerprint evidence is only proof of the presence of a person at a particular place and not proof of the commission of a crime, DNA is merely corroborative evidence and cannot, on its own strength, result in a conviction or acquittal of an offence. Therefore, DNA and fingerprints, and the process by which they are collected and used as evidence, should be broadly similar.

Procedural Integrity

Forensic DNA profiling results from biological source material that is usually collected from crime scenes or forcibly from offenders and convicts. Biological source material found at a crime scene is very rarely non-contaminated and the procedure by which it is collected and its integrity ensured is of primary legislative importance. To avoid the danger of contaminated crime scene evidence being introduced in the criminal justice system to pervert the course of justice, it is crucial to ensure that DNA is collected only from intact human cells and not from compromised genetic material. Therefore, if the biological source material found at a crime scene does not contain at least one intact human cell, the whole of the biological source material should be destroyed to prevent the possibility of compromised genetic material being collected to yield inconclusive results. Adherence to this basic principle will obviate the possibility of partial matches of DNA profiles and the resulting controversy and confusion that ensues.

Conditions of Collection

In India, the taking of fingerprints is chiefly governed by the Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920 ("Prisoners Act") and section 73 of the Indian Evidence Act, 1872 ("Evidence Act"). The Prisoners Act permits the forcible taking of fingerprints from convicts and suspects in certain conditions. The Evidence Act, in addition, permits courts to require the taking of fingerprints for the forensic purpose of establishing unique identity in a criminal trial. No
provisions exist for consensual taking of fingerprints, presumably because of the danger of self-incrimination and general privacy concerns. Since, as discussed earlier, fingerprints and DNA are biometric measurements that should be treated equally to the extent possible, the conditions for the collection of DNA should be similar to those for the taking of fingerprints.Accordingly, there should be no legal provisions that enable other kinds of collection, including from volunteers and innocent people.

Retention of DNA

As a general rule applicable in India, the retention of biometric measurements must be supported by a clear purpose that is legitimate, judicially sanctioned and transparent. The Prisoners Act, which permits the forcible taking of fingerprints from convicts, also mandates the destruction of these fingerprints when the person is acquitted or discharged. The indefinite collection of biometric measurements of people is dangerous, susceptible to abuse and invasive of civil rights. Therefore, once lawfully collected from crime scenes and offenders, their DNA profiles must be retained in strictly controlled databases with highly restricted access for the forensic purpose of law enforcement only. DNA should not be held in databases that allow non-forensic use. Further, the indices within these databases should be watertight and exclusive of each other.

DNA Laboratories

The process by which DNA profiles are created from biological source material is of critical importance. Because of the evidentiary value of DNA profiles, the laboratories in which these profiles are created must be properly licensed, professionally managed and manned by competent and impartial personnel. Therefore, the process by which DNA laboratories are licensed and permitted to operate is significant.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/concerns-regarding-dna-law

The India Privacy Monitor Map

maria — 2013-10-09T16:26:14Z

The Centre for Internet and Society has started the first Privacy Watch in India! Check out our map which includes data on the UID, NPR and CCTNS schemes, as well as on the installation of CCTV cameras and the use of drones throughout the country.

In a country of twenty-eight diverse states and seven union territories, it remained unclear to what extent surveillance, biometric and other privacy-intrusive schemes are being implemented. We are trying to make up for this by mapping out data in every single state in India on the UID, CCTNS and NPR schemes, as well as on the installation of CCTV cameras and the use of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), otherwise known as drones.

In particular, the map in its current format includes data on the following:

UID: The Unique Identification Number (UID), also known as AADHAAR, is a 12-digit unique identification number which the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) is currently issuing for all residents in India (on a voluntary basis). Each UID is stored in a centralised database and linked to the basic demographic and biometric information of each individual. The UIDAI and AADHAAR currently lack legal backing.

NPR: Under the National Population Register (NPR), the demographic data of all residents in India is collected on a mandatory basis. The Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) supplements the NPR with the collection of biometric data and the issue of the AADHAAR number.

CCTV: Closed-circuit television cameras which can produce images or recordings for surveillance purposes.

UAV: Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), otherwise known as drones, are aircrafts without a human pilot on board. The flight of a UAV is controlled either autonomously by computers in the vehicle or under the remote control of a pilot on the ground or in another vehicle. UAVs are used for surveillance purposes.

CCTNS: The Crime and Criminal Tracking Networks and Systems (CCTNS) is a nationwide networking infrastructure for enhancing efficiency and effectiveness of policing and sharing data among 14,000 police stations across India.

Our India Privacy Monitor Map can be viewed through the following link: http://cis-india.org/cisprivacymonitor

This map is part of on-going research and will hopefully expand to include other schemes and projects which are potentially privacy-intrusive. We encourage all feedback and additional data!

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/india-privacy-monitor-map

Re: The Human DNA Profiling Bill, 2012

bhairav — 2013-10-29T10:00:47Z

This short note speaks to legal issues arising from the proposed Human DNA Profiling Bill, 2012 ("DBT Bill") that was circulated drafted under the aegis of the Department of Biotechnology of the Ministry of Science and Technology, Government of India, which seeks to collect human DNA samples, profile them and store them. These comments are made clause-by-clause against the DBT Bill.

Note: Clause-by-clause comments on the Working Draft version of April 29, 2012 from the Centre for Internet and Society

This short note speaks to legal issues arising from the proposed Human DNA Profiling Bill, 2012 ("DBT Bill") that was circulated within the Experts Committee constituted under the aegis of the Department of Biotechnology of the Ministry of Science and Technology, Government of India.
This note must be read against the relevant provisions of the DBT Bill and, where indicated, together with the proposed Forensic DNA Profiling (Regulation) Bill, 2013 that was drafted by the Centre for Internet & Society, Bangalore ("CIS Bill"). These comments must also be read alongside the two-page submission titled “A Brief Note on the Forensic DNA Profiling (Regulation) Bill, 2013” ("CIS Note"). Whereas the aforesaid CIS Note raised issues that informed the drafting of the CIS Bill, this present note seeks to provide legal comments on the DBT Bill.
Preamble
The DBT Bill, in its current working form, lacks a preamble. No doubt, a preamble will be added later once the text of the DBT Bill is finalised. Instead, the DBT Bill contains an introduction. It must be borne in mind that the purpose of the legislation should be spelt out in the preamble since preambular clauses have interpretative value. [See, A. Thangal Kunju Musaliar AIR 1956 SC 246; Burrakur Coal Co. Ltd. AIR 1961 SC 954; and Arnit Das (2000) 5 SCC 488]. Hence, a preamble that states the intent of Parliament to create permissible conditions for DNA source material collection, profiling, retention and forensic use in criminal trials is necessary.
Objects Clause
An ‘objects clause,’ detailing the intention of the legislature and containing principles to inform the application of a statute, in the main body of the statute is an enforceable mechanism to give directions to a statute and can be a formidable primary aid in statutory interpretation. [See, for example, section 83 of the Patents Act, 1970 that directly informed the Order of the Controller of Patents, Mumbai, in the matter of NATCO Pharma and Bayer Corporation in Compulsory Licence Application No. 1 of 2011.] Therefore, the DBT Bill should incorporate an objects clause that makes clear that (i) the principles of notice, confidentiality, collection limitation, personal autonomy, purpose limitation and data minimisation must be adhered to at all times; (ii) DNA profiles merely estimate the identity of persons, they do not conclusively establish unique identity; (iii) all individuals have a right to privacy that must be continuously weighed against efforts to collect and retain DNA; (iv) centralised databases are inherently dangerous because of the volume of information that is at risk; (v) forensic DNA profiling is intended to have probative value; therefore, if there is any doubt regarding a DNA profile, it should not be received in evidence by a court; (vi) once adduced, the evidence created by a DNA profile is only corroborative and must be treated on par with other biometric evidence such as fingerprint measurements.
Definitions
The definition of “analytical procedure” in clause 2(1)(a) of the DBT Bill is practically redundant and should be removed. It is used only twice – in clauses 24 and 66(2)(p) which give the DNA Profiling Board the power to frame procedural regulations. In the absence of specifying the content of any analytical procedure, the definition serves no purpose.
The definition of “audit” in clause 2(1)(b) is relevant for measuring the training programmes and laboratory conditions specified in clauses 12(f) and 27. However, the term “audit” is subsequently used in an entirely different manner in Chapter IX which relates to financial information and transparency. This is a conflicting definition. The term “audit” has a well-established use for financial information that does not require a definition. Hence, this definition should be removed.
The definition of “calibration” in clause 2(1)(d) is redundant and should be removed since the term is not meaningfully used in the DBT Bill.
The definition of “DNA Data Bank” in clause 2(1)(h) is unnecessary. The DBT Bill seeks to establish a National DNA Data Bank, State DNA Data Banks and Regional DNA Data Banks vide clause 32. These national, state and regional databases must be defined individually with reference to their establishment clauses. Defining a “DNA Data Bank”, exclusive of the national, state and regional databases, creates the assumption that any private individual can start and maintain a database. This is a drafting error.
The definition of “DNA Data Bank Manager” in clause 2(1)(i) is misleading since, in the text of the DBT Bill, it is only used in relation to the proposed National DNA Data Bank and never in relation to the State and Regional Data Banks. If it is the intention of DBT Bill that only the national database should have a manager, the definition should be renamed to ‘National DNA Data Bank Manager’ and the clause should specifically identify the National DNA Data Bank. This is a drafting error.
The definition of “DNA laboratory” in clause 2(1)(j) should refer to the specific clauses that empower the Central Government and State Governments to license and recognise DNA laboratories. This is a drafting error.
The definition of “DNA profile” in clause 2(1)(l) is too vague. Merely the results of an analysis of a DNA sample may not be sufficient to create an actual DNA profile. Further, the results of the analysis may yield DNA information that, because of incompleteness or lack of information, is inconclusive. These incomplete bits of information should not be recognised as DNA profiles. This definition should be amended to clearly specify the contents of a complete and valid DNA profile that contains, at least, numerical representations of 17 or more loci of short tandem repeats that are sufficient to estimate biometric individuality of a person.
The definition of “forensic material” in clause 2(1)(o) needs to be amended to remove the references to intimate and non-intimate body samples. If the references are retained, then evidence collected from a crime scene, where an intimate or non-intimate collection procedure was obviously not followed, will not fall within the scope of “forensic material”.
The terms “intimate body sample” and “non-intimate body sample” that are defined in clauses 2(1)(q) and 2(1)(v) respectively are not used anywhere outside the definitions clause except for an inconsequential reference to non-intimate body samples only in the rule-making provision of clause 66(2)(zg). “Intimate body sample” is not used anywhere outside the definitions clause. Both these definitions are redundant and should be removed.
The terms “intimate forensic procedure” and “non-intimate forensic procedure”, that are defined in clauses 2(1)(r) and 2(1)(w) respectively, are not used anywhere except for an inconsequential reference of non-intimate forensic procedure in the rule-making provision of clause 66(2)(zg). “Intimate forensic procedure” is not used anywhere outside the definitions clause. Both these definitions are redundant and should be removed.
The term “known samples” that is defined in clause 2(1)(s) is not used anywhere outside the definitions clause and should be removed for redundancy.
The definition of “offender” in clause 2(1)(y) if vague because it does not specify the offences for which an “offender” need be convicted. It is also linked to an unclear definition of the term “undertrial”, which does not specify the nature of pending criminal proceedings and, therefore, could be used to describe simple offences such as, for example, failure to pay an electricity bill, which also attracts criminal penalties.
The term “proficiency testing” that is defined in clause 2(1)(zb) is not used anywhere in the text of the DBT Bill and should be removed.
The definitions of “quality assurance”, “quality manual” and “quality system” serve no enforceable purpose since they are used only in relation to the DNA Profiling Board’s rule-making powers under clauses 18 and 66. Their inclusion in the definitions clause is redundant. Accordingly, these definitions should be removed.
The term “suspect” defined in clause 2(1)(zi) is vague and imprecise. The standard by which suspicion is to be measured, and by whom suspicion may be entertained – whether police or others, has not been specified. The term “suspect” is not defined in either the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 ("CrPC") or the Indian Penal Code, 1860 ("IPC").
The DNA Profiling Board
Clause 3 of the DBT Bill, which provides for the establishment of the DNA Profiling Board, contains a sub-clause (2) which vests the Board with corporate identity. This vesting of legal personality in the DNA Profiling Board – when other boards and authorities, even ministries and independent departments, and even the armed forces do not enjoy this function – is ill-advised and made without sufficient thought. Bodies corporate may be corporations sole – such the President of India, or corporations aggregate – such as companies. The intent of corporate identity is to create a fictional legal personality where none previously existed in order for the fictional legal personality to exist apart from its members, enjoy perpetual succession and to sue in its own legal name. Article 300 of the Constitution of India vests the Central Government with legal personality in the legal name of the Union of India and the State Governments with legal personality in the legal names of their respective states. Apart from this constitutional dispensation, some regulatory authorities, such as the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India ("TRAI") and the Securities and Exchange Board of India ("SEBI") have been individually vested with legal personalities as bodies corporate to enable their autonomous governance and independent functioning to secure their ability to free, fairly and impartially regulate the market free from governmental or private collusion. Similarly, some overarching national commissions, such as the Election Commission of India and the National Human Rights Commission ("NHRC") have been vested with the power to sue and be sued in their own names. In comparison, the DNA Profiling Board is neither an independent market regulator nor an overarching national commission with judicial powers. There is no legal reason for it to be vested with a legal personality on par with the Central Government or a company. Therefore, clause 3(2) should be removed.
The size and composition of the Board that is staffed under clause 4 is extremely large. Creating unwieldy and top-heavy bureaucratic authorities and investing them with regulatory powers, including the powers of licensing, is avoidable. The DBT Bill proposes to create a Board of 16 members, most of them from a scientific background and including a few policemen and one legal administrator. In its present form, the Board is larger than many High Courts but does not have a single legal member able to conduct licensing. Drawing from the experiences of other administrative and regulatory bodies in India, the size of the Board should be drastically reduced to no more than five members, at least half of whom should be lawyers or ex-judges. The change in the legal composition of the Board is necessary because the DBT Bill contemplates that it will perform the legal function of licensing that must obey basic tenets of administrative law. The current membership may be viable only if the Board is divested of its administrative and regulatory powers and left with only scientific advice functions. Moreover, stacking the Board with scientists and policemen appears to ignore the perils that DNA collection and retention pose to the privacy of ordinary citizens and their criminal law rights. The Board should have adequate representation from the human rights community – both institutional (e.g NHRC and the State Human Rights Commissions) and non-institutional (well-regarded and experienced human rights activists). The Board should also have privacy advocates.
Clauses 5(2) and 5(3) establish an unequal hierarchy within the Board by privileging some members with longer terms than others. There is no good reason for why the Vice-Chancellor of a National Law University, the Director General of Police of a State, the Director of a Central Forensic Science Laboratory and the Director of a State Forensic Science Laboratory should serve membership terms on the Board that are longer than those of molecular biologists, population geneticists and other scientists. Such artificial hierarchies should be removed at the outset. The Board should have one pre-eminent chairperson and other equal members with equal terms.
The Chairperson of the Board, who is first mentioned in clause 5(1), has not been duly and properly appointed. Clause 4 should be modified to mention the appointment of the Chairperson and other Members.
Clause 7 deals with the issue of conflict of interest in narrow cases. The clause requires members to react on a case-by-case basis to the business of the Board by recusing themselves from deliberations and voting where necessary. Instead, it may be more appropriate to require members to make a full and public disclosures of their real and potential conflicts of interest, and then granting the Chairperson the power to prevent such members from voting on interested matters. Failure to follow these anti-collusion and anti-corruption safeguards should attract criminal penalties.
Clause 10 anticipates the appointment of a Chief Executive Officer of the Board who shall be a serving Joint Secretary to the Central Government. Clause 10(3) further requires this officer to be scientist. This may not be possible because the administrative hierarchy of the Central Government may not contain a genetic scientist.
The functions of the Board specified in clause 12 are overbroad. Advising ministries, facilitating governments, recommending the size of funds and so on – these are administrative and governance functions best left to the executive. Once the Board is modified to have sufficient legal and human rights representation, then the functions of the Board can non-controversially include licensing, developing standards and norms, safeguarding privacy and other rights, ensuring public transparency, promoting information and debate and a few other limited functions necessary for a regulatory authority.
DNA Laboratories
The provisions of Chapters V and VI may be simplified and merged.
DNA Data Banks
The creation of multiple indices in clause 32(4) cannot be justified and must be removed. The collection of biological source material is an invasion of privacy that must be conducted only in strict conditions when the potential harm to individuals is outweighed by the public good. This balance may only be struck when dealing with the collection and profiling of samples from certain categories of offenders. The implications of collecting and profiling DNA samples from corpses, suspects, missing persons and others are vast and have either not been properly understood or deliberately ignored. At this moment, the forcible collection of biological source material should be restricted to the categories of offenders mentioned in the Identification of Prisoners Act, 1920 ("Prisoners Act") with a suitable addition for persons arrested in connection with certain specified terrorism-related offences. Therefore, databases should contain only an offenders’ index and a crime scene index.
Clause 32(6), which requires the names of individuals to be connected to their profiles, and hence accessible to persons connected with the database, should be removed. DNA profiles, once developed, should be anonymised and retained separate from the names of their owners.
Clause 36, which allows international disclosures of DNA profiles of Indians, should be removed immediately. Whereas an Indian may have legal remedies against the National DNA Data Bank, he/she certainly will not be able to enforce any rights against a foreign government or entity. This provision will be misused to rendition DNA profiles abroad for activities not permitted in India. Similarly, as in data protection regimes around the world, DNA profiles should remain within jurisdictions with high privacy and other legal standards.
Use
The only legitimate purpose for which DNA profiles may be used is for establishing the identity of individuals in criminal trials and confirming their presence or absence from a certain location. Accordingly, clauses 39 and 40 should be re-drafted to specify this sole forensic purpose and also specify the manner in which DNA profiles may be received in evidence. For more information on this point, see the relevant provisions of the CIS Note and the CIS Bill.
The disclosure of DNA profiles should only take place to a law enforcement agency conducting a valid investigation into certain offences and to courts currently trying the individuals to whom the DNA profiles pertains. All other disclosures of DNA profiles should be made illegal. Non-consensual disclosure of DNA profiles for the study of population genetics is specifically illegal. The DBT Bill does not prescribe stringent criminal penalties and other mechanisms to affix individual liability on individual scientists and research institutions for improper use of DNA profiles; it is therefore open to the criticism that it seeks to sacrifice individual rights of persons, including the fundamental right to privacy, without parallel remedies and penalties. Clause 40 should be removed in entirety.
Clause 43 should be removed in entirety. This note does not contemplate the retention of DNA profiles of suspects and victims, except as derived from a crime scene.
Clause 45 sets out a post-conviction right related to criminal procedure and evidence. This would fundamentally alter the nature of India’s criminal justice system, which currently does not contain specific provisions for post-conviction testing rights. However, courts may re-try cases in certain narrow cases when fresh evidence is brought forth that has a nexus to the evidence upon which the person was convicted and if it can be proved that the fresh evidence was not earlier adduced due to bias. Any other fresh evidence that may be uncovered cannot prompt a new trial. Clause 45 is implicated by Article 20(2) of the Constitution of India and by section 300 of the CrPC. The principle of autrefois acquit that informs section 300 of the CrPC specifically deals with exceptions to the rule against double jeopardy that permit re-trials. [See, for instance, Sangeeta Mahendrabhai Patel (2012) 7 SCC 721].

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/re-the-human-dna-profiling-bill-2012

Religious pluralism and freedom of expression in India, Europe and other countries

praskrishna — 2013-11-08T05:54:06Z

The Venice-Delhi Seminars are Reset-Dialogues on Civilizations project, in cooperation with the Jamia Millia Islamia, Seminar and the India Habitat Centre is organizing this event from October 10 to 12, 2013. Chinmayi Arun will be speaking at this event.

Click to read the full details published by Reset DOC on October 10, 2013.

This year, the Rome-based international association Reset-Dialogues on Civilizations will continue promoting dialogue between cultures and the culture of dialogue, reciprocal awareness between East and West and valorising the cultural, religious and political differences in a globalized world.

The schedule for autumn 2013 is as follows; the next Venice-Delhi Seminars will take place from October 10 to 12 in Delhi with the participation of the Indian magazine Seminar, and Jamia Millia Islamia, the Islamic University of Delhi and the India Habitat Centre. After the first meeting in the Indian capital in October 2010 on the subject “Minorities and Pluralism” (see Seminar 621, 2011) and a second meeting in Venice at the Giorgio Cini Foundation from October 18 to 20, 2012, dedicated to “Cultural differences in times of economic turbulence. Social tensions, cultural conflicts and policies of integration in Europe and India”, the Venice-Delhi Seminars have become a regular event, with one being held in Venice and the next in Delhi.

Pluralism

The project’s general framework is religious and cultural pluralism, seen through the perspective analysis of social and political processes and exchanges between East and West. Every encounter is an opportunity to deepen political, social and economic trends that run through society, like India’s and, increasingly, European society, where cultural, ethnic and political differences coexist and interact. Each meeting consists of five sessions lasting three days and papers presented by by experts and academics from all over the world attending roundtable discussions dedicated to the analysis of policies relating to minorities and the global challenge of the multi-ethnic composition of our societies.

The proceedings and more articles from our 2012 edition in Venice, Italy, are published in the September 2013 issue of Seminar magazine. You can visit its website here: www.india-seminar.com

10-12 October 2013 – Third Venice-Delhi Seminars
Coexistence and mutual respect, rights to be protected, freedom of speech and freedom of worship, blasphemy, the ethics of responsibility

The third Venice-Delhi Seminars will take place from October 10 to 12, 2013 in Delhi and will be dedicated to three days of study on the subject “Religious Pluralism and Freedom of Expression in India and Europe: Coexistence and Mutual Respect, Rights to Protect, Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Worship, Blasphemy, Ethics of Responsibility”. The objective of this second round of the “Plural Future” project will be to critically examine the growing tension between the democratic need to protect differences and the right to freedom of expression and the vital need for modern democracies to guarantee peaceful coexistence between majorities and minorities, as well as freedom of worship in conditions of cultural and religious pluralism protected from the extremist excesses of demands based on ethnicity and identity. We will therefore also analyze the public visibility of radical and extremist tendencies from the United States to Europe, to Muslim-majority countries and India.

Analysis will take place from a perspective paying particular attention to the manner in which this wave of violent opposition to dialogue and cultural differences challenges liberal democratic order, tested by a new need to implement rights and respect of minorities. Specific importance will be attributed to conditions experienced by Muslim and Christian minorities. The subject of respect between communities and the rights of minorities will be analyzed also in the European context. European, Indian and American scholars will attend.

Particular attention will paid to the media in this 2013 edition, and its role in portraying cultural and religious differences as well as its capacity to encourage or prevent the development of peaceful co-existence and an acceptance of differences in conditions of cultural, religious and ethnic pluralism.

The Reset-Dialogues on Civilizations project has been organised also so as to involve a large number of students, graduates and doctoral students.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/resetdoc-october-10-2013-religious-pluralism-and-freedom-of-expression-in-india-europe-other-countries

Google survey: 37% of urban Indian voters are online

praskrishna — 2013-11-07T10:41:46Z

Almost four out of every 10 urban voters (or 37%) in India are online, just a little less than the number (42%) that are undecided about whom they will vote for in the 2014 general elections, according to a survey by Google India and research agency TNS released on Tuesday.

This article by Anuja and Moulishree Srivastava was published in Livemint on October 8, 2013. Sunil Abraham is quoted.

To be sure, the two sets needn’t necessarily be mutually exclusive.

The Google-TNS survey said the biggest consideration for online urban voters is the political party (36%), followed by candidates (35%) with party leadership coming in a distant third at 17%. Only 11% of those surveyed said they would vote for a party based on its prime ministerial candidate.

The Election Commission estimates the total number of voters to be 725 million. According to provisional census data, out of India’s 1.21 billion population, 833 million live in rural India and 377 million in urban areas, Mint reported on 7 September.

Using the same proportions, the number of urban voters is around 225 million. And the number of those online, around 83 million.

However, there is no certainty that all these voters can be reached through digital media and be influenced to cast their votes for a party or a candidate. First-time voters, estimated from census data and adjusting for the fact that the survey was conducted in 2011, account for 149.36 million of the electorate.

The main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has already declared Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi as its prime ministerial candidate.

While 45% of those surveyed said they would want to see more information on the Internet to help them make up their minds, 65% said they do not share their political views online.

According to Rajan Anandan, vice-president and managing director of Google India, while in the beginning of this year there were 150 million Internet users in the country, it is set to reach 200 million mark by year end.

The main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has already declared Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi as its prime ministerial candidate.

While 45% of those surveyed said they would want to see more information on the Internet to help them make up their minds, 65% said they do not share their political views online.

	The main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has already declared Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi as its prime ministerial candidate. While 45% of those surveyed said they would want to see more information on the Internet to help them make up their minds, 65% said they do not share their political views online. According to Rajan Anandan, vice-president and managing director of Google India, while in the beginning of this year there were 150 million Internet users in the country, it is set to reach 200 million mark by year end.

The main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has already declared Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi as its prime ministerial candidate.

While 45% of those surveyed said they would want to see more information on the Internet to help them make up their minds, 65% said they do not share their political views online.

According to Rajan Anandan, vice-president and managing director of Google India, while in the beginning of this year there were 150 million Internet users in the country, it is set to reach 200 million mark by year end.

Modi remains the most Google-searched politician in India, and Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi is second on the list. The BJP is the most searched political party, followed by the Congress.

The survey was carried out between March and September this year, covering 65 constituencies, 59 cities and 7,042 respondents—all registered voters who use the Internet.

Also on Tuesday, the Internet and Mobile Association of India (IAMAI) released a report showing that increasing spending on social media campaigns can swing 3%–4% of votes in 24 states where Internet usage is sizeable. Social media marketing can play a decisive role as a swing over 1% can change the outcome of elections, it claimed.

The number of social media users in urban India is set to reach 86 million in October this year, and 91 million by the end of this year, according to IAMAI. Political experts are, however, sceptical about the impact of the Internet and social media on the general elections next year. “There would be a little impact but to say that there would be a major effect of it would be a little difficult,” Abhay Kumar Dubey, a political analyst and fellow at the Centre for Study of Developing Societies, a Delhi-based think tank, said.

“We have seen social media’s impact as a mobilizing instrument for agitational purposes but it cannot be said whether it can play a role in voting preference.” Sunil Abraham, executive director of Centre for Internet and Society (CIS), too was sceptical about the impact of Internet usage on elections.

“Urban voters who are online make a small percentage of the voter base. It is not clear whether the sample size of the study was big enough to draw any significant conclusions. So far we have been told that the young urban voter does not always vote and he or she prioritizes a weekend getaway over participating in the general elections,” he said.

Abraham also said that the younger voting population does not vote according to any one trend. “Young people online are a representative subset of the general population divided across political preferences and ideologies. There is no evidence that they will vote as a block and will be extremely susceptible to social media based propaganda,” he added.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/livemint-october-8-2013-anuja-moulishree-srivastava-google-survey-indian-voters-online

Privacy Meet

praskrishna — 2013-11-20T05:13:57Z

Bhairav Acharya was invited by Yahoo's Director of International Privacy, Laura Juanes Micas, to a dinner meeting on privacy at the Oberoi in New Delhi.

The meeting was attended by Justice A.P. Shah, Dr. Gulshan Rai, Dr. Kamlesh Bajaj and others. At this event, Bhairav spoke about the need to develop laws to regulate surveillance and personal data in India. Bhairav further spoke about both the commercial benefits that will accrue from data protection law as well as the national benefit from surveillance regulation and security law. Bhairav also spoke of the need to create a procedure that is just, fair and reasonable and, he highlighted the point that these laws would have to survive constitutional scrutiny by the Supreme Court of India. He also pointed out that meaningful protections lay in creating procedural law that allowed individuals the protection of natural justice and identified magistrates to authorise data collections and interceptions. He further made it clear that India's distinct security situation, both internal and external, warranted a robust surveillance framework that enables law enforcement and strengthens the criminal justice system in manner consistent with the rule of law.

Timings	Agenda
19.00 19.25	Handshakes and Introduction
19.25 19.30	Welcome Remarks by Laura Juanes Micas, Director – International Privacy, Yahoo Inc
19.30 19.35	Address by Manoj Joshi, Joint Secretary, Deptt of Personnel and Training
19.35 19.40	Address by Dr. Gulshan Rai, Director General, CERT-IN
19.40 19.45	Address by Dr. Kamlesh Bajaj, CEO – Data Security Council of India (DSCI)
19.45 19.50	Address by Bhairav Acharya, Legal Adviser, Centre for Internet and Society (CIS)
19.50 19.55	Address by Rajan Mathews, Director General, Cellular Operators Association of India (COAI)
19.55 20.00	Address by Justice A P Shah, Former Chief Justice, Delhi High Court and Chairman, Group of Experts
20.00 20.05	Address by Pavan Duggal, Advocate, Supreme Court
20.05 20.10	Address by Chinmayi Arun, Research Director – Centre for Communication Governance, National Law University - Delhi
20.10 20.15	Address by Prasanth Sugathan, Counsel, Software Freedom Law Centre (SFLC.IN)
20.15 20.20	Address by Dr. Subho Ray, President, Internet and Mobile Association of India (IAMAI)
20.20	Discussions (Along with Sit – Down Dinner)

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/privacy-meet-october-7-2013

Decline in web freedom steepest in India: Report

praskrishna — 2013-10-24T03:50:51Z

In a report on the state of internet in 60 countries, Freedom House, a US-based organization, said that in 2013 India saw the "most significant year-on-year decline" in terms of the web freedom.

The article by Javed Anwer was published in the Times of India on October 3, 2013. Sunil Abraham is quoted.

The report said that that the internet in India was "partly free". This is the same status that India had in 2012. But the country's score is now 47 points (higher means more censorship) in 2013 compared to 39 in 2012. The 8-point fall is the steepest Freedom House found among all 60 countries that the group surveyed. Freedom House said it recorded 5-point fall in Brazil, Venezuela and the US.

Despite mass surveillance revealed by Edward Snowden, a former contractor for National Security Agency in the US, Freedom House calls the web in the country "free".

The Freedom House report said that in 2013 India "suffered from deliberate interruptions of mobile and internet service to limit unrest, excessive blocks on content during rioting in northeastern states, and an uptick in the filing of criminal charges against ordinary users for posts of social media sites".

In 2013, India's commitment to the web freedom has not only been worse than developed countries but has also been inferior to countries like Malawi, Tunisia and Mexico.

In the case of India, Freedom House particularly singles out Central Monitoring System, which Indian government is putting in place to regulate and monitor the web usage within the country. "Surveillance (under CMS) requires no judicial oversight. While some of this activity might be justifiable, the lack of transparency surrounding the system, which was never reviewed by Parliament, is concerning," it notes in the report. "The system's potential for abuse is also disquieting, as is its inadequate legal framework.

The report cites the case of the girl who was arrested for liking a Facebook post in Maharashtra, blocking of some Twitter accounts belonging to Indian users, overly broad court directives that have resulted in blocking of websites and a general lack of transparency in how Indian government blocks or filters content reach a conclusion that Indians now have less freedom on how they use the web.

Sunil Abraham, director at Bangalore-based Centre for Internet and Society, says that Freedom House reports are not very accurate because they don't factor in censorship by copyright holders. But he agreed with its basic premise that in India conditions for web users are getting more difficult.

"The report is absolutely right in pointing out that censorship and surveillance in India is increasing. Despite protests from many quarters, it is a real pity that the government is not taking steps to amend the IT act and has joined other nation states in the global race to the bottom of the internet freedom," said Abraham.

Anja Kovacs, founder of Delhi-based Internet Democracy Project, agrees. "I have some issues with Freedom House reports due to how they are prepared and their methodologies. But yes I can say that last year has been very eventful and difficult," said. "But at the same time, there has also been a lot of push back from web users and activists. There have been conversations around the issue of web censorship, which is good."

Globally, the web surveillance is on the rise. "Broad surveillance, new laws controlling web content, and growing arrests of social-media users drove a worldwide decline in internet freedom in the past year," noted Freedom House.

Overall, 34 out of 60 countries part of the report saw a decline in the web freedom. "Vietnam and Ethiopia continued on a worsening cycle of repression; Venezuela stepped up censorship during presidential elections; and three democracies—India, the United States, and Brazil—saw troubling declines," noted the report.

Iceland and Estonia topped the list of countries with the greatest degree of internet freedom. China, Cuba, and Iran were found to be the most repressive countries.

For more details visit https://cis-india.org/news/times-of-india-october-3-2013-javed-anwer-decline-in-web-freedom-steepest-in-india

An Analysis of the Cases Filed under Section 46 of the Information Technology Act, 2000 for Adjudication in the State of Maharashtra

bhairav — 2013-10-01T15:29:46Z

This is a brief review of some of the cases related to privacy filed under section 46 of the Information Technology Act, 2000 ("the Act") seeking adjudication for alleged contraventions of the Act in the State of Maharashtra.

Background

Section 46 of the Act grants the Central Government the power to appoint an adjudicating officer to hold an enquiry to adjudge, upon complaints being filed before that adjudicating officer, contraventions of the Act. The adjudicating officer may be of the Central Government or of the State Government [see section 46(1) of the Act], must have field experience with information technology and law [see section 46(3) of the Act] and exercises jurisdiction over claims for damages up to `5,00,00,000 [see section 46(1A) of the Act]. For the purpose of adjudication, the officer is vested with certain powers of a civil court [see section 46(5) of the Act] and must follow basic principles of natural justice while conducting adjudications [see section 46(2) of the Act]. Hence, the adjudicating officer appointed under section 46 is a quasi-judicial authority.

In addition, the quasi-judicial adjudicating officer may impose penalties, thereby vesting him with some of the powers of a criminal court [see section 46(2) of the Act], and award compensation, the quantum of which is to be determined after taking into account factors including unfair advantage, loss and repeat offences [see section 47 of the Act]. The adjudicating officer may impose penalties for any of the offences described in section 43, section 44 and section 45 of the Act; and, further, may award compensation for losses suffered as a result of contraventions of section 43 and section 43A. The text of these sections is reproduced in the Schedule below. Further law as to the appointment of the adjudicating officer and the procedure attendant on all adjudications was made by Information Technology (Qualification and Experience of Adjudicating Officers and the Manner of Holding Enquiry) Rules, 2003.[1]

It is clear that the adjudicating officer is vested with significant judicial powers, including the power to enforce certain criminal penalties, and is an important quasi-judicial authority.

Excursus

At the outset, it is important to understand the distinction between compensation and damages. Compensation is a sum of money awarded by a civil court, before or along with the primary decree, to indemnify a person for injury or loss. It is usually awarded to a person who has a suffered a monetary loss as a result of the acts or omissions of another party. Its quantification is usually guided by principles of equity. [See Shantilal Mangaldas AIR 1969 SC 634 and Ranbir Kumar Arora AIR 1983 P&H 431]. On the hand, damages are punitive and, in addition to restoring an indemnitee to wholeness, may be imposed to deter an offender, punish exemplary offences, and recover consequential losses, amongst other objectives. Damages that are punitive, while not judicially popular in India, are usually imposed by a criminal court in common law jurisdictions. They are distinct from civil and equitable actions. [See the seminal case of The Owners of the Steamship Mediana [1900] AC 113 (HL)].

Unfortunately, section 46 of the Act uses the terms “damage”, “injury” and “compensation” interchangeably without regard for the long and rich jurisprudence that finds them to be different concepts.

The Cases related to Privacy

In the State of Maharashtra, there have been a total of 47 cases filed under section 46 of the Act. Of these, 33 cases have been disposed of by the Adjudicating Officer and 14 are currently pending disposal. [2] At least three of these cases before the Adjudicating Officer deal with issues related to privacy of communications and personal data. They are:

Case Title	Forum	Date
Vinod Kaushik v. Madhvika Joshi	Shri Rajesh Aggarwal Adjudicating Officer, ex-officio Secretary, IT Government of Maharashtra	10.10.2011
Amit D. Patwardhan v. Rud India Chains	Shri Rajesh Aggarwal Adjudicating Officer, ex-officio Secretary, IT Government of Maharashtra	15.04.2013
Nirmalkumar Bagherwal v. Minal Bagherwal	Shri Rajesh Aggarwal Adjudicating Officer, ex-officio Secretary, IT Government of Maharashtra	26.08.2013

In all three cases the Adjudicating Officer was called upon to determine and penalise unauthorised access to personal data of the complainants. In the Vinod Kaushik case, the complainants’ emails and chat sessions were accessed, copied and made available to the police for legal proceedings without the permission of the complainants. In the Amit Patwardhan and Nirmalkumar Bagherwal cases, the complainants’ financial information in the form of bank account statements were obtained from their respective banks without their consent and used against them in legal proceedings.

The Vinod Kaushik complaint was filed in 2010 for privacy violations committed between 2008 and 2009. The complaint was made against the complainant’s daughter-in-law – the respondent, who was estranged from her husband, the complainant’s son. The respondent had, independent of the proceedings before the Adjudicating Officer, instituted criminal proceedings alleging cruelty and dowry-related harassment against her estranged husband and the complainant. To support some of the claims made in the criminal proceedings, the respondent accessed the email accounts of her estranged husband and the complainant and printed copies of certain communications, both emails and chat transcripts. The complaint to the Adjudicating Officer was made in relation to these emails and chat transcripts that were obtained without the consent and knowledge of the complainant and his son. On 09.08.2010, the then Adjudicating Officer dismissed the complaint after finding that, owing to the marriage between the respondent and the complainant’s son, there was a relation of mutual trust between them that resulted in the complainant and his son consensually sharing their email account passwords with the respondent. This ruling was appealed to the Cyber Appellate Tribunal ("CyAT") which, in a decision of 29.06.2011, found irregularities in the complainant’s son’s privity to the proceedings and remanded the complaint to the Adjudicating Officer for re-adjudication. The re-adjudication, which was conducted by Shri Rajesh Aggarwal as Adjudicating Officer, resulted in a final order of 10.10.2011 ("the final order") that is the subject of this analysis. The final order found that the respondent had violated the privacy of the complainant and his son by her unauthorised access of their email accounts and sharing of their private communications. However, the Adjudicating Officer found that the intent of the unauthorised access – to obtain evidence to support a criminal proceeding – was mitigatory and hence ordered the respondent to pay only a small token amount in compensation, not to the complainants but instead to the State Treasury. The Delhi High Court, which was moved in appeal because the CyAT was non-functional, upheld the final order in its decision of 27.01.2012.

The Amit Patwardhan complaint was filed against the complainant’s ex-employer – the respondent, for illegally obtaining copies of the complainant’s bank account statement. The complainant had left the employ of the respondent to work with a competing business company but not before colluding with the competing business company and diverting the respondent’s customers to them. For redress, the respondent filed suit for a decree of compensation and lead the complainant’s bank statements in evidence to prove unlawful gratification. Since the bank statements were obtained electronically by the respondent without the complainant’s consent, the jurisdiction of the Adjudicating Officer was invoked. In his order of 15.04.2013, Shri Rajesh Aggarwal, the Adjudicating Officer, found that the respondent had, by unlawfully obtaining the complainant’s bank account statements which constitute sensitive personal data, violated the complainant’s privacy. The Adjudicating Officer astutely applied the equitable doctrine of clean hands to deny compensation to the complainant; however, because the complainant’s bank was not a party to the complaint, the Adjudicating Officer was unable to make a ruling on the lack of action by the bank to protect the sensitive personal data of its depositors.

The Nirmalkumar Bagherwal complaint bears a few similarities to the preceding two cases. Like the Vinod Kaushik matter, the issue concerned the manner in which a wife, estranged but still legally married, accessed electronic records of personal data of the complainants; and, like the Amit Patwardhan matter, the object of the privacy violation was the bank account statements of the complainants that constitute sensitive personal data. The respondent was the estranged wife of one of the complainants who, along with his complainant father, managed the third complainant company. To support her claim for maintenance from the complainant and his family in an independent legal proceeding, the respondent obtained certain bank account statements of the complainants without their consent and, possibly, with the collusion of the respondent bank. After reviewing relevant law from the European Union and the United States, and observant of relevant sectoral regulations applicable in India including the relevant Master Circular of the Reserve Bank of India, and further noting preceding consumer case law on the subject, the Adjudicating Officer issued an order on 26.08.2013. The order found that the complainant’s right to privacy was violated by both the respondents but, while determining the quantum of compensation, distinguished between the respondents in respect of the degree of liability; the respondent wife was ordered to pay a token compensation amount while the respondent bank was ordered to pay higher compensation to each of the three complainants individually.

The high quality of each of the three orders bears specific mention. Despite the superb quality of the judgments of the Indian higher judiciary in the decades after independence, the overall quality of judgment-writing appears to have declined. [3] In the last decade, several Indian judges have called for higher standards of judgment writing from their fellow judges. [4] In this background, it is notable that Shri Rajesh Aggarwal, despite not being a member of the judiciary, has delivered well-reasoned, articulate and clear orders that are cognisant of legal issues and also easily understandable to a non-legal reader.

In each of these cases, the Adjudicating Officer has successfully navigated around the fact that none of the primary parties were interacting and transacting at arm’s length. In the Vinod Kaushik and Nirmalkumar Bagherwal matters, the primary parties were estranged but still legally married partners and in the Amit Patwardhan matter the parties were in an employer-employee relationship. The first Adjudicating Officer in the Vinod Kaushik matter failed, in his order of 09.08.2010, to appreciate that the individual communications of individual persons were privileged by an expectation of privacy, regardless of their relationship. Hence, despite acknowledging that the marital partners in that matter were in conflict with each other, and despite being told by one party that the other party’s access to those private communications was made without consent, the Adjudicating Officer allowed his non-judicial opinion of marriage to influence his order. This mistake was corrected when the matter was remanded for re-adjudication. In the re-adjudication, the new Adjudicating Officer correctly noted that the respondent wife could have chosen to approach the police or a court to follow the proper investigative procedure for accessing emails and other private communications of another person and that her unauthorised use of the complainant’s passwords amounted to a violation of their privacy.

Popular conceptions of different types of relationships may affect the (quasi) judicial imagination of privacy. In comparison to the Vinod Kaushik matter, the Nirmalkumar Bagherwal and Amit Patwardhan matters both dealt with unauthorised access to bank account statements, by a wife and by an ex-employer respectively. In any event, the same Adjudicating Officer presided over all three matters and correctly found that the facts in all three matters admitted to contraventions of the privacy of the complainants. The conjecture as to whether the first Adjudicating Officer in the Vinod Kaushik matter would have applied the same standard of family unity to unauthorised access of bank account statements by an estranged wife who was seeking maintenance remains untested. However, the reliance placed on the decision of the Delhi State Consumer Protection Commission in the matter of Rupa Mahajan Pahwa, [5] where the Commission found that unauthorised access to a bank pass book by an estranged husband violated the privacy of the wife, would suggest that judges clothe financial information with a standard of privacy higher than that given to emails.

Emails are a form of electronic communication. The PUCL case (Supreme Court of India, 1996)[6] while it did not explicitly deal with the standard of protection accorded to emails, held that personal communications were protected by an individual right to privacy that emanated from the protection of personal liberty guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution of India. Following the Maneka Gandhi case (Supreme Court of India, 1978)[7]

it is settled that persons may be deprived of their personal liberty only by a just, fair and reasonable procedure established by law. As a result, interceptions of private communications that are protected by Article 21 may only be conducted in pursuance of such a procedure. This procedure exists in the form of the Information Technology (Procedure and Safeguards for Interception, Monitoring and Decryption of Information) Rules, 2009 that came into effect on 27 October 2009 ("the Interception Rules"). The Interception Rules set out a regime for accessing private emails in certain conditions. The powers and procedure of Section 91 of the Code of Criminal Procedure ("CrPC") may also apply to obtain data at rest, such as emails stored in an inbox or sent-mail folder.

Finally, the orders of the Adjudicating Officer reveal a well-reasoned and progressive understanding of the law and principles relating to the quantification of compensation. By choosing to impose larger amounts of compensation on the bank that violated the privacy of the complainant in the Nirmalkumar Bagherwal matter, the Adjudicating Officer has indicated that the institutions that hold sensitive personal data, such as financial information, are subject to a higher duty of care in relation of it. But, most importantly, the act of imposing monetary compensation of privacy violations is a step forward because, for the first time in India, it recognises that privacy violations are civil wrongs or injuries that demand compensation.

[1]. These Rules were issued vide GSR 220(E), dated 17 March 2003 and published in the Gazette of India, Extraordinary, Part II, Section 3(i). These Rules can be accessed here – http://it.maharashtra.gov.in/PDF/Qual_ExpAdjudicatingOfficer_Manner_of_Holding_Enquiry_Rules.PDF (visited on 30 September 2013).

[2]. These cases and statistics may be viewed here – http://it.maharashtra.gov.in/1089/IT-Act-Judgements (visited on 30 September 2013).

[3]. See generally, Upendra Baxi “"The Fair Name of Justice": The Memorable Voyage of Chief Justice Chandrachud” in A Chandrachud Reader (Justice V. S. Deshpande ed., Delhi: Documentation Centre etc., 1985) and, Rajeev Dhavan, "Judging the Judges" in Judges and the Judicial Power: Essays in Honour of Justice V. R. Krishna Iyer (Rajeev Dhavan and Salman Khurshid eds., London: Sweet & Maxwell, 1985).

[4]. See generally, Justice B.G .Harindranath, Art of Writing Judgments (Bangalore: Karnataka Judicial Academy, 2004); Justice T .S. Sivagnanam, The Salient Features of the Art of Writing Orders and Judgments (Chennai: Tamil Nadu State Judicial Academy, 2010); and, Justice Sunil Ambwani, “Writing Judgments: Comparative Models” Presentation at the National Judicial Academy, Bhopal (2006) available here – http://districtcourtallahabad.up.nic.in/articles/writing%20judgment.pdf (visited on 29 Sep 2013).

[5]. Appeal No. FA-2008/659 of the Delhi State Consumer Protection Commission, decided on 16 October 2008.

[6]. (1997) 1 SCC 301.

[7]. (1978) 1 SCC 248.

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