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    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-supports-the-un-resolution-on-201cthe-right-to-privacy-in-the-digital-age201d">
    <title>CIS Supports the UN Resolution on “The Right to Privacy in the Digital age”.</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-supports-the-un-resolution-on-201cthe-right-to-privacy-in-the-digital-age201d</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;The United Nations adopted the resolution on the right to privacy recently. It recognised privacy as a human right, integral to the right to free expression, and also declared that mass surveillance could have negative impacts on human rights. &lt;/b&gt;
        &lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;On &lt;a class="external-link" href="https://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2013/gashc4094.doc.htm"&gt;November 26, 2013&lt;/a&gt;, the United Nations adopted a non-binding resolution on &lt;a href="http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/C.3/68/L.45/Rev.1"&gt;The Right to Privacy in the Digital Age&lt;/a&gt;. The resolution was drafted &lt;a href="http://news.idg.no/cw/art.cfm?id=F0537DC8-A06C-E9D5-2EBACEA94829DAC1"&gt;by Brazil and Germany&lt;/a&gt; and expressed concern over the negative impact of surveillance and interception on the exercise of human rights. The resolution was controversial as countries such as the US, the UK, and Canada opposed language that spoke to the right to &lt;a href="http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/nov/26/un-surveillance-resolution-human-right-privacy"&gt;privacy extending equally to citizens and non-citizens of a country. &lt;/a&gt; The resolution welcomed the report of the Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression that examined the implications of surveillance of communications on the human rights of privacy and freedom of expression.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;The resolution made a number of important statements that India, as a member of the United Nations, and as a country in the process of implementing a number of surveillance projects, like the &lt;a href="http://www.indexoncensorship.org/2013/11/india-online-report-freedom-expression-digital-freedom-3/"&gt;Central Monitoring System&lt;/a&gt;, should take cognizance of, including in short:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ol&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;b&gt;Privacy is a human right&lt;/b&gt;: Privacy is a human right according to which no one should be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his or her privacy, family, home, or correspondence. &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;b&gt;Privacy is integral to the right to free expression&lt;/b&gt;: an integral component in recognizing the right to freedom of expression. &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;b&gt;Unlawful and arbitrary surveillance violates the right to privacy and freedom of expression&lt;/b&gt;: Unlawful and/or arbitrary surveillance, interception, and collection of personal data are intrusive acts that violate the right to privacy and freedom of expression. &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;b&gt;Exceptions to privacy and freedom of expression should be in compliance with human rights law:&lt;/b&gt; Public security is a potential exception justifying collection and protection of information, but States must ensure that this is done fully in compliance with international human rights law. &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;b&gt;Mass surveillance may have negative implications for human rights: &lt;/b&gt;Domestic and extraterritorial surveillance, interception, and the collection of personal data on a mass scale may have a negative impact on individual human rights. &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;b&gt;Equal protection for online and offline privacy:&lt;/b&gt; The right to privacy must be equally protected online and offline.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ol&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The resolution further called upon states to:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ol&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Respect and protect the right to privacy, particularly in the context of digital communications.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;To ensure that relevant legislation is in compliance with international human rights law&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;To review national procedures and practices around surveillance to ensure full and effective implementation of obligations under international human rights law.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;To establish and maintain effective domestic oversight mechanisms around domestic surveillance capable of ensuring transparency and accountability.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ol&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;The resolution finally calls upon the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to present a report with views and recommendations on the protection and promotion of the right to privacy in the context of surveillance to the Human Rights Council at its twenty-seventh session and to the General Assembly at its sixty-ninth session and decides to examine “Human rights questions, including alternative approaches for improving the effective enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms”.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;The UN Resolution on the Right to Privacy in the Digital Age is a welcome step towards an international recognition of privacy as a human right in the context of communications and extra territorial surveillance. The Centre for Internet and Society encourages the Government of India to, as called upon in the Resolution, to review national procedures and practices around surveillance to ensure full and effective implementation of obligations under international human rights law.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Prior to the UN Resolution on “The Right to Privacy in the Digital Age”, a group of international NGO’s developed the &lt;a href="https://en.necessaryandproportionate.org/TEXT"&gt;Necessary and Proportionate principles&lt;/a&gt; that seek to form a backbone for a response to mass surveillance and provide a framework for governments to assess if domestic surveillance regimes are in compliance with international Human Rights Law. CIS has contributed to the process of developing these principles.  The principles include legality, legitimate aim, necessity, adequacy, proportionality, competent judicial authority, due process, user notification, transparency, public oversight, integrity of communications and systems, safeguards for international cooperation, and safeguards against illegitimate access.  A&lt;a href="https://en.necessaryandproportionate.org/take-action/digiges"&gt; petition&lt;/a&gt; to sign onto the principles and demand an end to mass surveillance is currently underway.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Both the Government of India and public of India should take into consideration the UN Resolution and the necessary and proportionate principles to reflect on how India’s surveillance regime and practices can be brought in line with international human rights law and understand where the balance is drawn for necessary and proportionate surveillance, specific to the Indian context.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt; &lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ol&gt; &lt;/ol&gt;
        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-supports-the-un-resolution-on-201cthe-right-to-privacy-in-the-digital-age201d'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-supports-the-un-resolution-on-201cthe-right-to-privacy-in-the-digital-age201d&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>elonnai</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>Surveillance</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Privacy</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2013-11-30T07:25:18Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submitted-a-response-to-a-notice-of-enquiry-by-the-us-government-on-international-internet-policy-priorities">
    <title>CIS submitted a response to a Notice of Enquiry by the US Government on International Internet Policy Priorities</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submitted-a-response-to-a-notice-of-enquiry-by-the-us-government-on-international-internet-policy-priorities</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;The Centre for Internet and Society drafted a response to a Notice of Inquiry (NOI) issued by the U.S. Commerce Department's National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA) on "International Internet Policy Priorities." &lt;/b&gt;
        
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;The notice was based on different areas 
and we commented on the following three areas; The Free Flow of Information 
and Jurisdiction, The Multi-stakeholder Approach to Internet Governance,
 Privacy and Security. The submission was made by Swagam Dasgupta and Akriti Bopanna. &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a class="external-link" href="http://cis-india.org/internet-governance/files/comments-on-internet-priorities"&gt;Read the submission here&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;The submission broadly covered the following aspects:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h3 style="text-align: justify;"&gt;The Free Flow of Information and Jurisdiction&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;ul style="text-align: justify;"&gt;&lt;li&gt;What are the challenges to the free flow of information online?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;Which foreign laws and policies restrict the free flow of 
information online? What is the impact on U.S companies and users in 
general?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;Have courts in other countries issued internet-related judgments 
that apply national laws to the global internet? What have the effects 
been on users?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;What are the challenges to freedom of expression online?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;What should be the role of all stakeholders globally—governments, 
companies, technical experts, civil society and end users — in ensuring 
free expression online?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;What role can NTIA play in helping to reduce restrictions on the 
free flow of information over the internet and ensuring free expression 
online?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;In which international organizations or venues might NTIA most 
effectively advocate for the free flow of information and freedom of 
expression? What specific actions should NTIA and the U.S. Government 
take?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ul&gt;
&lt;h3 style="text-align: justify;"&gt;Multistakeholder Approach to Internet Governance&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;ul style="text-align: justify;"&gt;&lt;li&gt;Does the multistakeholder approach continue to support an 
environment for the internet to grow and thrive? If so, why? If not, why
 not?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;Are there public policy areas in which the multistakeholder approach
 works best? If yes, what are those areas and why? Are there areas in 
which the multistakeholder approach does not work effectively? If there 
are, what are those areas and why?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;Should the IANA Stewardship Transition be unwound? If yes, why and how? If not, why not?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;What should be NTIA’s priorities within ICANN and the GAC?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;Are there barriers to engagement at the IGF? If so, how can we lower these barriers?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;li&gt;Are there improvements that can be made to the IGF’s structure?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ul&gt;
&lt;h3 style="text-align: justify;"&gt;Privacy and Security&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;ul style="text-align: justify;"&gt;&lt;li&gt;In what ways are cybersecurity threats harming international 
commerce? In what ways are the responses to those threats harming 
international commerce?&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ul&gt;

        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submitted-a-response-to-a-notice-of-enquiry-by-the-us-government-on-international-internet-policy-priorities'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submitted-a-response-to-a-notice-of-enquiry-by-the-us-government-on-international-internet-policy-priorities&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>Akriti Bopanna and Swagam Dasgupta</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Privacy</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2018-08-24T07:05:42Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-un-high-level-panel-on-digital-cooperation">
    <title>CIS Submission to UN High Level Panel on Digital Cooperation </title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-un-high-level-panel-on-digital-cooperation</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;The UN high-level panel on Digital Cooperation issued a call for inputs that called for responses to various questions. CIS responded to the call for inputs. &lt;/b&gt;
        
&lt;p&gt;&lt;span style="text-align: start; float: none;"&gt;The high-level panel on
 Digital Cooperation was convened by the UN Secretary-General to advance
 proposals to strengthen cooperation in the digital space among 
Governments, the private sector, civil society, international 
organizations, academia, the technical community and other relevant 
stakeholders. The Panel issued a call for input that called for 
responses to various questions. CIS responded to the call for inputs.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The response can be accessed &lt;a href="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/submission-to-un-high-level-panel-on-digital-co-operation.pdf"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;

        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-un-high-level-panel-on-digital-cooperation'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-un-high-level-panel-on-digital-cooperation&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>Aayush Rathi, Ambika Tandon, Arindrajit Basu and Elonnai Hickok</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>International Relations</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2019-02-07T07:26:22Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-un-high-level-panel-on-digital-co-operation">
    <title>CIS Submission to UN High Level Panel on Digital Co-operation</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-un-high-level-panel-on-digital-co-operation</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;The High-level Panel on Digital Cooperation was convened by the UN Secretary-General to advance proposals to strengthen cooperation in the digital space among Governments, the private sector, civil society, international organizations, academia, the technical community and other relevant stakeholders. The Panel issued a call for input that called for responses to various questions. CIS responded to the call for inputs.&lt;/b&gt;
        &lt;p&gt;Download the &lt;a class="external-link" href="http://cis-india.org/internet-governance/files/submission-to-un-high-level-panel-on-digital-cooperation"&gt;submission here&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-un-high-level-panel-on-digital-co-operation'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-un-high-level-panel-on-digital-co-operation&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>Aayush Rathi, Ambika Tandon, Arindrajit Basu and Elonnai Hickok</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>Privacy</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>ICT</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2019-02-19T01:41:35Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-trai-consultation-free-data">
    <title>CIS Submission to TRAI Consultation on Free Data</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-trai-consultation-free-data</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) held a consultation on Free Data, for which CIS sent in the following comments.&lt;/b&gt;
        
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) asked for &lt;a href="http://trai.gov.in/WriteReadData/ConsultationPaper/Document/CP_07_free_data_consultation.pdf"&gt;public comments on free data&lt;/a&gt;. Below are the comments that CIS submitted to the four questions that it posed.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h2 id="question-1"&gt;Question 1
&lt;p&gt;&lt;em&gt;Is there a need to have TSP agnostic platform to provide free data or suitable reimbursement to users, without violating the principles of Differential Pricing for Data laid down in TRAI Regulation? Please suggest the most suitable model to achieve the objective.&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/h2&gt;
&lt;h3 id="is-there-a-need-for-free-data"&gt;Is There a Need for Free Data?&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p&gt;No, there is no &lt;em&gt;need&lt;/em&gt; for free data, just as there is no &lt;em&gt;need&lt;/em&gt; for telephony or Internet. However, making provisions for free data would increase the amount of innovation in the Internet and telecom sector, and there is a good probability that it would lead to faster adoption of the Internet, and thus be beneficial in terms of commerce, freedom of expression, freedom of association, and many other ways.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Thus the question that a telecom regulator should ask is not whether there is a &lt;em&gt;need&lt;/em&gt; for TSP agnostic platforms, but whether such platforms are harmful for competition, for consumers, and for innovation. The telecom regulator ought not undertake regulation unless there is evidence to show that harm has been caused or that harm is likely to be caused. In short, TRAI should not follow the precautionary principle, since the telecom and Internet sectors are greatly divergent from environmental protection: the burden of proof for showing that something ought to be prohibited ought to be on those calling for prohibition.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h3 id="goal-regulating-gatekeeping"&gt;Goal: Regulating Gatekeeping&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p&gt;TRAI wouldn’t need to regulate price discrimination or Net neutrality if ISPs were not “gatekeepers” for last-mile access. “Gatekeeping” occurs when a single entity establishes itself as an exclusive route to reach a large number of people and businesses or, in network terms, nodes. It is not possible for Internet services to reach their end customers without passing through ISPs (generally telecom networks). The situation is very different in the middle-mile and for backhaul. Even though anti-competitive terms may exist in the middle-mile, especially given the opacity of terms in “transit agreements”, a packet is usually able to travel through multiple routes if one route is too expensive (even if that is not the shortest network path, and is thus inefficient in a way). However, this multiplicity of routes is generally not possible in the last mile.&lt;a id="fnref1" class="footnoteRef" href="#fn1"&gt;&lt;sup&gt;1&lt;/sup&gt;&lt;/a&gt; This leaves last mile telecom operators (ISPs) in a position to unfairly discriminate between different Internet services or destinations or applications, while harming consumer choice.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;However, the aim of regulation by TRAI cannot be to prevent gatekeeping, since that is not possible as long as there are a limited number of ISPs. For instance, even by the very act of charging money for access to the Internet, ISPs are guilty of “gatekeeping” since they are controlling who can and cannot access an Internet service that way. Instead, the aim of regulation by TRAI should be to “regulate gatekeepers to ensure they do not use their gatekeeping power to unjustly discriminate between similarly situated persons, content or traffic”, as we proposed in our submission to TRAI (on OTTs) last year.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h3 id="models-for-free-data"&gt;Models for Free Data&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p&gt;There are multiple models possible for free data, none of which TRAI should prohibit unless it would enable OTTs to abuse their gatekeeping powers.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h4 id="government-incentives-for-non-differentiated-free-data"&gt;Government Incentives For Non-Differentiated Free Data&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The government may opt to require all ISPs to provide free Internet to all at a minimum QoS in exchange for exemption from paying part of their USO contributions, or the government may pay ISPs for such access using their USO contributions.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;TRAI should recommend to DoT that it set up a committee to study the feasibility of this model.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h4 id="isp-subsidies"&gt;ISP subsidies&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;ISP subsidies of Internet access only make economic sense for the ISP under the following ‘Goldilocks’ condition is met: the experience with the subsidised service is ‘good enough’ for the consumers to want to continue to use such services, but ‘bad enough’ for a large number of them to want to move to unsubsidised, paid access.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ol style="list-style-type: decimal;"&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Providing free Internet to all at a low speed.
&lt;ol style="list-style-type: lower-alpha;"&gt;
&lt;li&gt;This naturally discriminates against services and applications such as video streaming, but does not technically bar access to them.&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ol&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Providing free access to the Internet with other restrictions on quality that aren’t discriminatory with respect to content, services, or applications.&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ol&gt;
&lt;h4 id="rewards-model"&gt;Rewards model&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;A TSP-agnostic rewards platform will only come within the scope of TRAI regulation if the platform has some form of agreement with the TSPs, even if it is collectively. If the rewards platform doesn’t have any agreement with any TSP, then TRAI does not have the power to regulate it. However, if the rewards platform has an agreement with any TSP, it is unclear whether it would be allowed under the Differential Data Tariff Regulation, since the clause 3(2) read with paragraph 30 of the Explanatory Memorandum might disallow such an agreement.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Assuming for the sake of argument that platforms with such agreements are not disallowed, such platforms can engage in either post-purchase credits or pre-purchase credits, or both. In other words, it could be a situation where a person has to purchase a data pack, engage in some activity relating to the platform (answer surveys, use particular apps, etc.) and thereupon get credit of some form transferred to one’s SIM, or it could be a situation where even without purchasing a data pack, a consumer can earn credits and thereupon use those credits towards data.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The former kind of rewards platform is not as useful when it comes to encouraging people to use the Internet, since only those who already see worth in using in the Internet (and can afford it) will purchase a data pack in the first place. The second form, on the other hand is quite useful, and could be encouraged. However, this second model is not as easily workable, economically, for fixed line connections, since there is a higher initial investment involved.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h4 id="recharge-api"&gt;Recharge API&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;A recharge API could be fashioned in one of two ways: (1) via the operating system on the phone, allowing a TSP or third parties (whether OTTs or other intermediaries) to transfer credit to the SIM card on the phone which have been bought wholesale. Another model could be that of all TSPs providing a recharge API for the use of third parties. Only the second model is likely to result in a “toll-free” experience since in the first model, like in the case of a rewards platform that requires up-front purchase of data packs, there has to be a investment made first before that amount is recouped. This is likely to hamper the utility of such a model.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Further, in the first case, TRAI would probably not have the powers to regulate such transactions, as there would be no need for any involvement by the TSP. If anti-competitive agreements or abuse of dominant position seems to be taking place, it would be up to the Competition Commission of India to investigate.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;However, the second model would have to be overseen by TRAI to ensure that the recharge APIs don’t impose additional costs on OTTs, or unduly harm competition and innovation. For instance, there ought to be an open specification for such an API, which all the TSPs should use in order to reduce the costs on OTTs. Further, there should be no exclusivity, and no preferential treatment provided for the TSPs sister concerns or partners.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h4 id="example-sites"&gt;“0.example” sites&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Other forms of free data, for instance by TSPs choosing not to charge for low-bandwidth traffic should be allowed, as long as it is not discriminatory, nor does it impose increased barriers to entry for OTTs. For instance, if a website self-certifies that it is low-bandwidth and optimized for Internet-enabled feature phones and uses 0.example.tld to signal this (just as wap.* were used in for WAP sites and m.* are used for mobile-optimized versions of many sites), then there is no reason why TSPs should be prohibited from not charging for the data consumed by such websites, as long as the TSP does so uniformly without discrimination. In such cases, the TSP is not harming competition, harming consumers, nor abusing its gatekeeping powers.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h4 id="ott-agnostic-free-data"&gt;OTT-agnostic free data&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;If a TSP decides not to charge for specific forms of traffic (for example, video, or for locally-peered traffic) regardless of the Internet service from which that traffic emanates, as as long as it does so with the end customer’s consent, then there is no question of the TSP harming competition, harming consumers, nor abusing its gatekeeping powers. There is no reason such schemes should be prohibited by TRAI unless they distort markets and harm innovation.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h4 id="unified-marketplace"&gt;Unified marketplace&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;One other way to do what is proposed as the “recharge API” model is to create a highly-regulated market where the gatekeeping powers of the ISP are diminished, and the ISP’s ability to leverage its exclusive access over its customers are curtailed. A comparison may be drawn here to the rules that are often set by standard-setting bodies where patents are involved: given that these patents are essential inputs, access to them must be allowed through fair, reasonable, and non-discriminatory licences. Access to the Internet and common carriers like telecom networks, being even more important (since alternatives exist to particular standards, but not to the Internet itself), must be placed at an even higher pedestal and thus even stricter regulation to ensure fair competition.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;A marketplace of this sort would impose some regulatory burdens on TRAI and place burdens on innovations by the ISPs, but a regulated marketplace harms ISP innovation less than not allowing a market at all.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;At a minimum, such a marketplace must ensure non-exclusivity, non-discrimination, and transparency. Thus, at a minimum, a telecom provider cannot discriminate between any OTTs who want similar access to zero-rating. Further, a telecom provider cannot prevent any OTT from zero-rating with any other telecom provider. To ensure that telecom providers are actually following this stipulation, transparency is needed, as a minimum.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Transparency can take one of two forms: transparency to the regulator alone and transparency to the public. Transparency to the regulator alone would enable OTTs and ISPs to keep the terms of their commercial transactions secret from their competitors, but enable the regulator, upon request, to ensure that this doesn’t lead to anti-competitive practices. This model would increase the burden on the regulator, but would be more palatable to OTTs and ISPs, and more comparable to the wholesale data market where the terms of such agreements are strictly-guarded commercial secrets. On the other hand, requiring transparency to the public would reduce the burden on the regulator, despite coming at a cost of secrecy of commercial terms, and is far more preferable.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Beyond transparency, a regulation could take the form of insisting on standard rates and terms for all OTT players, with differential usage tiers if need be, to ensure that access is truly non-discriminatory. This is how the market is structured on the retail side.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Since there are transaction costs in individually approaching each telecom provider for such zero-rating, the market would greatly benefit from a single marketplace where OTTs can come and enter into agreements with multiple telecom providers.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Even in this model, telecom networks will be charging based not only on the fact of the number of customers they have, but on the basis of them having exclusive routing to those customers. Further, even under the standard-rates based single-market model, a particular zero-rated site may be accessible for free from one network, but not across all networks: unlike the situation with a toll-free number in which no such distinction exists.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;To resolve this, the regulator may propose that if an OTT wishes to engage in paid zero-rating, it will need to do so across all networks, since if it doesn’t there is risk of providing an unfair advantage to one network over another and increasing the gatekeeper effect rather than decreasing it.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h2 id="question-2"&gt;Question 2&lt;/h2&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;em&gt;Whether such platforms need to be regulated by the TRAI or market be allowed to develop these platforms?&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In many cases, TRAI would have no powers over such platforms, so the question of TRAI regulating does not arise. In all other cases, TRAI can allow the market to develop such platforms, and then see if any of them violates the Discriminatory Data Tariffs Regualation. For government-incentivised schemes that are proposed above, TRAI should take proactive measure in getting their feasibility evaluated.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h2 id="question-3"&gt;Question 3&lt;/h2&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;em&gt;Whether free data or suitable reimbursement to users should be limited to mobile data users only or could it be extended through technical means to subscribers of fixed line broadband or leased line?&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Spectrum is naturally a scarce resource, though technological advances (as dictated by Cooper’s Law) and more efficient management of spectrum make it less so. However, we have seen that fixed-line broadband has more or less stagnated for the past many years, while mobile access has increased. So the market distortionary power of fixed-line providers is far less than that of mobile providers. However, competition is far less in fixed-line Internet access services, while it is far higher in mobile Internet access. Switching costs in fixed-line Internet access services are also far higher than in mobile services. Given these differences, the regulation with regard to price discrimination might justifiably be different.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;All in all, for this particular issue, it is unclear why different rules should apply to mobile users and fixed line users.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h2 id="question-4"&gt;Question 4&lt;/h2&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;em&gt;Any other issue related to the matter of Consultation.&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;None.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;div class="footnotes"&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;ol&gt;
&lt;li id="fn1"&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In India’s mobile telecom sector, according to a Nielsen study, an estimated 15% of mobile users are multi-SIM users, meaning the “gatekeeping” effect is significantly reduced in both directions: Internet services can reach them via multiple ISPs, and conversely they can reach Internet services via multiple ISPs. &lt;em&gt;See&lt;/em&gt; Nielsen, ‘Telecom Transitions: Tracking the Multi-SIM Phenomena in India’, http://www.nielsen.com/in/en/insights/reports/2015/telecom-transitions-tracking-the-multi-sim-phenomena-in-india.html&lt;a href="#fnref1"&gt;↩&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ol&gt;
&lt;/div&gt;

        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-trai-consultation-free-data'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-trai-consultation-free-data&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>pranesh</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>Telecom</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Homepage</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>TRAI</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Net Neutrality</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Featured</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Submissions</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2016-07-01T16:04:27Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/cis-submission-trai-note-on-interoperable-scalable-public-wifi">
    <title>CIS Submission to TRAI Consultation Note on Model for Nation-wide Interoperable and Scalable Public Wi-Fi Networks</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/cis-submission-trai-note-on-interoperable-scalable-public-wifi</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;​This submission presents responses by the CIS on the ​Consultation Note on Model for Nation-wide Interoperable and Scalable Public Wi-Fi Networks published by the TRAI on November 15, 2016. Our analysis of the solution proposed in the Note, in brief, is that there is no need of a solution for non-existing interoperability problem for authentication and payment services for accessing public Wi-Fi networks. The proposed solution in this Note only adds to over-regulation in this sector, and does not incentivise new investment in the sector, but only establishes UIDAI and NPCI as the monopoly service providers for authentication and payment services.&lt;/b&gt;
        
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The comments were authored by Japreet Grewal, Pranesh Prakash, Sharath Chandra, Sumandro Chattapadhyay, Sunil Abraham, and Udbhav Tiwari, with expert comments from Amelia Andersdotter.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;h2&gt;1. Preliminary&lt;/h2&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;1.1.&lt;/strong&gt; This submission presents responses by the Centre for Internet and Society (“CIS”) &lt;strong&gt;[1]&lt;/strong&gt; on the &lt;em&gt;Consultation Note on Model for Nation-wide Interoperable and Scalable Public Wi-Fi Networks&lt;/em&gt; (“the Note”) published by the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (“TRAI”) on November 15, 2016 &lt;strong&gt;[2]&lt;/strong&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;1.2.&lt;/strong&gt; The CIS welcomes the effort undertaken by TRAI to map regulatory and other barriers to deployment of public Wi-Fi in India. We especially appreciate that TRAI has recognised &lt;strong&gt;[3]&lt;/strong&gt; two key barriers to provision of public Wi-Fi networks identified and highlighted in our earlier response to the &lt;em&gt;Consultation Paper on Proliferation of Broadband through Public Wi­Fi&lt;/em&gt; &lt;strong&gt;[4]&lt;/strong&gt;: 1) over regulation (including, licensing requirements, data retention, and Know Your Customer policy), and 2) paucity of spectrum &lt;strong&gt;[5]&lt;/strong&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h2&gt;2. General Responses&lt;/h2&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.1.&lt;/strong&gt; Before responding to the specific questions posed by the Note, we would like to make the following observations.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.2.&lt;/strong&gt; There is no need of a solution for non-existing interoperability problem for authentication and payment services for accessing public Wi-Fi networks. The proposed solution in this Note only adds to over-regulation in this sector. The proposed solution does not incentivise new investment in the sector, but only establishes UIDAI and NPCI as the monopoly service providers for authentication and payment services.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.3.&lt;/strong&gt; As the TRAI has consulted widely with industry and other stakeholders before it settled on the list of priority issues contained in Section C.6 of the Note, we are surprised to find that this Note aims to address only the problem of lack of “seamless interoperable payment system for Wi-Fi networks” (Section C.6.d. Of the Note), and does not discuss and propose solutions for any other key barriers identified by the Note.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.4.&lt;/strong&gt; The Note fails to clarify the “interoperability” problem in the payment system for usage of public Wi-Fi networks that it is attempting to solve. The Note identifies that lack of “single standard” for “authentication and  payment  mechanisms” for accessing public Wi-Fi networks as a key impediment to provide scalable and interoperable public Wi-Fi networks across the country &lt;strong&gt;[6]&lt;/strong&gt;. By conceptualising the problem in this manner, TRAI has bundled together two completely different concerns - authentication and payment - into one and this is at the root of the problems emanating from the proposed solution in this Note.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.5.&lt;/strong&gt; Lack of standard process for authentication is created by over-regulation via Know Your Customer (“KYC”) policies, and selection of eKYC service provided by UIDAI as the only acceptable authentication mechanism for all users of public Wi-Fi networks across India, creating further economic and legal challenges for smaller would-be providers of public Wi-Fi networks as they assess their liabilities and start-up costs. Additionally, since this would amount to making UID/Aadhaar enrolment mandatory for any user of public wi-fi networks, it seems to create a contradiction with previously communicated policy from the UIDAI and the Government that no such obligation should arise. Supreme Court has also mandated over successive Orders that enrolment for UID/Aadhaar number should remain optional for the citizens and residents.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.6.&lt;/strong&gt; As was observed by the respondents to the TRAI Consultation concluded earlier this year, there is no interoperability problem that needs to be solved regarding payments for accessing public Wi-Fi networks. Payment services continue to be evolved and payment aggregator services provided by existing companies may be expected to resolve many of the outstanding issues of service proliferation in the upcoming years, at least in the absence of additional mandatory technical measures imposed by the government. Bundling of payment with authentication will only undermine the already existing independent market for payment aggregators, and further enforce mandatoriness of UID/Aadhaar number.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.7.&lt;/strong&gt; Further, the payment mechanism proposed would seem to worsen difficulties for tourists and foreigners in accessing public Wi-Fi in India, as well adds an additional layer of authentication in a system already identified (even in the Note itself) to be overburdened by regulations regarding KYC and data retention. Section C.6.b of the Note highlights the problems faced by foreigners and tourists when the authentication mechanism is premised upon use of One Time Password (OTP) that requires a functioning local mobile phone number. It contradicts itself later by proposing an authentication method that requires the user to not only download an application onto their mobile/desktop device, but also to enrol for UID/Aadhaar number and/or to use their existing UID/Aadhaar number. Instead of reducing the existing barriers to provision of and access to public Wi-Fi, which the Note is supposed to achieve, it creates significant new barriers.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.8.&lt;/strong&gt; The technological architecture advanced by the Note upholds support of governance and surveillance projects that, in addition to being costly in their implementation and thereby slowing down the objective of getting India connected, are also of questionable value to the security of the Indian polity. UID, UPI, and related projects risk undermining cyber-security through their reliance on centralised architectures and interfere with healthy competitive market dynamics between commercial and non-commercial actors.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.9.&lt;/strong&gt; The Note continues to only consider and enable commercial models for the provision of public Wi-Fi networks. We have identified this as a problematic assumption in our last submission &lt;strong&gt;[7]&lt;/strong&gt;. It is most crucial that TRAI does not ignore and fail to promote and facilitate the possibility of not-for-profit models that involve grassroot communities, academia, and civil society.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;2.10.&lt;/strong&gt; Last but not the least, the term “Wi-Fi” refers to a particular technology for establishing wireless local area networks. Further, the term is a trademark of the Wi-Fi Alliance &lt;strong&gt;[8]&lt;/strong&gt;. It is this not a neutral term, and it must not be used as a general and universal synonym for wireless local area networks. We recommend that TRAI may consider using a technology-neutral term, say “public wireless services” or “public networking services”, to describe the sector. Following the terminology used in the Note, we have decided to continue using the term “Wi-Fi” in this response. This does not reflect our agreement about the appropriateness of this term. Important: The recommendation for technology-neutral regulation also comes with the qualification that safeguards like regulations on Listen Before Talk and Cycle Time are required to prevent technologies like LTE-U from squatting on spectrum and interfering with connections based on other standards.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h2&gt;3. Specific Responses&lt;/h2&gt;
&lt;h4&gt;Q1. Is the architecture suggested in the consultation note for creating unified authentication and payment infrastructure will enable nationwide standard for authentication and payment interoperability?&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.1.&lt;/strong&gt; No. The proposed infrastructure is likely to be costly for a large number of actors to implement and undermine some of the ongoing innovation in the Indian digital payment services industry. Rather than being helpful, it risks introducing additional requirements on an industry that TRAI has already identified as facing a number of large challenges.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.2.&lt;/strong&gt; There is no need for a unified architecture that provides nationwide standard for authentication and payment interoperability. It does not offer any incentive towards provision of public Wi-Fi networks. Neither is there an interoperability problem at the physical or data link layers that has been pointed out, nor is government mandated interoperability required at the payment or ID layer since there are private entities that provide such interoperability (like, payment aggregators). Additionally, we believe it is inappropriate that the TRAI is trying to predict the most suitable business/technological model for digital payments to be used for accessing commercial Wi-Fi networks. India has a booming online payments industry, and it must be allowed to evolve in an enabling regulatory environment that allow for competition and ensures responsible practices.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.3.&lt;/strong&gt; The Note identifies several structural impediments to expansion of public Wi-Fi networks in India, namely paucity of backhaul connectivity infrastructure (Section C.6.a), Inadequate associated infrastructure to offer carrier  grade  Wi-Fi network (Section C.6.c), dependency of authentication mechanism on pre-existing (Indian) mobile phone connection (Section C.6.b), and limited availability of spectrum to be used for public Wi-Fi networks (Section C.6.e). All these are crucial concerns and none of them have been addressed by the architecture suggested in the Note.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h4&gt;Q2. Would you like to suggest any alternate model?&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.4.&lt;/strong&gt; Yes. The model proposed in the Note is likely to exclude several types of potential users (say, foreigners and tourists), and impose a single authentication and payment service provider for accessing public Wi-Fi networks, which may undermine both competition and security in the market for these services.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.5.&lt;/strong&gt; Internationally, there are cities and regions (say, the city of Barcelona and the Catalonia region in Spain) where public Wi-Fi networks have been provided in a pervasive and efficient manner by taking a light regulatory approach that enables opportunities for potential providers to set up their own infrastructures and additionally have access to backhaul. Further, reducing legal requirements on authentication should be considered in place of government mandated technical architectures for authentication and payment. In particular, allowing for anonymous access to Public Wi-Fi or wireless connectivity would reduce both the administrative and the technical burden on potential providers at the hyper-local level, especially for providers whose main activity it is not, and cannot be, to provide internet services (say, event venues, malls, and shops).&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.6.&lt;/strong&gt; The CIS suggests the following steps towards conceptualising an “alternative model”:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ol&gt;&lt;li&gt;remove existing regulatory disincentives,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;urgently explore policies to promote deployment of wired infrastructures in general, and to enable a larger range of actors, including local authorities, to invest in and deploy local infrastructures by reducing licensing requirements in particular,&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;examine spectrum requirements for provision of public Wi-Fi, and&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;provide incentives, such as allowing telecom service providers to share backhaul traffic over public Wi-Fi, and ways for telecom service providers to lower their costs if they also make Internet access available for free.&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ol&gt;
&lt;h4&gt;Q3. Can Public Wi-Fi access providers resell capacity and bandwidth to retail users? Is “light touch regulation” using methods such as “registration” instead of “licensing” preferred for them?&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.7.&lt;/strong&gt; CIS holds that capacity and bandwidth are neither comparable to tangible goods nor to digital currency. They are a utility, and the provider of the utility has to accept that their customers use the utility in the way they see fit, even if that use entails sharing said capacity and bandwidth with downstream private persons or customers. Wi-Fi capabilities are currently a built-in standardised feature of all consumer routers. Any individual, community, or store with access to an internet connection and a consumer router could become a public Wi-Fi access provider at no additional cost to themselves, furthering the goals of the Indian government in its Digital India strategy to ensure public and universal access to the internet.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.8.&lt;/strong&gt; In order to exploit the opportunities awarded by a large amount of entities in the Indian society potentially becoming Public Wi-Fi providers, TRAI should require neither registration nor licensing of these actors. Imposing administrative burdens on potential public Wi-Fi access providers creates legal uncertainty and will cause a lot of actors, who may otherwise contribute to the goals of Digital India, not to do so. This is particularly true for community organisers and citizens, who may not have access to legal assistance and therefore may avoid contributing to the goals of the government.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.9.&lt;/strong&gt; Light touch regulation when it comes to both granting license to  public Wi-Fi access providers as well as authentication of retail users, however, are needed not only as an exceptional practice for such instances but as a general practice in case of entities offering public Wi-Fi services, either commercially or otherwise. Further, additional laxity in administrative responsibilities is needed to incentivise provision of free, that is non-commercial, public Wi-Fi networks.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h4&gt;Q4. What should be the regulatory guidelines on “unbundling” Wi-Fi at access and backhaul level?&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.10.&lt;/strong&gt; The Note refers to unbundling of activities related to provision of Wi-Fi but it does not define the term. It is neither explained which specific activities at access and backhaul levels must be considered for unbundling.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.11.&lt;/strong&gt; While unbundling should clearly be allowed and any regulatory hurdles to unbundling should be removed, any such decision must be taken with a focus on urgently addressing the stagnated growth in landline and backhaul, as identified in Section C.6.a of the Note. Relying only on spectrum intensive infrastructures, such as mobile base stations, for providing connectivity, creates a heavy regulatory burden for the TRAI, while simultaneously not ensuring optimal connectivity for business and private users. The CIS is concerned that the focus of the Note on standardising a government-mediated authentication and payment mechanism detracts attention from this urgent obstacle to the fulfillment of the Digital India plans of accelerated provision of broadband highways, universal access, and public, especially free, access to internet services.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.12.&lt;/strong&gt; From the example of European telecommunications legislations, implementation of policy measures to ensure that vertical integration between infrastructure (say, cables, switches, and hubs) providers and service (say, providing a subscriber with a household modem or a SIM card) providers in the telecommunications sector does not become a barrier to new market entrants has yielded much success in countries that have pursued it, like Sweden and Great Britain.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.13.&lt;/strong&gt; Further,  there should be no default assumption of bundling by the TRAI. In particular, the TRAI should consider reviewing all regulations that may cause bundling to occur when this is not necessary, and put in place in a monitoring mechanism for ensuring that bundled practises (especially in electronic networks, base station infrastructures, backhaul and similar) do not cause competitive problems or raise market entry barriers &lt;strong&gt;[9]&lt;/strong&gt;. In most EU countries, especially where the corporate structure of incumbent(s) is not highly vertically integrated, interconnection requirements for electronic network providers of wired networks in the backhaul or backbone (effectively price regulated interconnection), and a conscious effort to ensure that new market players can enter the field, have ensured a competitive telecommunications environment. TRAI may consider reviewing the European regulation on local loop unbundling (1999) and discussions on functional separation (especially by the British regulatory authority Ofcom), within an Indian context.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h4&gt;Q5. Whether reselling of bandwidth should be allowed to venue owners such as shop keepers through Wi-Fi at premise? In such a scenario please suggest the mechanism for security compliance.&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.14.&lt;/strong&gt; Yes. Venue owners should be allowed to provide public Wi-Fi service both on a commercial and non-commercial basis.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.15.&lt;/strong&gt; It is not clear from the Note and the question what type of security concerns the TRAI is seeking to address. In terms of payment security, the payment industry already has a large range of verification and testing mechanisms. The CIS objects to the mandatory introduction of the proposed payment system so as to ensure greater security for Wi-Fi access providers and the users.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.16.&lt;/strong&gt; As far as hardware-related security issues are concerned, it is again unclear why consumer equipment compliant with existing Wi-Fi standards would not be sufficiently secure in the Indian context. Wi-Fi has proven to be a sturdy technical standard, its adoption is high in multiple jurisdictions around the world, and it also enjoys great technical stability. Similar security assessments could easily be made for alternative wireless technologies, such as WiMaX.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.17.&lt;/strong&gt; The CIS foresees problems is in the allocation of risk and liability by law. The already existing legal obligation to verify the identity of each user, for instance, is likely to introduce a large administrative burden on potential Public Wi-Fi providers, which may lead to such potential providers abstaining from entering the market. Should the identification requirement be removed, however, other concerns pertaining to legal obligations may arise. These include liability for user activities on the web or on the internet (cf. copyright infringement, libel, hate speech). We propose a “safe harbour” mechanism in these cases, limiting the liability of the potential public Wi-Fi provider.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h4&gt;Q6. What should be the guidelines regarding sharing of costs and revenue across all entities in the public Wi-Fi value chain? Is regulatory intervention required or it should be left to forbearance and individual contracting?&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.18.&lt;/strong&gt; The market segments identified by the TRAI in Section F.18 of the Note should normally all be competitive markets themselves, and so do not require regulatory assistance in sharing of costs and revenues. The more elaborate the requirements imposed on each actor of each market segment identified by the TRAI in Section F.18, the more costly the roll-out of public Wi-Fi is going to be for the market actors. Such a cost is not avoided by price regulation.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;3.19.&lt;/strong&gt; The TRAI may instead consider introducing public funding for backhaul roll-out in remote areas, where the market is unlikely to engage in such roll-out on its own. Presently, some Indian states (such as Karnataka) are committing to public funding for wireless access in remote areas. The Union Government can assist such endeavours.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h2&gt;Endnotes&lt;/h2&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;[1]&lt;/strong&gt; See: &lt;a href="http://cis-india.org/"&gt;http://cis-india.org/&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;[2]&lt;/strong&gt; See: &lt;a href="http://trai.gov.in/Content/ConDis/20801_0.aspx"&gt;http://trai.gov.in/Content/ConDis/20801_0.aspx&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;[3]&lt;/strong&gt; See Section C.6 of the Note.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;[4]&lt;/strong&gt; See: &lt;a href="http://trai.gov.in/Content/ConDis/20782_0.aspx"&gt;http://trai.gov.in/Content/ConDis/20782_0.aspx&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;[5]&lt;/strong&gt; See: &lt;a href="http://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/cis-submission-to-trai-consultation-on-proliferation-of-broadband-through-public-wifi-networks"&gt;http://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/cis-submission-to-trai-consultation-on-proliferation-of-broadband-through-public-wifi-networks&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;[6]&lt;/strong&gt; See Section E.11. of the Note.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;[7]&lt;/strong&gt; See: &lt;a href="http://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/cis-submission-to-trai-consultation-on-proliferation-of-broadband-through-public-wifi-networks"&gt;http://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/cis-submission-to-trai-consultation-on-proliferation-of-broadband-through-public-wifi-networks&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;[8]&lt;/strong&gt; See: &lt;a href="https://www.wi-fi.org/"&gt;https://www.wi-fi.org/&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;[9]&lt;/strong&gt; See: Monitoring bundled products in the telecommunications sector is also recommended by the OECD: &lt;a href="http://oecdinsights.org/2015/06/22/triple-and-quadruple-play-bundles-of-communication-services-towards-all-in-one-packages/"&gt;http://oecdinsights.org/2015/06/22/triple-and-quadruple-play-bundles-of-communication-services-towards-all-in-one-packages/&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;

        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/cis-submission-trai-note-on-interoperable-scalable-public-wifi'&gt;https://cis-india.org/telecom/blog/cis-submission-trai-note-on-interoperable-scalable-public-wifi&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>Japreet Grewal, Pranesh Prakash, Sharath Chandra, Sumandro Chattapadhyay, Sunil Abraham, and Udbhav Tiwari, with expert comments from Amelia Andersdotter</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>Digital Payment</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Public Wireless Network</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>TRAI</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Telecom</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Featured</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Aadhaar</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Homepage</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>UID</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2016-12-12T13:59:00Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-unga-wsis-review">
    <title>CIS submission to the UNGA WSIS+10 Review</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-unga-wsis-review</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;The Centre for Internet &amp; Society (CIS) submitted its comments to the non-paper on the UNGA Overall Review of
the Implementation of the WSIS outcomes, evaluating the progress made and challenges ahead.&lt;/b&gt;
        &lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;b&gt;To what extent has progress been made on the vision of the peoplecentred, inclusive and development oriented Information Society in the ten years since the WSIS?&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) in 2003 and 2005 played an important role in encapsulating the potential of knowledge and information and communication technologies (ICT) to contribute to economic and social development. Over the past ten years, most countries have sought to foster the use of information and knowledge by creating enabling environment for innovation and through efforts to increase access. There have been interventions to develop ICT for development both at an international and national level through private sector investment, bilateral treaties and national strategies.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;However, much of the progress made in the past ten years in terms of getting people connected and reaping the benefits of ICT has not been sufficiently peoplecentred, nor have they been sufficiently inclusive.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;These developments have not been sufficiently peoplecentred, since governments across the world have been using the Internet as a monumental surveillance tool, invading people’s privacy without legitimate justifications, in an arbitrary manner without due care for reasonableness,  proportionality, or democratic accountability. These developments have not been sufficiently peoplecentred, since the largest and most profitable Internet businesses — businesses that have more users than most nationstates have citizens, yet have one-sided terms of service — have eschewed core principles like open standards and interoperability that helped create the Internet and the World Wide Web, and instead promote silos.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;We still reside in a world where development has been very lopsided, and ICTs have contributed to reducing some of these gulfs, while exacerbating others. For instance, persons with visual impairment are largely yet to reap the benefits of the Information Society due to a lack of attention paid to universal, while sighted persons have benefited far more; the ability of persons who don’t speak a language like English to contribute to global Internet governance discussions is severely limited; the spread of academic knowledge largely remains behind prohibitive paywalls.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;As ICTs have grown both in sophistication and reach, much work remains to achieve the peoplecentred, inclusive and developmentoriented information society envisaged in WSIS. While the diffusion of ICTs has created new opportunities for development, even today less than half the world has access to broadband (with only eleven per cent of the world’s population having access to fixed broadband). See &lt;a class="external-link" href="http://www.itu.int/en/ITUD/Statistics/Documents/facts/ICTFactsFigures2015.pdf"&gt;International Telecommunication Union, ICT Facts and Figures: The World in 2015&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Ninety per cent of people connected come from the industrialized countries — North America (thirty per cent), Europe (thirty per cent) and the AsiaPacific (thirty per cent). Four billion people from developing countries remain offline, representing two-thirds of the population residing in developing countries. Of the nine hundred and forty million people residing in Least Developed Countries (LDCs), only eighty-nine million use the Internet and only seven per cent of households have Internet access, compared with the world average of forty-six per cent. See &lt;a class="external-link" href="http://www.itu.int/en/ITUD/Statistics/Documents/facts/ICTFactsFigures2015.pdf"&gt;International Telecommunication Union, ICT Facts and Figures: The World in 2015&lt;/a&gt;. This digital divide is first and foremost a question of access to basic infrastructure (like electricity).&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Furthermore, there is a problem of affordability, all the more acute since in the South in comparison with countries of the North due to the high costs related to access to the connection. Further, linguistic, educational, cultural and content related barriers are also contributing to this digital divide. Growth of restrictive regimes around intellectual property, vision of the equal and connected society. Security of critical infrastructure with in light of ever growing vulnerabilities, the loss of trust following revelations around mass surveillance and a lack of consensus on how to tackle these concerns are proving to be a challenge to the vision of a connected information society. The WSIS+10 overall review is timely and a much needed intervention in assessing the progress made and planning for the challenges ahead.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;There were two bodies as major outcomes of the WSIS process: the Internet Governance Forum and the Digital Solidarity Fund, with both of these largely failing to achieve their intended goals. The Internet Governance Forum, which is meant to be a leading example of “multi-stakeholder governance” is also a leading example of what the Multi-stakeholder Advisory Group (MAG) noted in 2010 as “‘black box’ approach”, with the entire process around the nomination and selection of the MAG being opaque. Indeed, when CIS requested the IGF Secretariat to share information on the nominators, we were told that this information will not be made private. Five years since the MAG lamented its own blackbox nature, things have scarcely improved. Further, analysis of MAG membership since 2006 shows that 26 persons have served for 6 years or more, with the majority of them being from government, industry, or the technical community. Unsurprisingly, 36 per cent of the MAG membership has come from the WEOG group, highlighting both deficiencies in the nomination/selection&lt;br /&gt;process as well as the need for capacity building in this most important area. The Digital Solidarity Fund failed for a variety of reason, which we have analysed in a &lt;a class="external-link" href="https://docs.google.com/document/d/1E0HKY06744b6i2slR5HMk9Qd6I7zPFWJlKSmhsneAs/ edit"&gt;separate document&lt;/a&gt; annexed to this response.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;b&gt;What are the challenges to the implementation of WSIS outcomes?&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Some of the key areas that need attention going forward and need to be addressed include:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Access to Infrastructure&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Developing policies aimed at promoting innovation and increasing affordable access to hardware and software, and curbing the ill effects of the currentlyexcessive patent and copyright regimes.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Focussing global energies on solutions to lastmile access to the Internet in a manner that is not decoupled from developmental ground realities.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;This would include policies on spectrum sharing, freeing up underutilized spectrum, and increasing unlicensed spectrum.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;This would also include governmental policies on increasing competition among Internet providers at the last mile as well as at the backbone (both nationally and internationally), as well as commitments for investments in basic infrastructure such as an openaccess national fibreoptic backbone where the private sector investment is not sufficient.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Developing policies that encourage local Internet and communications infrastructure in the form of Internet exchange points, data centres, community broadcasting.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Access to Knowledges&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;As the Washington Declaration on IP and the Public Interest5 points out, the enclosure of the public domain and knowledge commons through expansive “intellectual property” laws and policies has only gotten worse with digital technologies, leading to an unjust allocation of information goods, and continuing royalty outflows from the global South to a handful of developing countries. This is not sustainable, and urgent action is needed to achieve more democratic IP laws, and prevent developments such as extra judicial enforcement mechanisms such as digital restrictions management systems from being incorporated within Web standards.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Aggressive development of policies and adoption of best practices to ensure that persons with disabilities are not treated as secondgrade citizens, but are able to fully and equally participate in and benefit from the Information Society.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Despite the rise of video content on the Internet, much of that has been in parts of the world with already high literacy, and language and illiteracy continue to pose barriers to full usage of the Internet.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;While the Tunis Agenda highlighted the need to address communities marginalized in Information Society discourse, including youth, older persons, women, indigenous peoples, people with disabilities, and remote and rural communities, but not much progress has been seen on this front.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Rights, Trust, and Governance&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Ensuring effective and sustainable participation especially from developing countries and marginalised communities. Developing governance mechanisms that are accountable, transparent and provide checks against both unaccountable commercial interests as well as governments.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Building citizen trust through legitimate, accountable and transparent governance mechanisms.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Ensuring cooperation between states as security is influenced by global foreign policy, and is of principal importance to citizens and consumers, and an enabler of other rights.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;As the Manila Principles on Intermediary Liability show, uninformed intermediary liability policies, blunt and heavy handed regulatory measures, failing to meet the principles of necessity and proportionality, and a lack of consistency across these policies has resulted in censorship and other human rights abuses by governments and private parties, limiting individuals’ rights to free expression and creating an environment of uncertainty that also impedes innovation online. In developing, adopting, and reviewing legislation, policies and practices that govern the liability of intermediaries, interoperable and harmonized regimes that can promote innovation while respecting users’ rights in line with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights are needed and should be encouraged.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;An important challenge before the Information Society is that of the rise of “quantified society”, where enormous amounts of data are generated constantly, leading to great possibilities and grave concerns regarding privacy and data protection.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Reducing tensions arising from the differences between cultural and digital nationalism including on issues such as data sovereignty, data localisation, unfair trade and the need to have open markets.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Currently, there is a lack of internationally recognized venues accessible to all stakeholders for not only discussing but also acting upon many of these issues.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;b&gt;What should be the priorities in seeking to achieve WSIS outcomes and progress towards the Information Society, taking into account emerging trends?&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;All the challenges mentioned above should be a priority in achieving WSIS outcomes and ensuring innovation to lead social and economic progress in society. Digital literacy, multilingualism and addressing privacy and user data related issues need urgent attention in the global agenda. Enabling increased citizen participation thus accounting for the diverse voices that make the Internet a unique medium should also be treated as priority. Renewing the IGF mandate and giving it teeth by adopting indicators for development and progress, periodic review and working towards tangible outcomes would be beneficial to achieving the goal of a connected information society.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;b&gt;What are general expectations from the WSIS + 10 High Level Meeting of the United Nations General Assembly?&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;We would expect the WSIS+10 High Level Meeting to endorse an outcome document that seeks to d evelop a comprehensive policy framework addressing the challenges highlighted above . It would also be beneficial, if the outcome document could identify further steps to assess development made so far, and actions for overcoming the identified challenges. Importantly, this should not only be aimed at governments, but at all stakeholders. This would be useful as a future road map for regulation and would also allow us to understand the impact of Internet on society.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;b&gt;What shape should the outcome document take?&lt;/b&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The outcome document should be a resolution of the UN General Assembly, with high level policy statements and adopted agreements to work towards identified indicators. It should stress the urgency of reforms needed for ICT governance that is democratic, respectful of human rights and social justice and promotes participatory policymaking. The language should promote the use of technologies and institutional architectures of governance that ensure users’ rights over data and information and recognize the need to restrict abusive use of technologies including those used for mass surveillance. Further, the outcome document should underscore the relevance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, including civil, political, social, economic, and cultural rights, in the Information Society.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;The outcome document should also acknowledge that certain issues such as security, ensuring transnational rights, taxation, and other such cross jurisdictional issues may need greater international cooperation and should include concrete steps on how to proceed on these issues. The outcome document should acknowledge the limited progress made through outcome-less multi-stakeholder governance processes such as the Internet Governance Forum, which favour status quoism, and seek to enable the IGF to be more bold in achieving its original goals, which are still relevant. It should be frank in its acknowledgement of the lack of consensus on issues such as “enhanced cooperation” and the “respective roles” of stakeholders in multi-stakeholder processes, as brushing these difficulties under the carpet won’t help in magically building consensus. Further, the outcome document should recognize that there are varied approaches to multi-stakeholder governance.&lt;/p&gt;
        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-unga-wsis-review'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-unga-wsis-review&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>jyoti</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>WSIS+10</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2015-08-09T16:24:04Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-the-un-special-rapporteur-on-freedom-of-speech-and-expression-surveillance-industry-and-human-rights">
    <title>CIS Submission to the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Speech and Expression: Surveillance Industry and Human Rights</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-the-un-special-rapporteur-on-freedom-of-speech-and-expression-surveillance-industry-and-human-rights</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;CIS responded to the call for submissions from the UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Speech and Expression. The submission was on the Surveillance Industry and Human Rights.&lt;/b&gt;
        
&lt;p&gt;CIS is grateful for the opportunity to submit the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on call for submissions on the surveillance industry and human rights.1 Over the last decade, CIS has worked extensively on research around state and private surveillance around the world. In this response, individuals working at CIS wish to highlight these programs, with a special focus on India.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The response can be accessed &lt;a href="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/resources/the-surveillance-industry-and-human-rights.pdf"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;

        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-the-un-special-rapporteur-on-freedom-of-speech-and-expression-surveillance-industry-and-human-rights'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-the-un-special-rapporteur-on-freedom-of-speech-and-expression-surveillance-industry-and-human-rights&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>Elonnai Hickok, Arindrajit Basu, Gurshabad Grover, Akriti Bopanna, Shweta Mohandas, Martyna Kalvaityte</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>Human Rights</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Surveillance</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2019-02-20T10:48:24Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-the-committee-of-experts-on-a-data-protection-framework-for-india">
    <title>CIS Submission to the Committee of Experts on a Data Protection Framework for India</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-the-committee-of-experts-on-a-data-protection-framework-for-india</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;This submission presents comments by the Centre for Internet and Society, India (“CIS”) on the ‘White Paper of the Committee of Experts on a Data Protection Framework for India’ (“White Paper”) released by the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology. The White paper was drafted by a Committee of Expert (“Committee”) constituted by the Ministry. CIS has conducted research on the issues of privacy, data protection and data security since 2010 and is thankful for the opportunity to put forth its views. The submission was made on January 31, 2018.&lt;/b&gt;
        &lt;p&gt;&lt;span&gt;The submission is divided into four parts — I. Preliminary, II. Scope and Exemption, III. Grounds of Processing, Obligations of Entities and Individual Rights and IV. Regulation and Enforcement. The submission follows the same the order as adopted by the White Paper.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h4&gt;&lt;/h4&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;b&gt;Please access the &lt;a class="external-link" href="http://cis-india.org/internet-governance/files/data-protection-submission"&gt;full submission here&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/b&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-the-committee-of-experts-on-a-data-protection-framework-for-india'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-to-the-committee-of-experts-on-a-data-protection-framework-for-india&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>amber</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Data Protection</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Privacy</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2018-04-18T16:39:11Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-on-ccwg-accountability-2nd-draft-proposal-on-work-stream-1-recommendations">
    <title>CIS Submission on CCWG-Accountability 2nd Draft Proposal on Work Stream 1 Recommendations</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-on-ccwg-accountability-2nd-draft-proposal-on-work-stream-1-recommendations</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;The Centre for Internet &amp; Society (CIS) submitted the below to ICANN's CCWG-Accountability.&lt;/b&gt;
        &lt;p&gt;The CCWG Accountability proposal is longer than many countries' constitutions.  Given that, we will keep our comments brief, addressing a very limited set of the issues in very broad terms.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;Human Rights&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;ICANN is unique in many ways.  It is a global regulator that has powers of taxation to fund its own operation.  ICANN is not a mere corporation. For such a regulator, ensuring fair process (what is often referred to as "natural justice") as well as substantive human rights (such as the freedom of expression, right against discrimination, right to privacy, and cultural diversity), are important.  Given this, the narrow framing of "free expression and the free flow of information" in Option 1, we believe Option 2 is preferable.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h3 style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Diversity&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;We are glad that diversity is being recognized as an important principle.  As we noted during the open floor session at ICANN49: [We are] extremely concerned about the accountability of ICANN to the global community.  Due to various decisions made by the US government relating to ICANN's birth, ICANN has had a troubled history with legitimacy.  While it has managed to gain and retain the confidence of the technical community, it still lacks political legitimacy due to its history.  The NTIA's decision has presented us an opportunity to correct this.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;However, ICANN can't hope to do so without going beyond the current ICANN community, which while nominally being 'multistakeholder' and open to all, grossly under-represents those parts of the world that aren't North America and Western Europe.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Of the 1010 ICANN-accredited registrars, 624 are from the United States, and 7 from the 54 countries of Africa.  In a session yesterday, a large number of the policies that favour entrenched incumbents from richer countries were discussed.  But without adequate representation from poorer countries, and adequate representation from the rest of the world's Internet population, there is no hope of changing these policies.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;This is true not just of the business sector, but of all the 'stakeholders' that are part of global Internet policymaking, whether they follow the ICANN multistakeholder model or another.  A look at the board members of the Internet Architecture Board, for instance, would reveal how skewed the technical community can be, whether in terms of geographic or gender diversity.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Without greater diversity within the global Internet policymaking communities, there is no hope of equity, respect for human rights — civil, political, cultural, social and economic — and democratic functioning, no matter how 'open' the processes seem to be, and no hope of ICANN accountability either.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Meanwhile, there are those who are concerned that diversity should not prevail over skill and experience.  Those who have the greatest skill and experience will be those who are insiders in the ICANN system.  To believe that being an insider in the ICANN system ought to be privileged over diversity is wrong.  A call for diversity isn't just political correctness.  It is essential for legitimacy of ICANN as a globally-representative body, and not just one where the developed world (primarily US-based persons) makes policies for the whole globe, which is what it has so far been.  Of course, this cannot be corrected overnight, but it is crucial that this be a central focus of the accountability initiative.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h3 style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Jurisdiction, Membership Models and Voting Rights&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;The Sole-Member Community Mechanism (SMCM) that has been proposed seems in large part the best manner provided under Californian law relating to public benefit corporations of dealing with accountability issues, and is the lynchpin of the whole accountability mechanism under workstream.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;However, the jurisdictional analysis laid down in 11.3 will only be completed post-transition, as part of workstream. Thus the SMCM may not necessarily be the best model under a different legal jurisdiction. It would be useful to discuss the dependency between these more clearly.  In this vein, it is essential that the Article XVIII Section 1 not be designated a fundamental bylaw.  Further, it would be useful to add that for some limited aspects of the transition (such as IANA functioning), ICANN should seek to enter into a host country agreement to provide legal immunity, thus providing a qualification to para 125 ("ICANN accountability requires compliance with applicable legislation, in jurisdictions where it operates.") since the IANA functions operator ought not be forced by a country not to honour requests made by, for example, North Korea.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;It should also be noted that accountability needs independence, which may be of two kinds: independence of financial source, and independence of appointment.  From what one could gather from the CCWG proposal, the Independent Review Panel will be funded by the budget the ICANN Board prepares, while the appointment process is still unclear.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;One of the most important accountability mechanisms with regard to the IANA functions is that of changing the IANA Functions Operator.  As per the CWG Stewardship's current proposal, the "Post-Transition IANA" won't be an entity that is independent of ICANN.  If the PTI's governance is permanently made part of ICANN's fundamental bylaws (as an affiliate controlled by ICANN), how is it proposed that the IFO be moved from PTI to some other entity if the IANA Functions Review Team so decides? Additionally, for such an important function, the composition of the IFRT should not be left unspecified.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;While it is welcome that a separation is proposed between the IANA budget and budget for rest of ICANN's functioning, the current discussion around budgets seems to be based on the assumption that all IANA functions will be funded by ICANN, whereas if the IANA functions are separated, each community might fund it separately.  That provides two levels of insulation to IANA functions operator(s): separate sources of operational revenue, as well as separate budgets within ICANN.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;It should be noted that there have been some responses that express concern about the shifting of existing power structures within ICANN through some of the proposed alternative voting allocations in the SMCM. However, rather than present arguments as to why these shifts would be beneficial or harmful for ICANN's overall accountability, these responses seem to assume that shift from the current power structures are harmful.  This is an unfounded assumption and cannot be a valid reason, nor can speculation of how the United States Congress will behave be a valid reason for rejecting an otherwise valid proposal.  If there are harms, they ought to be clearly articulated: shifts from the status quo and fear of the US Congress aren't valid harms.  Thus, while it is important to consider how different voting rights models might change the status quo while arriving at any judgments, that cannot be the sole criterion for judgment of its merits.  Further, as the French government notes:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;[T]he French Government still considers that linking Stress Test 18 to a risk of capture of ICANN by governments and NTIA’s requirement that no “government-led or intergovernmental organization solution would be acceptable”, makes no sense. . . . Logically, the risk of capture of ICANN by governments in the future is as low as it is now and in any case, it cannot lead to a “government-led or intergovernmental organization solution”.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;While dealing with the question of relative voting proportions, the community must remembered that not all parts of the world are equally developed with regard to the domain name industry and with respect to civil society as those countries in North America, Western Europe, and other developed nations, and thus may not find adequate representation via the SOs.  In many parts of the world, civil society organizations — especially those focussed on Internet governance and domain name policies — are non-existent.  Thus a system that privileges the SOs to the exclusion of other components of a multistakeholder governance model would not be representative or diverse.  A multistakeholder model cannot disproportionately represent business interests over all other interests.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;In this regard, the comments of former ICANN Chairperson, Rod Beckstrom, at ICANN43 ought to be recalled:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;ICANN must be able to act for the public good while placing commercial and financial interests in the appropriate context . . . How can it do this if all top leadership is from the very domain name industry it is supposed to coordinate independently?&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;As Kieren McCarthy points out about ICANN:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;The Board does have too many conflicted members&lt;br /&gt;The NomCom is full of conflicts&lt;br /&gt;There are not enough independent voices within the organization&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Reforms in these ought to be as crucial to accountability as the membership model.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;The current mechanisms for ensuring transparency, such as the DIDP process, are wholly inadequate.  We have summarized our experience with the DIDP process, and how often we were denied information on baseless grounds in this &lt;a class="external-link" href="http://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/table-of-cis-didp-requests"&gt;table&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-on-ccwg-accountability-2nd-draft-proposal-on-work-stream-1-recommendations'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-submission-on-ccwg-accountability-2nd-draft-proposal-on-work-stream-1-recommendations&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>pranesh</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>ICANN</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2015-11-23T14:58:58Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-statement-on-right-to-privacy-judgment">
    <title>CIS Statement on Right to Privacy Judgment</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-statement-on-right-to-privacy-judgment</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;In an emphatic endorsement of the right to privacy, a nine judge constitutional bench unanimously upheld a fundamental right to privacy. The events leading to this bench began during the hearings in the ongoing Aadhaar case, when in August 2015, Mukul Rohatgi, the then Attorney General stated that there is no constitutionally guaranteed right to privacy.&lt;/b&gt;
        
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;reliance was on two Supreme Court judgments in MP Sharma v Satish Chandra (1954) and Kharak Singh v State of Uttar Pradesh (1962): both cases, decided by eight- and six-judge benches respectively, denied the existence of a constitutional right to privacy. As the subsequent judgments which upheld the right to privacy were by smaller benches, he claimed that MP Sharma and Kharak Singh still prevailed over them, until they were overruled by a larger bench. This landmark judgment was in response to a referral order to clear the confusion over the status of privacy as a right.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;We, at the Centre for Internet and Society (CIS) welcome this judgement and applaud the depth and scope of the Supreme Court’s reasoning. CIS has been producing research on the different aspects of the right to privacy and its implications for the last seven years and had the privilege of serving on the Justice AP Shah Committee and contributing to the Report of the Group of Experts on Privacy.&lt;a name="fr1" href="#fn1"&gt;[1]&lt;/a&gt; We are honoured that some of our research has also been cited by the judgment.&lt;a name="fr2" href="#fn2"&gt;[2] &lt;/a&gt;Such judicial recognition is evidence of the impact sound research can have on policymaking.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal"&gt;In the course of a 547 page judgment, the bench affirmed the fundamental nature of the right to privacy reading it into the values of dignity and liberty. The judgment is instructive in its reference to scholarly works and jurisprudence not only in India but other legal systems such as USA, South Africa, EU and UK, while recognising a broad right to privacy with various dimensions across spatial, informational and decisional spheres. We note with special appreciation that women’s bodily integrity and citizens’ sexual orientation are among those aspects of privacy that were clearly recognised in the judgment. For researchers studying privacy and its importance, this judgment is of great value as it provides clear reasoning to reject oft-quoted arguments which are used to deny privacy’s significance. The judgement is also cognizant of the implications of the digital age and emphasise the need for a robust data protection framework.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal"&gt;The right to privacy has been read into into Article 21 (Right to life and liberty), and Part III (Chapter on Fundamental Rights) of the Constitution. This means that any limitation on the right in the form of reasonable restrictions must not only satisfy the tests evolved under Article 21, but where loss of privacy leads to infringement on other rights, such as chilling effects of surveillance on free speech, the tests for constitutionality under those provisions for also be satisfied by the limiting action. This provides a broad protection to citizens’ privacy which may not be easily restricted. We expect that this judgment will have far reaching impacts, not just with respect to the immediate Aadhaar case, but also to in a score of other matters such as protection of sexual choice by decriminalising Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, oversight of statutory search and seizure provisions such as Section 132 of the Income Tax Act, personal data collection and processing practices by both state and private actors and mass surveillance programmes in the interest of national security.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal"&gt;As this judgment comes in response to a referral order, the judges were not dealing with any questions of fact to ground the legal principles in. Subsequent judgments which deal with privacy will apply these principles and further evolve the contours of this right on a case-by-case basis. For now, we welcome this judgment and look forward to its consistent application in the future.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;p&gt;[&lt;a name="fn1" href="#fr1"&gt;1&lt;/a&gt;]. http://planningcommission.nic.in/reports/genrep/rep_privacy.pdf&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;" class="normal"&gt;[&lt;a name="fn2" href="#fr2"&gt;2&lt;/a&gt;]. CIS was quoted in the judgement on footnote 46, page 33 and 34: &lt;a href="http://supremecourtofindia.nic.in/pdf/LU/ALL%20WP(C)%20No.494%20of%202012%20Right%20to%20Privacy.pdf"&gt;http://supremecourtofindia.nic.in/pdf/LU/ALL%20WP(C)%20No.494%20of%202012%20Right%20to%20Privacy.pdf &lt;/a&gt;The quote is " Illustratively, the Centre for Internet and Society has two interesting articles tracing the origin of privacy within Classical Hindu Law and Islamic Law. See Ashna Ashesh and Bhairav Acharya ,“Locating Constructs of Privacy within Classical Hindu Law”, The Centre for Internet and Society, available at &lt;a href="https://cis-india.org/internet-"&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-&lt;/a&gt;governance/blog/loading-constructs-of-privacy-within-classical-hindu-law. See also Vidushi Marda and Bhairav Acharya, “Identifying Aspects of Privacy in Islamic Law”, The Centre for Internet and Society, available at &lt;a href="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/identifying-aspects-of-privacy-in-islamic-law"&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/identifying-aspects-of-privacy-in-islamic-law&lt;/a&gt; " Further, research commissioned by CIS cited in the judgment includes a reference in page 201 footnote 319, "Bhairav Acharya, “The Four Parts of Privacy in India”, Economic &amp;amp; Political Weekly (2015), Vol. 50 Issue 22, at page 32."&amp;nbsp;&lt;/p&gt;

        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-statement-on-right-to-privacy-judgment'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-statement-on-right-to-privacy-judgment&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>amber</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>Featured</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Privacy</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2017-08-31T18:13:14Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/icann49-public-forum-statement">
    <title>CIS Statement at ICANN 49's Public Forum</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/icann49-public-forum-statement</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;This was a statement made by Pranesh Prakash at the ICANN 49 meeting (on March 27, 2014), arguing that ICANN's bias towards the North America and Western Europe result in a lack of legitimacy, and hoping that the IANA transition process provides an opportunity to address this.&lt;/b&gt;
        &lt;p&gt;Good afternoon. My name is Pranesh Prakash, and I'm with the Yale Information Society Project and the Centre for Internet and Society.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;I am extremely concerned about the accountability of ICANN to the global community.  Due to various decisions made by the US government relating to ICANN's birth, ICANN has had a troubled history with legitimacy.  While it has managed to gain and retain the confidence of the technical community, it still lacks political legitimacy due to its history.  The NTIA's decision has presented us an opportunity to correct this.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;However, ICANN can't hope to do so without going beyond the current ICANN community, which while nominally being 'multistakeholder' and open to all, grossly under-represents those parts of the world that aren't North America and Western Europe.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Of the 1010 ICANN-accredited registrars, 624 are from the United States, and 7 from the 54 countries of Africa.  In a session yesterday, a large number of the policies that favour entrenched incumbents from richer countries were discussed.  But without adequate representation from poorer countries, and adequate representation from the rest of the world's Internet population, there is no hope of changing these policies.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;This is true not just of the business sector, but of all the 'stakeholders' that are part of global Internet policymaking, whether they follow the ICANN multistakeholder model or another.  A look at the boardmembers of the Internet Architecture Board, for instance, would reveal how skewed the technical community can be, whether in terms of geographic or gender diversity.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Without greater diversity within the global Internet policymaking communities, there is no hope of equity, respect for human rights -- civil, political, cultural, social and economic --, and democratic funtioning, no matter how 'open' the processes seem to be, and no hope of ICANN accountability either.&lt;/p&gt;
        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/icann49-public-forum-statement'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/icann49-public-forum-statement&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>pranesh</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>IANA</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>IG4all</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Accountability</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>ICANN</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>North vs South</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2014-06-04T05:31:44Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-seminar-series-information-disorder">
    <title>CIS Seminar Series: Information Disorder </title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-seminar-series-information-disorder</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;The Centre for Internet and Society is announcing the launch of a seminar series to showcase research around digital rights and technology policy, with a focus on the Global South.&lt;/b&gt;
        
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;The CIS seminar series will be a venue for researchers to share works-in-progress, exchange ideas, identify avenues for collaboration, and curate research. We also seek to mitigate the impact of Covid-19 on research exchange, and foster collaborations among researchers and academics from diverse geographies. Every quarter we will be hosting a remote seminar with presentations, discussions and debate on a thematic area.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Seminar format&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;We are happy to welcome abstracts for one of two tracks:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;Working paper presentation&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt; A working paper presentation would ideally involve a working draft that is presented for about 15 minutes followed by feedback from workshop participants. Abstracts for this track should be 600-800 words in length with clear research questions, methodology, and questions for discussion at the seminar. Ideally, for this track, authors should be able to submit a draft paper two weeks before the conference for circulation to participants.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h3&gt; Coffee-shop conversations&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;In contrast to the formal paper presentation format, the point of the coffee-shop conversations is to enable an informal space for presentation and discussion of ideas. Simply put, it is an opportunity for researchers to “think out loud” and get feedback on future research agendas. Provocations for this should be 100-150 words containing a short description of the idea you want to discuss.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;We will try to accommodate as many abstracts as possible given time constraints. We welcome submissions from students and early career researchers, especially those from under-represented communities.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;&lt;em&gt;All discussions will be private and conducted under the Chatham House Rule. Drafts will only be circulated among registered participants.&lt;/em&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;Please send all abstracts to&amp;nbsp;&lt;a href="mailto:workshops@cis-india.org"&gt;workshops@cis-india.org&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;Theme for the first seminar (to be held on an online platform)&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;&lt;strong&gt; &lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;The first seminar will be centered around the theme of ‘Information Disorder&lt;strong&gt;: &lt;em&gt;Mis-,&amp;nbsp; Dis- and Malinformation&lt;/em&gt;.’&lt;/strong&gt; While the issue of information disorder, colloquially termed as ‘fake news’, has been in the political forefront for the last five years, the flawed attempts at countering the ‘infodemic’ brought about by the pandemic proves that there still continues to be substantial gaps in the body-of-knowledge on this issue. This includes research that proposes empirical, replicable methods of understanding the types, forms or nature of information disorder or research that attempts to understand regulatory approaches, the layers of production and the roles played by different agents in the spread of ‘fake news’.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;Accordingly, we invite submissions that address these gaps in knowledge, including those that examine the relationship between digital technology and information disorder across a spectrum of fields and disciplines. Areas of interest include but are not limited to:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ol style="text-align: justify;"&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Information      disorders during COVID-19&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Effects of      coordinated campaigns on marginalised communities&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Journalism,      the State, and the trust in media &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Platform      responsibility in information disorder &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Information      disorder in international law/constitutional/human rights law&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Information      disorder as a geopolitical tool&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Sociopolitical      and cultural factors in user engagement&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ol&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;&lt;strong&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Timeline&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ol style="text-align: justify;"&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Abstract      Submission Deadline: August 25th&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Results of      Abstract review: September 8th&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Full      submissions (of draft papers): September 30th&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Seminar      date: Tentatively October 7th&lt;/li&gt;&lt;/ol&gt;
&lt;div style="text-align: justify;"&gt;&amp;nbsp;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Contact details&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify;"&gt;For any queries please contact us at &lt;a href="mailto:workshops@cis-india.org"&gt;workshops@cis-india.org&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;

        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-seminar-series-information-disorder'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-seminar-series-information-disorder&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>aman</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>Digital Economy</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Digital Access</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Digital Disruption</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Information Technology</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2021-08-11T11:17:57Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Page</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-seminar-series">
    <title>CIS Seminar Series</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-seminar-series</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;The CIS seminar series will be a venue for researchers to share works-in-progress, exchange ideas, identify avenues for collaboration, and curate research. We also seek to mitigate the impact of Covid-19 on research exchange, and foster collaborations among researchers and academics from diverse geographies. Every quarter we will be hosting a remote seminar with presentations, discussions and debate on a thematic area. &lt;/b&gt;
        &lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;The first seminar series was held on 7th and 8th October on the theme of &lt;a href="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-seminar-series-information-disorder"&gt;‘Information Disorder: Mis-,  Dis- and Malinformation’&lt;/a&gt;,&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h3 style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Theme for the Second Seminar (to be held online)&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;Moderating Data, Moderating Lives:  Debating visions of (automated) content moderation in the contemporary&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Machine Learning (ML) based approaches have become increasingly popular as “solutions” to curb the extent of mis-, dis- mal-information, hate speech, online violence and harassment on social media. The pandemic and the ensuing work from home policy forced many platforms to shift to automated moderation which further highlighted the inefficacy of existing models (&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?u73Lwx"&gt;Gillespie, 2020)&lt;/a&gt; to deal with the surge in misinformation and harassment. These efforts, however, raise a range of interrelated concerns such as freedom and regulation of speech on the privately public sphere of social media platforms; algorithmic governance, censorship and surveillance; the relation between virality, hate, algorithmic design and profits; and social, political and cultural implications of ordering social relations through computational logics of AI/ML.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;On one hand, large-scale content moderation approaches (that include automated AI/ML-based approaches) have been deemed “necessary” given the enormity of data generated &lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?JHQ0rF"&gt;(Gillespie, 2020)&lt;/a&gt;, on the other hand, they have been regarded as “technological fixtures” offered by the Silicon Valley &lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?YLFnLm"&gt;(Morozov, 2013)&lt;/a&gt;, or “tyrannical” as they erode existing democratic measures &lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?Ia8JYp"&gt;(Harari, 2018)&lt;/a&gt;. Alternatively, decolonial, feminist and postcolonial approaches insist on designing AI/ML models that centre voices of those excluded to sustain and further civic spaces on social media (&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?1Sa8vf"&gt;Siapera, 2022)&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;From the global south perspective, issues around content moderation foreground the hierarchies inbuilt in the existing knowledge infrastructures. First, platforms remain unwilling to moderate content in under-resourced languages of the global south citing technological difficulties. Second, given the scale and reach of social media platforms and inefficient moderation models, the work is outsourced to workers in the global south who are meant to do the dirty work of scavenging content off these platforms for the global north. Such concerns allow us to interrogate the techno-solutionist approaches as well as their critiques situated in the global north. These realities demand that we articulate a different relationship with AI/ML while also being critical of AI/ML as an instrument of social empowerment for those at the “bottom of the pyramid” &lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?bvx6mV"&gt;(Arora, 2016)&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;The seminar invites scholars interested in articulating nuanced responses to content moderation that take into account the harms perpetrated by algorithmic governance of social relations and irresponsible intermediaries while being cognizant of the harmful effects of mis-, dis- mal-information, hate speech, online violence and harassment on social media.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;We invite abstract submissions that respond to these complexities vis-a-vis content moderation models or propose provocations regarding automated moderation models and their in/efficacy in furthering egalitarian relationships on social media, especially in the global south.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Submissions can reflect on the following themes using legal, policy, social, cultural and political approaches. Also, the list is not exhaustive and abstracts addressing other ancillary concerns are most welcome:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;ul&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Metaphors of (content) moderation: mediating utopia, dystopia, scepticism surrounding AI/ML approaches to moderation.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;From toxic to healthy, from purity to impurity: Interrogating gendered, racist, colonial tropes used to legitimize content moderation &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Negotiating the link between content moderation, censorship and surveillance in the global south&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Whose values decide what is and is not harmful? &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Challenges of building moderation models for under resourced languages.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Content moderation, algorithmic governance and social relations. &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Communicating algorithmic governance on social media to the not so “tech-savvy” among us.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Speculative horizons of content moderation and the future of social relations on the internet. &lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Scavenging abuse on social media: Immaterial/invisible labour for making for-profit platforms safer to use.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Do different platforms moderate differently? Interrogating content moderation on diverse social media platforms, and multimedia content.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;What should and should not be automated? Understanding prevalence of irony, sarcasm, humour, explicit language as counterspeech.&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Maybe we should not automate: Alternative, bottom-up approaches to content moderation&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ul&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;Seminar Format&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p&gt;We are happy to welcome abstracts for one of two tracks:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Working paper presentation&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;A working paper presentation would ideally involve a working draft that is presented for about 15 minutes followed by feedback from workshop participants. Abstracts for this track should be 600-800 words in length with clear research questions, methodology, and questions for discussion at the seminar. Ideally, for this track, authors should be able to submit a draft paper two weeks before the conference for circulation to participants.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;strong&gt;Coffee-shop conversations&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;In contrast to the formal paper presentation format, the point of the coffee-shop conversations is to enable an informal space for presentation and discussion of ideas. Simply put, it is an opportunity for researchers to “think out loud” and get feedback on future research agendas. Provocations for this should be 100-150 words containing a short description of the idea you want to discuss.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;We will try to accommodate as many abstracts as possible given time constraints. We welcome submissions from students and early career researchers, especially those from under-represented communities.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;All discussions will be private and conducted under the Chatham House Rule. Drafts will only be circulated among registered participants.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Please send your abstracts to &lt;a href="mailto:workshops@cis-india.org"&gt;workshops@cis-india.org&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;Timeline&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;div id="_mcePaste"&gt;&lt;ol&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Abstract Submission Deadline: 18th April&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Results of Abstract review: 25th April&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Full submissions (of draft papers): 25th May&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;li&gt;Seminar date: Tentative 31st May&lt;/li&gt;
&lt;/ol&gt;&lt;/div&gt;
&lt;h3&gt;References&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:justify; "&gt;&lt;span&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;span&gt;Arora, P. (2016). Bottom of the Data Pyramid: Big Data and the Global South. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;International Journal of Communication&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;span&gt;, &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;10&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;span&gt;(0), 19.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:justify; "&gt;&lt;span&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;span&gt;Gillespie, T. (2020). Content moderation, AI, and the question of scale. &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;Big Data &amp;amp; Society&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;span&gt;, &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;7&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;span&gt;(2), 2053951720943234. https://doi.org/10.1177/2053951720943234&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:justify; "&gt;&lt;span&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;span&gt;Harari, Y. N. (2018, August 30). &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;Why Technology Favors Tyranny&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;span&gt;. The Atlantic. https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2018/10/yuval-noah-harari-technology-tyranny/568330/&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align:justify; "&gt;&lt;span&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;span&gt;Morozov, E. (2013). &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;i&gt;&lt;span&gt;To save everything, click here: The folly of technological solutionism&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g"&gt;&lt;span&gt; (First edition). PublicAffairs.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g" style="text-align: justify; "&gt;Siapera, E. (2022). AI Content Moderation, Racism and (de)Coloniality. &lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g" style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;i&gt;International Journal of Bullying Prevention&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g" style="text-align: justify; "&gt;, &lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g" style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;i&gt;4&lt;/i&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://www.zotero.org/google-docs/?ZHb88g" style="text-align: justify; "&gt;(1), 55–65. https://doi.org/10.1007/s42380-021-00105-7&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-seminar-series'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/cis-seminar-series&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>Cheshta Arora</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Machine Learning</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Artificial Intelligence</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Event</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Seminar</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2022-04-11T15:19:11Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>


    <item rdf:about="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/akriti-bopanna-april-28-2019-cis-response-to-icanns-proposed-renewal-of-org-registry">
    <title>CIS Response to ICANN's proposed renewal of .org Registry</title>
    <link>https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/akriti-bopanna-april-28-2019-cis-response-to-icanns-proposed-renewal-of-org-registry</link>
    <description>
        &lt;b&gt;We thank ICANN for the opportunity to comment on this issue of its proposed renewal of the .org Registry Agreement with the operator, Public Interest Registry (PIR). Supporting much of the community , we too find severe issues with the proposed agreement. These centre around the removal of price caps and imposing obligations being currently deliberated in an ongoing Policy Development Process (PDP). &lt;/b&gt;
        &lt;h3&gt;Presumption of Renewal&lt;/h3&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;CIS has, in the past, questioned the need for a presumption of renewal in registry contracts and it is important to emphasize this &lt;a class="external-link" href="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/files/why-presumption-of-renewal-is-unsuitable-for-the-current-regi stry-market-structure"&gt;within the context of this comment as well&lt;/a&gt;. We had, also, asked ICANN for their rationale on having such a practice with reference to their contract with Verisign to which they responded saying:&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p class="callout" style="text-align: justify; "&gt;“Absent countervailing reasons, there is little public benefit, and some significant potential for disruption, in regular changes of a registry operator. In addition, a significant chance of losing the right to operate the registry after a short period creates adverse incentives to &lt;a class="external-link" href="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/didp-request-20-is-presumptive-renewal-of-verisign2019s-contr acts-a-good-thing"&gt;favor short term gain over long term investment&lt;/a&gt;.”&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;This logic can presumably be applied to the .org registry, as well, yet a re-auction of ,even, legacy top-level domains can only serve to further a fair market, promote competition and ensure that existing registries do not become complacent.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;These views were supported in the course of the PDP on Contractual Conditions - Existing Registries in 2006 wherein competition was seen useful for better pricing, operational performance and contributions to registry infrastructure. It was also noted that most service industries incorporate a presumption of competition as opposed to one of renewal.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p style="text-align: justify; "&gt;&lt;a class="external-link" href="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/files/response-to-icanns-proposed-renewal-of-org-registry"&gt; &lt;/a&gt;&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;hr /&gt;
&lt;p&gt;&lt;a class="external-link" href="https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/files/response-to-icanns-proposed-renewal-of-org-registry"&gt; &lt;strong&gt;Download the file&lt;/strong&gt;&lt;/a&gt; to access our full response.&lt;/p&gt;
        &lt;p&gt;
        For more details visit &lt;a href='https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/akriti-bopanna-april-28-2019-cis-response-to-icanns-proposed-renewal-of-org-registry'&gt;https://cis-india.org/internet-governance/blog/akriti-bopanna-april-28-2019-cis-response-to-icanns-proposed-renewal-of-org-registry&lt;/a&gt;
        &lt;/p&gt;
    </description>
    <dc:publisher>No publisher</dc:publisher>
    <dc:creator>akriti</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights></dc:rights>

    
        <dc:subject>Freedom of Speech and Expression</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>ICANN</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>IANA</dc:subject>
    
    
        <dc:subject>Internet Governance</dc:subject>
    

   <dc:date>2019-04-28T02:16:40Z</dc:date>
   <dc:type>Blog Entry</dc:type>
   </item>




</rdf:RDF>
